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As his two predecessors did, President Biden has pledged to end the war in Afghanistan. But also as his two predecessors did, he could end up tragically perpetuating it. Outnumbered by a national security establishment fixated on continuing this misadventure, the Biden team will need courage and clarity if it is to finally disentangle America from what has become a futile struggle.

It is fortunate to have an opportunity to do so. Last year, after a decade of negotiation, the United States and the Taliban reached an agreement calling for a complete withdrawal of American troops by May 1. The administration is now attempting to broker peace talks between the Afghan government and the Taliban. That effort should not come at the expense of this commitment. But the administration is reportedly considering a six-month extension of the deployment of American troops. If the United States gets the Taliban to agree to such an extension, those troops become mere leverage in a complicated diplomatic drama. If it doesnt and delays withdrawal anyway, the agreement that has prevented any U.S. combat casualties for the past year dissolves. Regardless, it will be tough to get American troops home by the deadline, as Mr. Biden told ABC News this week.

As vice president, Mr. Biden opposed the surge of troops in Afghanistan in 2010. Last year, he wisely recognized it is past time to end the forever wars. His secretary of state, Antony Blinken, asserted two years ago that it was time to cut the cord in Afghanistan. This month, Mr. Blinken insisted military action would be taken only when the objectives and mission are clear and achievable and with the informed consent of the American people. According to polling my colleagues and I have conducted, the American people support the details of the U.S.-Taliban agreement by six to one.

Why, then, is leaving Afghanistan so tough?

True, the country presents dilemmas: Despite decades of American intervention and investment, it remains weak and poorly governed. Like other weak and poorly governed states, it could attract violent extremists. This is a real concern but not an impossible one to overcome: Mr. Biden will need to maintain diplomatic ties and intelligence capabilities to thwart groups like Al Qaeda and the Islamic State.

There are also real concerns that removing U.S. troops will force the Afghan government and the Taliban to face the prospect of an escalating civil war. But Afghanistan has been stuck in a civil war for decades, well before the arrival of U.S. troops 20 years ago; its more than a little egocentric for American policymakers to think they alone can hold the country together.

The bigger barrier confronting the Biden administration may be closer to home. Despite promises to make foreign policy serve the interests of everyday Americans, many of Washingtons decisions are circumscribed by a professional culture among policymakers that normalizes war and idealizes military might. Its not as if Mr. Biden is being pressured to stay in Afghanistan with a cogent argument; most analysts freely admit that the United States has no plausible path to victory, that the military isnt trained to midwife democracy and that the Afghan government is grievously corrupt.

Rather, the national security community cannot bear to display its failure. Thats why many who advocate continuing the war are left grasping for illogical or far-fetched justifications. In a meeting of National Security Council principals, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Gen. Mark Milley, reportedly made an emotional plea to stay in Afghanistan, after all the blood and treasure spent there.

A recent report from the congressionally commissioned Afghanistan Study Group, which advised against withdrawing U.S. troops, shows just how ossified the foreign policy establishment has become. The groups members argue that the militarys mission should include lofty goals like creating stability, promoting democracy and shaping conditions that enhance the prospects of a successful peace process. Their recommendations reflect the unimaginative assumptions and stale rationales that have kept the United States stuck in Afghanistan for so long. And their otherwise impressive bona fides appear to be compromised by an array of financial connections to major defense contractors.

Like General Milley, the report fell for the sunk costs fallacy, insisting American troops must stay in the country, in part, to honor the sacrifices that have been made. (Listening to the majority of veterans who favor withdrawing troops might actually achieve that goal.) The report couldnt conjure a vital national interest in remaining and instead came up with only vague claims like: A stable Afghanistan would create the potential for regional economic cooperation that could benefit all countries in the region, linking energy-rich Central Asia with energy-deprived South Asia.

Mr. Biden came to office envisioning a foreign policy for the middle class. When he tapped Jake Sullivan to be his national security adviser, he insisted Mr. Sullivan judge all of his decisions on a basic question: Will this make life better, easier, safer for families across this country?

Staying the course in Afghanistan accomplishes none of this and Mr. Sullivan seems to know it. He admits as much in a report he co-authored last year, plainly stating the war has proven costly to middle-class economic interests. But its not easy to construct a foreign policy that prioritizes the interests of ordinary Americans once youre back among the Beltway herd. If the Biden administration wants to match its policies to its precepts, it will have to buck Washingtons culture of inertia.

This isnt just about Afghanistan. The people who make foreign policy tend to be walled off from public opinion and all too eager to conform to a bipartisan consensus that favors intervention over restraint. Washington isnt solely to blame. American voters dont often prioritize foreign policy during election season and so dont exert the political influence they might. Fortunately, in recent years, there have been more efforts to constrain American military power, and a new generation wary of war has begun to make its voice heard. All this hasnt been enough to bring about the end of Americas war in Afghanistan yet.

Achieving peace and stability in Afghanistan has always been a Sisyphean task, and Americas foreign policy leadership has little motivation to confront the political cost of withdrawal. Even though most Americans favor ending the war, after 20 years, they have become inured to it. Mr. Biden most likely knows a May 1 withdrawal from Afghanistan is not premature but long overdue. Seeking to avoid the political distraction of a troop withdrawals potentially messy aftermath, he risks keeping the United States bogged down in a war it cannot win.

President Biden, who wants America to reclaim a humble and sober outlook, is uniquely qualified to get Washington to quit its compulsive continuation of this conflict beyond this spring. Lets hope he musters the wisdom and the will to do so.

Mark Hannah (@ProfessorHannah) is a senior fellow at the Eurasia Group Foundation and host of its podcast None of the Above.

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Opinion | Why Is It So Tough to Leave Afghanistan? - The ...

In debates on the future of the war in Afghanistan, policymakers and analysts have come to invoke it as a given that Americans want the troops to come home quickly. But does this conventional wisdom hold true? Not necessarily, based on our analysis of a number of polls on Americans views on Afghanistan conducted in the last few years.

Ordinary Americans display a significant degree of ambivalence on the question of withdrawing troops from Afghanistan. Veterans are also divided on this question but are more likely to show strong opinions on both sides of the spectrum. The data suggest that vocal, concerted grassroots campaigns currently conducted by veterans groups represent just one subset of veterans. More specifically, veterans who served after the 9/11 attacks are more likely to feel strongly about ending our involvement in Afghanistan.

A look at the data reveals that a significant number of Americans surveyed dont respond to questions about withdrawing troops, possibly reflecting a lack of strong opinions. In a recent poll conducted in the fall of 2020 by the National Opinion Research Center (NORC) for researchers Peter Feaver and Jim Golby, only 59% of survey respondents answered the question about withdrawing troops from Afghanistan. In previous polls, one conducted by the University of Maryland in October 2019 and the other by YouGov in 2018, approximately one-fifth of respondents opted not to answer questions about troop levels in Afghanistan. Underlying this is the fact that American voters do not rank foreign policy highly in their list of priorities a survey of registered voters in 2020 found that they ranked it sixth out of a list of 12 priorities and Afghanistan is but one of several pressing foreign policy issues facing the United States.

In these polls, even respondents who do offer an opinion on withdrawal are divided on the question. In the NORC fall 2020 poll, 34% of survey respondents said that they supported troop withdrawals (in exchange for the Talibans counterterrorism assurances as per the deal struck in Doha in February 2020), while 25% said they opposed them. While one would have expected the Doha deal to have normalized the idea of withdrawals in the fall 2020 survey, that hasnt quite happened. Polling prior to the Doha deal also offered mixed results: Thirty-four percent of respondents to the University of Maryland poll from October 2019 were in favor of maintaining troop levels in Afghanistan, 23% were in favor of reducing troop levels, and 22% were in favor of removing all troops in the next year. A similar question asked by YouGov in 2018 also revealed mixed results.

Interestingly, however, there was greater support in the YouGov poll for removing all troops if the decision was made under a hypothetical presidential authorization. Sixty-one percent of respondents supported withdrawal in that case, while 20% opposed it. No timeline was provided for this question. The lack of a majority for either option in any of the polls along with clear majority support for withdrawal in case of a presidential authorization indicates the publics uncertainty on Afghanistan policy. This suggests that the governments policy decisions on Afghanistan may drive public opinion, rather than the other way around.

The lack of a majority for either option in any of the polls indicates the publics uncertainty on Afghanistan policy.

Americans overall are more likely to support the notion of a longer timeline for withdrawal: The YouGov poll conducted in 2018 looked at a five-year time horizon and found that 42% of respondents were in favor of removing all troops in the next five years that is, by 2023 suggesting that the ambivalence we highlighted above manifests in shorter-term time horizons.

In the NORC and YouGov polls, military respondents are more likely to express an opinion on questions about troop withdrawal than civilians are. In the YouGov poll, that increased military response rate translated to higher support for both sides of the spectrum on the question of withdrawal: increasing and maintaining troops, as well as removing troops within the next year (but not for decreasing troop levels). Military respondents were also more likely to respond when asked about their opinion regarding the hypothetical presidential authorization of a withdrawal. That increased response rate corresponded with an increase in military support for withdrawal under presidential authorization when compared to the general public.

Opinions among military members are divided on withdrawal from Afghanistan, depending on their experiences. According to the NORC poll, 40% of veterans who served prior to 9/11 supported troop reductions and 32% opposed them. Yet 54% who served post-9/11 supported reductions, and 29% opposed them. It is perhaps not surprising that veterans of the post-9/11 wars are more weary of these wars.

The YouGov 2018 poll reveals notable differences between veterans who are 25 to 34 years old and those who are older. The plurality of the younger group supported maintaining troop levels for the next year, while the older group was somewhat evenly divided between all of the options increasing, maintaining, decreasing, and removing all troops. The younger age group is also far less likely to favor removing all troops in the next year relative to the older groups: Nine percent of the younger group expressed a desire to withdraw all troops in 12 months compared to roughly 30% of the older group.

The American public is unsure about the next steps to take in Afghanistan, and for good reason: The decision is a very difficult one, with downsides to both staying and leaving. The public seems to be partly ambivalent, partly divided on the correct course of action. Veterans groups are also divided on the right policy decision. Whats clear is that the common refrain in policy debates that Americans want out is not accurate and should not be presented as the driving force for efforts to withdraw from Afghanistan.

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Americans are not unanimously war-weary on Afghanistan - Brookings Institution

Fatima Roshanian, a journalist, scaled back her movements after she found her name on three different lists circulating on Afghan social media, claiming to be of people the Taliban want to kill. Kiana Hayeri for NPR hide caption

Fatima Roshanian, a journalist, scaled back her movements after she found her name on three different lists circulating on Afghan social media, claiming to be of people the Taliban want to kill.

KABUL, Afghanistan It's not the risk of contracting COVID-19 that keeps journalist Fatima Roshanian home. It's the murders.

Roshanian scaled back her movements after she found her name on three different lists circulating on Afghan social media, claiming to be of people the Taliban want to kill. On one list, she's number 11.

"They are after people who are well-known, who are against the values of this society, who speak out," she says.

It's not the first time Roshanian has been threatened. She's offended plenty of conservatives in her life in her job as the editor of an Afghan feminist magazine, Nimrokh. It covers topics like sex, virginity, periods, marital affairs all shocking by Afghan standards. But this time, she says, she's taking the threats more seriously, because "you see journalists and other people are being killed everyday, everywhere, on the streets, in their homes, in the bazaars."

Roshanian works with a staff member to wrap their special issue for International Women's day at the Nimrokh office in Kabul. Kiana Hayeri for NPR hide caption

Roshanian works with a staff member to wrap their special issue for International Women's day at the Nimrokh office in Kabul.

Over the past six months, shadowy assassins have murdered influential and prominent Afghans, including journalists, human rights activists, judicial workers, doctors and clerics. The killings began escalating last September, when peace talks began between the Afghan government and the Taliban.

It should have been a time marked by hope. Instead, the United Nations said in a February report that more than 700 people had been murdered in targeted killings in 2020. More than 540 were wounded. The U.N. noted it was a 45% increase in the number of civilian casualties compared to 2019. So far this year, more than 60 people have been the victims of targeted killings, according to an NPR tally of incidents reported by an Afghan violence monitoring site.

"It has been unprecedented," says Shaharzad Akbar, the chairperson of the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission. She says she's never seen anything like the scope of these assassinations, "in terms of how many people have been killed, in a short time period and how it hasn't stopped."

The killed include Faiz Mohammad Fayez, a religious scholar and university professor, gunned down earlier this month as he walked to a mosque for morning prayers. They include the surgeon Dr. Khalil-ur-Rahman Narmgo, who was gunned down in February.

They include prosecutor Mirwais Samadi, shot dead by gunmen while on his way to work; and television presenter Malala Maiwand, killed alongside her driver in December. Three other women from the same station where Maiwand worked were shot dead in March.

In response, one Afghan media rights group has flung up shelters for threatened journalists. "They don't have any safe place, so they come here," says Wahida Faizi of the Afghan Journalists Safety Committee. Faizi says the group is also distributing bullet-proof vests and helping some of those threatened leave the country.

Roshanian has been threatened before, but this time, she says she's taking the threats more seriously. "You see journalists and other people are being killed everyday, everywhere, on the streets, in their homes, in the bazaars." Kiana Hayeri for NPR hide caption

Roshanian has been threatened before, but this time, she says she's taking the threats more seriously. "You see journalists and other people are being killed everyday, everywhere, on the streets, in their homes, in the bazaars."

Identifying the killers

It's not clear who is behind the carnage. ISIS has claimed responsibility for the murders of five women: Maiwand, her three colleagues and a doctor.

The U.S. and other Western nations blame the Taliban. "The Taliban bears responsibility for the majority of this targeted violence," noted a January statement from the U.S. embassy in Kabul signed by the European Union, NATO's senior civilian representative in Afghanistan and the diplomatic missions for 12 Western countries.

Many Afghans agree, like one feminist who requested anonymity because she recently received a death threat over Facebook. She believes it's because she helped women flee their violent husbands.

In an interview with NPR, she said it's no coincidence that the killings stepped up after Afghan peace talks began.

"The Taliban are demonstrating their power," she says, a way for them to flex their muscle in negotiations, while also silencing those who might disagree with them and their hard-line methods. "They are targeting journalists and civil society people who can raise their voice. People who can tell the international community what is happening. They want to shut them up."

The Taliban deny responsibility. "This is a false propaganda of the enemy," said a spokesman, who uses the name Zabihullah Mujahid. He blamed Afghan government intelligence officials for the murders.

Roshanian thinks it's more complicated. She believes the death lists being shared on social media are actually worked up by locals: conservatives, Taliban sympathizers, people with grudges.

She thinks they're doxing for the Taliban revealing the identities of people online in order to entice militants to harm them. "These lists tell the Taliban: these are the people who are making trouble, who are putting new thoughts in women's heads. They identify us so the Taliban can kill us."

Roshanian, who runs the women's magazine, thinks it's more complicated. She believes the death lists being shared on social media are actually worked up by locals: conservatives, Taliban sympathisers, people with grudges. Kiana Hayeri for NPR hide caption

Roshanian, who runs the women's magazine, thinks it's more complicated. She believes the death lists being shared on social media are actually worked up by locals: conservatives, Taliban sympathisers, people with grudges.

Some caution other hands may be at work.

One cleric, Ustadh Abdul Salaam Abed, who survived a bomb blast that struck his vehicle, believes Afghan intelligence officials are also targeting people.

"Intelligence has a direct hand," he says. "There are people in the system who are scared of the nation's voices, scared of the coming peace," he says. He punctuated his conversation with nervous giggles, saying he could hear beeps on the line that he believed were a result of his phone being bugged.

Officials for the Afghan government declined to comment for this story.

Amnesty International recently criticized the government for not moving on the creation of a body that would protect human rights defenders. Other diplomats have said that while the government is investigating these murders, they have done little to communicate with victims' families or the media on the steps they are taking to address the violence.

A mission to intimidate

Akbar, from the human rights commission, says even if the killers are unknown, the intention is clear. "It's a deliberate attempt to kill people or scare them away from the country," she says. "Unfortunately, it has worked."

The killings are already impacting female reporters in particular. Faizi's organization recently published a report noting that more than 300 women one-fifth of all who work in Afghan media have quit their jobs as a result of the killings, and because of insecurities surrounding COVID-19.

They include a young reporter who requested anonymity because out of concern attention would trigger a death threat. She fought her family to become a reporter a profession they said was not honorable for a woman. She found a job, but then the murders began. Fearing for her life, she quit. "Now the world feels dark," she tells NPR. "I am always thinking: what if this is permanent? What if I never work again?"

There's been other secondary victims of these killings, too. Karima Rahimyar, a school teacher and girls education activist, received threats over Facebook. She, defiantly, continues to work. But she pulled her own daughters out of university until the danger passes, or until they can flee. "I'm scared for my daughters," she says.

Roshanian, the feminist magazine editor, now works from home, but her friends urge her to flee. "They all tell me, 'Fatima, the things you are doing right now for this country is useless. It won't impact anyone.'" She responds: "If you are thinking like this, and I start thinking like you what will be left here?"

Hadid reported from Islamabad; Ghani from Kabul.

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Wave Of Targeted Killings Has Afghans Increasingly On Edge - NPR

Among the military memorabilia and team awards displayed at the Levi Rodgers Real Estate Group office hangs a photo that humbles the owner each time he sees it.

Inside the frame, a rugged U.S. Army Special Forces A-team looks out from a distant post in Helmand Province of Afghanistan. The image was taken on Sept. 15, 2009, just hours before a moment that took a devastating toll on Rodgers life.

Each day, the first thing he does is stop at the wall. Then he places a palm below the photo to remember the three soldiers and an Afghan translator who died while riding with him in the vehicle that struck an improvised explosive device.

The former Army Green Beret suffered shattered bones and severe injuries that required two years of surgeries and rehabilitation.

Its important to remember what its all about for me, Rodgers, 43, said with a tremble in his voice. Nothing else is on this wall for a reason.

The memory of the fallen men drives every waking moment.

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His years of military service serve as a team concept for his operation that takes up a third floor suite on Paesanos Parkway. In 2016, Rodgers founded the real estate group thats become one of the leading sales teams in the nation. His 20 employees, including military veterans and spouses, provide more than 50 real estate agents with business opportunities.

Rodgers mission is serving those who have served, but the company reaches out to civilians as well across San Antonio, known as Military City USA.

The whole goal here is by, with, through and for our community, Rodgers said. Just go out and have an impact. I feel when I lay down at night I have a responsibility to everybody thats trusted me. Not just the clients, but to those that work here. Its a huge part of my life.

The veteran-owned company was one of 15 recipients of the 2019 Secretary of Defense Employer Support Freedom Award. The award is the highest U.S. government honor bestowed to employers who go above and beyond for National Guard and Reserve employees.

Rodgers is a Purple Heart recipient and was awarded four Bronze Stars and a Legion of Merit.

His military career began as a 17-year-old high school graduate seeking new vistas beyond Sacramento, Calif. He enlisted in the Army in 1996 and worked as a heavy equipment operator. While deployed to Bosnia, he was curious about a group of armed, bearded men dressed in civilian clothes.

Who are those guys? he asked his squad leader.

Those are Green Berets, came the reply.

Rodgers was intrigued. He researched their mission as elite soldiers and knew this was the path he wanted to pursue. In 1998, he applied and was selected to train at Fort Bragg, North Carolina. The training pushed the former high-school athlete to his limits, physically and mentally.

When Rodgers graduated from the year-long program, he said he gained a lifelong commitment to men he could count on no matter what and would drop everything if called upon for help.

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From 2000 to 2009, Rodgers served on a special forces A-Team that worked in Central and South America. then he was deployed to the Middle East in Iraq and Afghanistan.

When you serve in combat with another human being, the relationships created on the field of battle are hard to replicate, Rodgers said.

That bond was intact on the night the chief warrant officer led a convoy from an Afghan village back to their home base. The ground mobility vehicles were traveling at a fast clip. Then the explosion happened his vehicle had hit an IED. Three team members, Brad Bohle, Josh Mills, Shawn McCloskey, all died. So did Rasool, the young Afghan translator riding in the combat vehicle.

Sgt. Pedro Solis, the teams dog handler, ran to the fiery scene and pulled Rodgers from the wreck as fellow soldiers fired back at the enemy. Solis, from the Southwest Side of San Antonio, recalled that his team leader was still conscious, giving commands.

Forty percent of Rodgers body was burned. He had internal damage. Both of his legs and back were broken. He was flown to Landstuhl Regional Medical Center in Germany and then to the Brooke Army Medical Center burn unit.

He was the lone survivor.

For more than a month, Rodgers was in a medically-induced coma. He went though rehabilitation at the Center for the Intrepid.

His entry into selling homes came from the impact a real estate agent had on his life. He was 22 years old, stationed in North Carolina, when he called real estate agent Gary Langdon to buy a double-wide trailer with a Jacuzzi tub. Thirty seconds after they met, Langdon tore up the contract.

Son, Langdon said, this house is going to depreciate, not appreciate.

Instead, he sold Rodgers a one-story ranch-style house that his family lived in for 12 years. Sale of the home helped the family pay off debt and Rodgers real estate classes.

He found mentors in Samuel Raia and Lawrence Raia, co-founders of Homes Fit for Heroes. Since 2009, the organization has provided free housing to 250 wounded special operations service members and their families while they go through treatment and recovery.

Rodgers and his family were among early recipients of a free, furnished unit at the Vista Ridge Apartments while he recovered at BAMC from his injuries. When he heard the news he wanted to personally thank the founders. Four months after he was out of the hospital, he met the duo during a military-related trip to New York City.

Knowing about Rodgers extensive injuries, Lawrence Raia, 52, recalled sitting with his cousin Samuel in a bistro, waiting for a man in a wheelchair. When Rodgers walked in with a cane and introduced himself, the men couldnt help but stare, astounded to see him on his feet.

After the 90-minute meeting, the Raias became Rodgers confidants, sharing their business acumen and helping him evaluate different opportunities.

Hes taken his chapter in civilian life and paid it back, Lawrence Raia said during a phone conversation. He helps them (veterans) buy homes in a way that Gary Langdon helped him. Its been a singular honor to be a part of his life and watch him reinvent himself and achieve what hes achieved.

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Rogers retired from the Army in October 2012. Every goal he accomplishes is with the thought that he doesnt want to waste his life.

Its not just my story, Rodgers said. I feel its a duty and everything Im doing is for those who didnt make it. Im committed to this and its what Im here for, the families and their sacrifice.

The team photo on the wall is his memorial to the fallen men and their loved ones he will never forget. Nor can he forget the man who ran to his aid without regard for his own safety.

Today Solis is director of logistics of Rodgers team, still a brother in arms at his side.

vtdavis@express-news.net

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Former Green Beret survived IED explosion in Afghanistan to own successful San Antonio real estate company - San Antonio Express-News

Afghanistan, on the back of Najibullah Zadrans 35-ball 72*, defeated Zimbabwe by 47 runs at the Sheikh Zayed Cricket Stadium in Abu Dhabi on Saturday, March 20. With the win, the Asghar Afghan-led side pocketed the three-match T20I series by a 3-0 margin. Remarkably, captain Afghan broke a coveted captaincy record of former Indian skipper MS Dhoni with his latest win.

Asghar Afghan-led Afghanistan to three wins on the trot to mark a 3-0 series win over Zimbabwe. Interestingly, the win in the third T20I was Afghans 42nd win as the captain of his national side. He overtook MS Dhonis 41 wins as Indian captain to become the most successful T20I skipper in the world.

While MS Dhonis 41 T20I wins came from 72 matches, Afghans 42 victories came from just 52 games. The senior Afghanistan cricketer first led his national side in the truncated format back in 2015. Since then, the veteran has also led Afghanistan to 33 wins in 58 ODIs and two Test wins out of four matches. Overall, Afghan is also the most successful captain in his countrys history across all international formats.

Afghanistan players will now resume their 2021 cricketing commitments in September with a home series in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) against Pakistan. Prior to their international assignments, their players will depart for India for the upcoming Indian Premier League 2021 (IPL 2021) season. Three Afghanistan players, i.e. Rashid Khan, Mohammad Nabi and Mujeeb ur Rahman, are scheduled to take part in the tournament. Interestingly, they will all be playing for the Sunrisers Hyderabad (SRH) this year.

Stay updated on the latest IND VS ENGnews. From live updates to breaking news, Republic World brings you all the live updates online so that you don't miss out on the IND VS ENG extravaganza.

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MS Dhonis THIS long-standing, huge international record broken by Afghanistan - Republic TV