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VIRUDHUNAGAR: The carnelian beads unearthed during the first phase of the Vembakottai excavation have presumably brought to light the region's trade links with Afghanistan centuries ago.

As per Vembakottai Excavation Director, Pon Baskar, the beads, found in Afghanistan, could have been imported from there to decorate shell bangles, an industry that had been thriving in the region those days. He also cites a copper coin unearthed from the region as a testimony to the existence of trade.

Baskar said many terracotta seals (Vaniga muthirai) have also been unearthed from the site. "While some of the seals are single-dotted, some are six-dotted, some have designs on them and a few have their centre bulged. "Since the site has different seals, it is evident that different groups of people could have come here for work. Each group might have had different seals," he said, adding terracotta weighing units have also been recovered from here.

The excavation which was inaugurated by Thangam Thennarasu, Minister for Department of Industries, Tamil Official Language, Tamil Culture and Archeology along with R Sivanandam, Director of Department of Archaeology, Tamil Nadu, district collector J Meghanath Reddy among others on March 16 ended on September 30. It was carried out on Uchimedu, and 16 trenches had to be dug for it. Baskar said 3,254 antiquities were unearthed during the excavation out of which 60 per cent of the antiquities are shell bangles and glass beads and 20 per cent are terracotta items including, beads, figurines of humans and animals. The rest of the antiquities includes ivory pendants, amethyst, and carnelian beads.

The excavation director said the shell bangles obtained from the site are broken, unfinished, and decorated. "This indicates only the decorative work of the bangles was carried out here. There were neither full shells nor materials used for cutting them. The shells could have been sourced from another place and the cutting works could have been carried out at a different place," he said, adding the fully decorated shell bangles were exported and the waste (recovered during the excavation) was discarded here.Artistic SkillsBaskar pointed out all the decorative works in the shell bangles are done by hand and the designs on the bangles are floral in nature. "A few bangles were also painted red using natural colours. The artwork of performing artistes needs a lot of patience to do. They had done it meticulously," he said.

He further said the shells were sourced from Thoothukudi (where conch picking is a common livelihood even now) and were cut in some other place before transporting it for decoration work. "Many decorated terracotta earrings have also been unearthed from the site," he said.

Leisure activities and Lifestyle

The terracotta items including gamesmen and hopscotches unearthed from the site reveal that people working in the industry had spent their leisure playing games including Paandi. The terracotta figurines of birds and humans were also being used as toys for playing. The evidence of fire activities was found in all 16 trenches. "The activities must have been carried out for making terracotta items," he added.

Around three ivory pendants, and a gold ear ornament were recovered from the region. "This could have been worn by women or the group leader, and they indicate that rich people had lived here," Baskar said, adding the exact time period the artefacts belonged to could only be said after carbon dating.

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Vembakottai excavation throws light on trade link with Afghanistan - The New Indian Express

ISLAMABAD: The Indian apathy towards the people of war-hit Afghanistan stood exposed as the Narendra Modi government revoked the visas of Afghan students enrolled in Indian universities.

According to the media reports, out of an estimated 14,000 Afghan students currently enrolled in 73 Indian universities, about 2,500 have been restrained from returning to India who were desperate to continue their education.

Such a callous Indian attitude towards Afghan people is nothing new as India was among the first nations that closed their missions in Afghanistan, suspended flights between New Delhi and Kabul, and also halted bank payments to the Afghan government.

The Indian governments decision to revoke Afghan students visas has exposed the claims of the Indian governments so-called renewed friendly and humanitarian overtures towards Afghans.

Contrary to India, Pakistan has offered 4,500 fully-funded scholarships to Afghan students in addition to already existing ones.

Since August 2021, out of 60,000 Afghan applications, India has granted less than 300 e-visas and that too to Afghan Sikhs and Hindus which was the manifestation of the Hindutva mindset of the BJP-led government.

In addition to repression at home, drained finances, and visa woes, Afghan students face the apathy of Indian universities. Although Afghan students have paid their dues, students at various Indian universities have cut contact with their Afghan students.

Recently, hundreds of Afghan students also held a demonstration outside the Indian Embassy in Kabul seeking visas to complete their studies in India.

The protesting students still have not been able to return to resume their courses after COVID restrictions were lifted in India.

In a statement, Indian External Affairs Minister (EAM) S. Jaishankar claimed that nobody could doubt Indias feelings for Afghan people.

The Indian media quoted him saying that the visa issuance would be restarted once certain level of trust and efficiency was achieved with Afghanistan, which, according to the analysts manifested the Indian hypocrisy.

Afghan students enrolled in India claim that authorities in the Indian universities often accused them of being potential drug peddlers and terrorists.

Afghanistans Ambassador to India Farid Mamundzay also expressed concerns over New Delhis concerns about security wherein he said that No Afghan citizen has ever carried out any major terror attack in another country, so these students should not be unnecessarily suspected on security grounds.

India has granted 950 scholarships for the upcoming 2022-23 session to only those Afghan students who were already in India for studies, Afghan refugees from 1996-2001 or those Afghans who came to India before August 2021.

Recently, the Indian authorities also unnecessarily delayed the visa of Afghanistan cricketer Asghar Afghan just because his passport has been stamped with Pakistani visa with his family members also living there.

Contrary to this, Pakistan had granted visas to the Afghanistan squad ahead of September 2021 one-day international cricket series in Sri Lanka because they were unable to board flights from their own country following the Taliban takeover.

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Revocation of Afghan students visas exposes Indias apathy towards war-hit Afghanistan - Pakistan Today

by Christelle Comair

The adoption of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda has marked an important turning point in the history of international relations. Global efforts to recognize the varying roles of women within peace and security have opened the way for an effective and much-needed reconceptualization of international security. However, despite documented advances in the implementation of the WPS agendas four pillars of participation, protection, prevention, and relief and recovery, most of its transformational potential remains untapped.

In fact, as we enter the third decade since the adoption of the agenda, significant challenges and obstacles have arisen in its translation on the ground. Particularly, an increasing number of activists are voicing their concern about mechanisms of securitization associated with the interpretation and implementation of the WPS agenda. Referring to the process of prioritizing certain issues usually deemed a threat as politically significant, securitization is a non-neutral political mechanism of interpretation that can have both useful and limiting effects at the policy level. For example, it can lead to limiting calls for womens inclusion to the security field, therefore constraining policy responses to narrow militaristic solutions instead of supporting womens contributions to all dimensions of peace. It also tends to overlook everyday politics and everyday practices that support peace more broadly.

Instrumentalizations of the WPS agenda have become even more salient in todays international context, marked by increased structural complexity and contested international norms. With the aim of avoiding contradictory policies and practices, these processes should be carefully examined within the specific settings in which they occur. Particularly, expanding feminist research on the participation of women in peace processes and conflict resolution will be key to understanding how these mechanisms take root. A close look at the field of international conflict resolution offers an ideal entry point to effectively address potential policy contradictions, including over-securitization, throughout the four pillars.

Focusing on womens participation in international mediation

The conflict resolution field currently faces challenges that echo the overall fragmentation and increased polarization observed at the international level. These challenges include a complexification of issues to be addressed, the proliferation of conflict interveners, difficult coordination mechanisms in multiparty mediation schemes, and a lack of leadership for peace that can provide supporting structure and agency. The management of the Syrian and Libyan civil wars are examples of internationalized conflicts for which United Nations (UN) and other peacemaking initiatives were lacking strong international and regional consensus that would support conclusive peacemaking initiatives.

Despite the expansion and increased professionalization of the conflict resolution field, achieving sustainable peace and assessing the overall effectiveness of peace processes is becoming very difficult. In this regard, international mediation needs special attention. Mediation processes specifically have become a privileged tool of conflict resolution in international relations. Given its non-binding nature, it provides a suitable framework for flexible and creative conflict resolution schemes. However, as it is becoming widely used as part of mere political communication strategies in contexts of crises and urgency, it has lost its conflict resolution and prevention capacity to the limited function of crisis management.

Today it is well accepted that womens participation in peace processes is correlated with more sustainable peace agreements. Since the adoption of the WPS agenda, the participation of women in peace processes via womens organizations has been increasing. However, studies looking at the participation of women as mediators or negotiators in peace processes are less encouraging, despite the persistent call for greater inclusion of women in these high-level positions. Focusing on the participation of women in conflict resolution and prevention offers important opportunities to enhance the implementation of the WPS agenda, such as reducing interagency silos, and will help fast track efforts tackling all pillars of the agenda. In fact, mediation offers opportunities for women to break silences and influence agenda-setting and strategic decision-making.

Peace processes are the place where crucial political, economic, and social issues which impact womens everyday lives and their political participation are discussed or, alternatively, disregarded. Mediation techniques aim to bring conflicting parties to discuss sensitive issues. The securitization and desecuritization of issues are also central dynamics observed in international mediation processes and are used as conflict resolution strategies. For example, deescalating tensions often involves de-securitizing a matter to avoid centering a security dilemma that would hinder constructive discussions. Alternatively, the framing of the issues can be further securitized to raise awareness on the urgency of a situation that needs special attention and resources. Therefore, the participation of women as mediators and negotiators in the context of confidential peace processes can help resist or, alternatively, rely on securitization mechanisms to protect their rights.

To unpack the negotiation dynamics taking place in the closed and confidential context of peace processes, it is necessary to look at the varying roles women could play in relation to the specific conflicts characteristics, including its cultural and national setting. The issues different groups of women face, their identities, and the strengths and strategies that they can bring to the table should be understood in their context specificity, rather than prescribed by third-party interveners.

Renewing and reinvesting in approaches to womens participation in peace processes will also be key to working through emerging challenges in the conflict resolution field and will bring much-needed reform by impacting structural factors of peacebuilding at all levels of interventions.

Recent studies looking at emerging challenges for womens participation in both peace processes and conflict resolution[1] provide useful approaches through which to move the WPS agenda forward with the aim to pursue a realistic and effective reconceptualization of security.

Reducing process ambiguity through clarifying roles and responsibilities

Studies examining womens involvement in mediation initiatives underline the lack of conceptual clarity that characterizes international mediation processes. The terminology used reflects the confusion that exists in the uses of terms and implementation of procedures, which hinders the effectiveness of the processes themselves. Varying and narrow definitions of mediation adopted by different international organizations can limit womens participation at all levels.

In peacebuilding efforts, different types of conflict-resolution tracks can be initiated, each referring to distinct levels of engagement and issues addressed. Simply put, track one points to mediation processes undertaken with official and top leadership, track two involves middle-range leadership, and track three initiatives are conducted with civil society organizations. Although designing interventions that include the different tracks can maximize the chance of effectively managing conflicts, coordination remains a challenge. For example, the UN has been broadening the scope of its mediation activities by diversifying tracks when relevant and increasingly relying on nongovernmental organizations to address local conflicts. The case of the Libyan civil war is an example where partnerships between the UN and NGOs were effective in facilitating track onetype discussions.

In this context, womens roles are usually more visible in track two and track three initiatives and are generally associated with social issues and focused on local interventions. This can positively impact and help legitimize a greater involvement of women in peace processes given their specific expertise and access on these issues. Yet, it is also important to identify the obstacles preventing them from participating in official and high-level tracks.

Introducing mandate distinctions between specific roles and functions of the third party will reduce ambiguity for women and open the way for creative and context-specific strategies to be implemented. Measures that aim to clarify roles and procedures will also enhance mediation effectiveness since they will help bring greater process transparency and thus build confidence in the conflict-resolution measures chosen to address a given conflict situation.

This would ultimately entail revisiting definitions of mediation in international settings to include womens perspectives and, more generally, a reformulation of conflict-resolution theories. More research looking at women specifically across a wide range of conflict types and third-party interventions will be needed to foster greater theoretical and conceptual coherence in conflict resolution. That will in turn support effective processes and norms to avoid the instrumentalization of the WPS agenda and the principles of international law more broadly.

Committing to feminist interdisciplinary epistemologies

Important research looking at the role of women mediators intervening outside the framework of womens organizations shows that women mediators can influence the processes outcomes through diverse approaches and conflict-resolution behaviors. Therefore, the participation of women in peace processes must not be restricted to the question of equal representation and the voicing of womens specific concerns. Rather, it should be expanded to examine the diverse forms of contributions women mediators and negotiators bring to the talks.

Understanding womens participation in peace processes will require a strong commitment to a feminist interdisciplinary research, as women stand at the intersection of foreign policy, diplomatic practices, and organizational settings. This international context can therefore only be apprehended through integrating various analytical frameworks. In the context of international mediation, more research looking at womens leadership and empowerment can bring pragmatic contributions to enhancing womens inclusion. In the same vein, focusing on positive dimensions of power could support constructive and much-needed cooperation at all levels.

Looking at gender studies in other disciplines such as behavioral and organizational science is key to gaining useful insights into the role of women in international relations processes. For example, recent studies examining the role of gender in organizational negotiation have rendered groundbreaking findings that could help reduce gender-biased inequities in negotiation.

As definitions and concepts in the field of conflict resolution are broad and diverse, there is a need for greater theoretical and conceptual coherence to facilitate practice across issues and sectors. In a context where multiparty mediation is becoming the norm, fostering consensus on basic principles and definitions can help in advancing transparent processes and better coordination mechanisms.

Creating new spaces of cooperation and partnerships for conflict resolution

Rethinking current conflict resolution strategies will depend on the type of conflict, mediators roles, and the cultural and geopolitical context in which conflict occurs. Conflict-resolution schemes require various fields of expertise and entail managing several levels of interventions, starting with the need to ensure international and regional consensus to supporting national conflict resolution initiatives as well as addressing localized conflicts. This is particularly the case in the context of civil wars. Given the complexity of these processes and the disconnect that often exists between parallel or competing initiatives, fostering strategic linkages between initiatives can facilitate consensus building.

Today, causes of conflicts are more likely to be associated with compounding global challenges and interrelated issues involving a broad range of actors. For example, the pervasive effects of climate change are increasing the risks of conflict and aggravating resource-related tensions. In this context, science diplomacy is an expanding field in which scientific advice informs foreign policy objectives and can be used to either advance diplomatic goals or reduce conflict.

The water resources field is rich with experiences and illustrations of collaborative approaches that involve the intervention of scientists. Institutions such as UNESCO, the Global Water Partnership (GWP), and the Stockholm International Water Institute (SIWI) are active in providing expert and dedicated support for all stakeholders, including women. However, in the context of specific regions, including many areas most at risk of water shortages, such as the Middle East, only a few studies have looked at the challenges women face in specialized fields like water diplomacy. The main challenge is the design of processes through which scientific knowledge can concur with political will and decision-making. Building trust and sustaining relations between different stakeholders is thus key to ensuring sustainable collaboration over this vital resource.

Despite the professionalization in the mediation field concerning the inclusion of gender perspectives, there is a need to move toward more strategic partnerships and holistic approaches. In the world of conflict resolution, pragmatism and urgency are the norm. Therefore, to succeed in the advancement of the WPS agenda, measures to be introduced must be context specific, adaptable, and at scale. According to the type of conflict, better integration between the political and technical tracks is crucial to achieving effective conflict-resolution schemes and fostering womens engagement through different channels and at different stages of a conflict cycle. Better coordination will also entail taking into consideration the political economy of conflicts and the allocation of sufficient funds for implementing complex processes of resolution and prevention. Establishing specialized accompanying structures and building networks of actors can help support effective conflict-resolution initiatives. The Colombian peace process with its Gender Sub-Commission offers examples of creative process designs that can support womens inclusion at several stages of peace talks.

To respond to complex conflicts, it is necessary, to some extent, to transcend thinking about the given dynamics of the conflict to consider prevention and conflict-transformation schemes.

Conclusion

The WPS Agenda has succeeded in bringing together scholars from different backgrounds and areas of expertise to conceive of practical ways to give women a central role in peacebuilding. As such, it has guided major advances and breakthroughs in the way peace and war are understood, acknowledging the essential role of women which had been previously excluded from international security conversations.

However, as new challenges and obstacles arise in the implementation of the WPS agenda, there is an urgent need to shift directions and introduce new methods and procedures in peacemaking and peacebuilding to address increasing tensions worldwide. The WPS agenda thus presents a unique space for the international community to introduce much-needed reforms in the field of international conflict resolution as contemporary approaches are proving their limits and, in the same way, to help address the incoherencies associated with the agendas implementation.

In order to pursue effective reconceptualization of security beyond military understandings and overcome womens limited participation in politics, feminist schools must all work together in order to bridge the disconnect between theory and practice, paving the way for the establishment of realistic and sustainable approaches to international peace. Placing the participation of women in peace processes at the top of international efforts will thus have positive transversal effects on all other pillars of the WPS agenda and reinforce a coherent and integrated implementation of the agenda. In the context of increased tensions between different approaches to peace, building confidence and consensus will bring new momentum to the WPS agenda.

[1] Forthcoming, findings retrieved from Ph.D. dissertation Mediation: a conceptual approach to rethinking international relations, Christelle Comair.

Christelle Comair is a political scientist and conflict resolution specialist. Her recent doctoral research focused on the theory and practice of mediation in international relations_. As a 2021-2022 Research Fellow with the Women and Public Policy Program at the Harvard Kennedy School, she built on her doctoral research findings to develop feminist approaches to mediation in diplomatic practice and theory building._

Originally Published in the Global Observatory

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Mediation is Failing; the WPS Agenda Has a Way Forward - Afghanistan - ReliefWeb

Integrated Mine Action and Recovery

Afghanistan has one of the highest levels of explosive hazard contamination in the world, with a legacy of conflict that continues to claim innocent lives and disrupt local livelihoods. In a context in which more than 70 percent of the population live in rural areas and 80 percent of livelihoods depend directly or indirectly on agriculture, the presence of explosive ordnance (EO) hazards cripples Afghan communities prospects to recover and achieve self-reliance. Numerous studies conducted in conflict settings have confirmed that EO contamination is a significant barrier to long-term development. For example, affected communities are often considered too dangerous for development programmes, especially for initiatives such as road construction or infrastructure rehabilitation. Conversely, land clearance and EO disposal have created the space for NGOs and authorities to become more involved in local development and recovery efforts in decontaminated areas.

As a result of the relative cessation of conflict following the political takeover of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (IEA) in August 2021, DRC now has greater access to communities and EO contaminated sites than ever before, representing a unique window of opportunity to expand clearance efforts rapidly and significantly also into areas that have seen little to no Humanitarian Mine Action (HMA) response in the past. DRC is the only actor in Afghanistan capable of delivering integrated HMA and recovery programming, with the potential to contribute to socio-economic development and stability through the clearance of otherwise inaccessible land, followed by livelihoods and infrastructure rehabilitation initiatives for the sustainable and productive use of cleared land to enable Afghan populations trapped in post-conflict phases to recover and reconstruct their communities. Through this carefully phased approach, DRC is addressing the multifaceted issues arising from EO contamination, including the inability of many farming communities to practice traditional livelihoods or access natural resources and markets. At the same time, DRC is generating employment opportunities by training and financially supporting (through salaries) a locally sourced deminer workforce, thereby transferring skills and knowledge beneficial for sustainable engagement in the HMA job market. A typical deminer will often come from rural communities and an environment characterized by little to no formal education, high levels of illiteracy, limited economic resources, and tend to be the main breadwinners of large households. As such, deminers largely align with the beneficiary profile most aid actors aim to target.

DRCs Approach:

Step 1: Integrated Assessments

Joint teams of MEAL, HMA, and Economic Recovery members conduct a series of assessments to identify hazards and establish a baseline for the prioritization of clearance in accordance with community perspectives and potential for development of productive land and assets.

Step 2: Humanitarian Mine Action

HMA staff initiate operations by conducting detailed re-survey of hazardous areas to clearly define the boundaries of safe and unsafe areas. Subsequently, clearance teams are deployed based on detailed task implementation plans to clear and release unsafe areas. To supplement these activities, a localised and targeted approach to Explosive Ordnance Risk Education (EORE) is implemented.

Step 3: Recovery Interventions

Economic Recovery teams conduct post-clearance rehabilitation focusing on early recovery and development interventions, such as the distribution of agricultural start-up kits, rehabilitation of agro-based infrastructure and land through cash-for-work schemes, and the provision of equipment needed to resume farming activities.

Step 4: Impact Evaluation

MEAL teams conduct a multi-sector evaluation to measure the joint impact of HMA and recovery interventions to evaluate the effectiveness of the response and inform future programming.

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Promoting Rural Development and Employment Creation through Mine Action - A Case Study on Integrated Programming - Afghanistan - ReliefWeb

Taliban fighters killed six Hazara people in a deliberate attack on the ethnic minority group in Afghanistans Ghor province, Amnesty International said today following a new investigation.

On 26 June 2022, the Taliban detained and unlawfully executed four men during a night raid operation in search of a former security official. The body of at least one of those executed showed signs of torture. A woman and a 12-year-old girl were also killed during the raid.

The attack is part of a wider pattern of unlawful targeted killings of people whom the Taliban perceives as adversaries, in this case being both members of the Hazara community and those who were associated with the former Afghan government.

These violent deaths are further shocking proof that the Taliban continue to persecute, torture and extrajudicially execute Hazara people.

The Taliban must immediately end this cruel pattern of targeted killings and, as the de facto authorities, ensure the protection of all Afghans, said Agns Callamard, Amnesty Internationals Secretary General.

The Taliban must investigate these killings and ensure that those responsible are prosecuted in accordance with international human rights obligations and standards. If the de facto authorities cannot provide justice, the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court should immediately open full investigations into all cases of extrajudicial executions. In addition, along with the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation in Afghanistan, Amnesty International calls for an independent accountability mechanism in and for Afghanistan.

Amnesty International documented similar extrajudicial executions of Hazara people in Ghazni province in July 2021, and Daykundi province in August 2021. Despite publicly promising not to target former government officials, the Taliban have still not investigated or prosecuted anyone for the killings.

Amnesty International conducted eight remote interviews, including with witnesses to the June 2022 attack, analyzed 38 photos and three videos that were taken in the aftermath of the attack, consulted a forensic pathologist to review the images of the bodies, and reviewed satellite imagery of the area to confirm the location of one of the killings. Several of the photos analyzed were published online by Taliban media, including the Ghor Province Governor Media Office, which deleted the post soon after publication.

On the night of 26 June 2022, Taliban forces raided the home of Mohamad Muradi, a Hazara man and security official under the former government who had also previously led a Peoples Uprising Program force a local militia against the Taliban in 2020 and 2021.

Muradi had recently returned to his home in Chahar Asyab, in the Lal wa Sarjangal district in Ghor province, after failing in an attempt to flee to Iran, and then hiding in other cities around the country. Like many who had been involved in Taliban opposition, Muradi had not taken up the offer of a personalized amnesty letter often issued to former security and government officials, offering permission to return home in exchange for a promise to lay down arms due to the fear of reprisal attacks by the Taliban.

Witnesses told Amnesty International that, on the night of the attack, Taliban forces fired rifles and rocket-propelled grenades at Muradis home, killing Taj Gul Muradi, his 22-year-old daughter, who had studied medicine and had been providing health care in the community. The attack wounded Muradi and two of Muradis other children, a son and his 12-year-old daughter. The girl suffered severe stomach injuries and died the next day.

Muradis left leg was injured, and he surrendered to Taliban forces through the intervention of local elders. However, the Taliban then dragged him outside of the house and shot him dead. An analysis of photos of Muradis body shows damage to the front of his shirt, indicating a likely chest wound, and an exit wound in his forehead.

Amnesty International reviewed photos and videos that show damage to Muradis home consistent with witness testimony. The images were also geolocated by analyzing visible features including vegetation, nearby pavements and the buildings layout and satellite imagery.

Three other men who had been staying at Muradis home were detained and then extrajudicially executed. Two of them, like Muradi, had previously been members of the Peoples Uprising Program force, though none had taken part in fighting with the militia for some time.

Ghulam Haider Mohammadi, Muradis nephew, had been visiting relatives. Photos of Mohammadis body indicate that he was executed with at least one gunshot to head, while kneeling and with his hands bound behind him. Locals found his body approximately 50 meters from Muradis home, left between some rocks in a tree-covered area.

Witnesses told Amnesty International that the other two victims named Asif Rezayee and Arif Sangaree were put in a vehicle and driven away to be killed in a separate location. The bodies of the two men were later discovered in an uninhabited part of Takeghal, more than 30 minutes drive from where they were initially detained.

Asif Rezayee had been living in Kabul but had returned to his home village a few days prior to visit family members. Rezayee was executed by gunfire while his hands were cuffed behind his back. Photos and a video of his body show four distinct gunshot wounds, to the head, chest, right thigh, and left hand. Based upon the nature of the wounds, apparent bullet trajectory, and gun powder stains, the wounds to the leg and hand were done at close range prior to execution. Such intentional infliction of pain on a bound detainee constitutes torture, a crime under international law.

Photos indicate that Arif Sangaree was also executed while bound and detained, with at least one close range shot to the head. One of the photos posted by the Taliban to Facebook, claiming credit for the successful operation, shows Sangaree with a significant facial wound surrounded by fresh bright red arterial blood, indicating the Taliban took the photo immediately after his death. In contrast, photos provided by people who discovered the body show Sangaree with the identical wound, but the blood dark and dried, meaning time had passed.

The Taliban news sources that posted the image of Arif Sangerees body described the night raid as a targeted operation that culminated in a fight between rebels and Mujahideen, or the Taliban. The account claimed seven rebels had been killed, detained and wounded, and that one Taliban member was killed, with two others wounded.

To justify the deaths, the statement went on to say that the raid had occurred after fighters associated with Mawlavi Mahadi, the Hazara leader of a Taliban defector group, had attacked the Taliban in Balkhab district of Sar-e-Pul province, and then fled and established themselves in the village of Chahar Asyab. This Taliban statement is incorrect. While this fighting has been documented by the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation in Afghanistan in his 6 September 2022 report, which includes cases of Taliban executions of fighters hors de combat, Muradi and his family members were not members of Mahadis group or taking part in this round of attacks. Rather, Amnesty International believes the Taliban justification is a pretext for targeting ethnic minorities and soldiers associated with the former government.

The Taliban must immediately cease these acts of revenge and ensure employees of the former government and their families can live safely in Afghanistan

Background

The Taliban seized power in Afghanistan following the collapse of the government in mid-August 2021. Amnesty International has called for the protection of thousands of Afghans at serious risk of Taliban reprisals. There have been numerous cases of raids and extrajudicial executions targeting those the Taliban perceives as adversaries those affiliated with the former government particularly Hazaras/Shias or those fighting with the National Resistance Front (NRF).

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Afghanistan: Taliban torture and execute Hazaras in targeted attack new investigation - Amnesty International