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A militiaman in Nangarhar Province in eastern Afghanistan, where the Islamic State has been active, on Feb. 15, 2019.JIM HUYLEBROEK/The New York Times News Service

Ruchi Kumar is an Indian journalist based in Mumbai who covers South Asia.

A terrorist attack on Moscows Crocus concert hall on Friday has resulted in more than 130 deaths and left several hundreds injured. Responsibility for the complex attack, one of the deadliest in Russia in decades, was immediately claimed by Islamic State more specifically, according to U.S. intelligence officials, the terrorist groups branch in Central Asia (particularly Afghanistan), known as the Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP). U.S. intelligence has confirmed this claim, though Russias foreign ministry has questioned it.

Islamic State, which fully emerged in 2014 out of the conflict in Iraq and Syria (where Vladimir Putin has supported Bashar al-Assads regime), lost power and influence following successful counterinsurgency efforts across the globe. However, the Talibans 2021 takeover of Afghanistan has facilitated the militant groups resurgence as the countrys authorities struggle to rein in ISKP, an offshoot that aims to create a caliphate in the historic Khorasan region. Now, it is orchestrating more frequent and deadlier attacks, both regionally and in Afghanistan; on the same day as the attack in Russia, at least 21 people were killed in an ISKP suicide bombing in Kandahar.

In some ways, the Moscow attack should not have been a surprise. A recent monitoring report released earlier this year by members of the United Nations Security Council observed a high concentration of terrorist groups in Afghanistan, with the greatest threat from the ISKP. The resurgent terrorist outfit has been conducting frequent attacks with greater lethality, according to an assessment last year by the UNs Analytical Support and Sanctions Monitoring Team, which also documented more than 190 suicide-bomb attacks by ISKP in major cities in the region since 2022, including large-scale attacks on Russian and Chinese embassies in Kabul. And in February, Andrey Serdyukov, the chief of the Joint Staff of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), warned that the increased presence of ISKP and other terrorist camps in northern Afghanistan represented the main threat to the stability in Central Asia.

What is unfortunate is the way that the Taliban, who have deprived Afghans, particularly women, of their basic rights and dignity, have effectively empowered this resurgence. ISKP is a sworn enemy of the Taliban, as the group seeks to destabilize existing governments in the region, and so Afghanistan has joined the global counterinsurgency effort against this group allowing the Taliban to portray themselves as allies in the pursuit of international recognition for their government. Taliban leaders have also repeatedly insisted that theyve been successful in maintaining security in the country, preventing the use of Afghan soil for global terrorist activities a condition of the Doha agreement that the Taliban signed with the U.S. in 2020.

In reality, however, they have struggled to rein in terrorist groups. Security reports and experts have estimated that as many as 6,000 foreign fighters may have moved into Taliban-controlled Afghanistan. In the last year, the UN report noted, the presence of foreign terrorist fighters harboured by the Taliban has become an increasing security threat to many neighbouring countries. And while there have been regular operations against ISKP cells, the government simultaneously denies the extent of their presence in the country, even claiming as recently as last year that no foreign armed group is active in Afghanistan.

Whats more, the Taliban even directly assisted this resurgence, having released thousands of criminals, including hundreds of ISKP militants, from Afghan prisons as they took over Kabul. Many of the released fighters went on to conduct several major attacks, including one at the Kabul airport by an ISKP suicide bomber that killed nearly 200 fleeing Afghans and 13 U.S. service members in August, 2021.

With the under-resourced Taliban regime in power in Afghanistan, groups such as ISKP have been allowed unregulated movement to regroup, mobilize fighters and recruit new members, even from the Talibans own ranks, with many members sympathizing with Islamic States fundamentalist ideologies.

In fact, the Talibans ideological sympathies with certain terror groups, such as al-Qaeda and Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), means that they have been reluctant to act against the threats posed by them to the regional countries. This double standard where the Taliban portray themselves as allies against ISKP, while supporting their own preferred selection of terrorist groups is in direct violation of the Doha deal, and has posed challenges for governments seeking to engage with them to mitigate security threats spilling across the borders from Afghanistan.

The insecurity in Afghanistan calls for a cohesive and intergovernmental approach on counterterrorism that includes regional stakeholders. But more importantly, any counterinsurgency policy should aim to press the Taliban to uphold its commitments to the Doha deal and target all terrorist outfits in Afghanistan, so that the country does not become a safe haven for international terrorism.

See the original post:
Opinion: Afghanistan is becoming a safe haven for terrorists again - The Globe and Mail

There is also the possibility that, like many militant groups in the region and IS affiliates, they claim credit for attacks that they outsource to others or have little to do with organizing in the first place. This is a low-cost, high-impact means to spread their message and gain recruits. But it also makes it incredibly difficult to gauge how dangerous they actually are, and how best to defeat them.

On March 25, ISIS-K media outlets issued a rambling claim they executed the attack in Moscow but it was thin on evidence. It claimed the Moscow attack was meant to embarrass the Taliban government, undermining its counter-terror pledges and to discourage Chinese and Russian investment in Afghanistan.

ISIS-K made similar claims after its September 2022 attack on the Russian embassy in Kabul.

ISIS-Ks ambitions are to establish an Islamic State in Central Asia.

Inside Afghanistan, its ranks are mainly drawn from disgruntled Taliban as well as young, conservative Afghans who oppose the Taliban. Its younger recruits are increasingly multi-ethnic, drawing in disaffected ethnic minority populations. It increasingly recruits from disaffected Afghans and Central Asians, particularly from Tajikistan, as well as from among Central Asian migrants in Turkey and Europe.

In Afghanistan, its recruitment entails careful vetting and indoctrination. Abroad, it relies heavily on social media outreach and messaging apps. Its news outfit, Amaq, publishes in at least five languages and runs Telegram channels in as many, if not more.

Read more:
What is ISIS-K, the terror group allegedly responsible for the Moscow concert hall attack? - POLITICO Europe

1. Taliban holds public execution for 2 men, who are killed by gunfire in a stadium as thousands watch  ABC News
2. Taliban Publicly Execute Two Afghan Men Convicted of Murder  Voice of America - VOA News
3. Taliban carry out double public execution at stadium in Ghazni city, Afghanistan  The Hindu

Read more here:
Taliban holds public execution for 2 men, who are killed by gunfire in a stadium as thousands watch - ABC News

A Kentucky congressman came before the public Wednesday to call for the release of an American detained in Afghanistan.Morgan McGarvey was at City Hall in Louisville to demand the release of Ryan Corbett, an American citizen wrongfully detained by the Taliban.Corbett has been held captive since August 2022 when he was traveling to Afghanistan for a business trip. He's now been there 550 days.This photo was taken shortly before his detention:The detention came when the Taliban seized power following American military forces pulling out of the country.Corbett is not charged with any crime, but CBS News was told he had been accused of anti-state activities.McGarvey is sponsoring a resolution in the U.S. House of Representatives calling for an immediate release.The congressman was joined by Corbett's father, Drue Corbett, who currently lives in Louisville."He is in a dark room with no widows. They let him out once a month to see the sun. He is cold, they are giving him very little nutrition," said Drue Corbett.His father said Ryan had been tortured while in detention and fears he won't survive."Yesterday would have been his 20th wedding anniversary with his wife, he missed it. In June, his daughter graduates from high school," Drue Corbett said. McGarvey's resolution is moving up and expected to make it to the House floor. It can be seen here.This is one that should not be hard for congress. There's a lot of difficult issues in Washington right now, this is not one of them, this is a simple issue of bringing Ryan Corbett home," McGarvey said.In the meantime, McGarvey and Corbett's father are urging President Joe Biden's administration to raise awareness of his case. "I want to say President Biden, I beg you. You're my president. I beg you to say his name," Drue Corbett said.

A Kentucky congressman came before the public Wednesday to call for the release of an American detained in Afghanistan.

Morgan McGarvey was at City Hall in Louisville to demand the release of Ryan Corbett, an American citizen wrongfully detained by the Taliban.

Corbett has been held captive since August 2022 when he was traveling to Afghanistan for a business trip. He's now been there 550 days.

This photo was taken shortly before his detention:

The detention came when the Taliban seized power following American military forces pulling out of the country.

Corbett is not charged with any crime, but CBS News was told he had been accused of anti-state activities.

McGarvey is sponsoring a resolution in the U.S. House of Representatives calling for an immediate release.

The congressman was joined by Corbett's father, Drue Corbett, who currently lives in Louisville.

"He is in a dark room with no widows. They let him out once a month to see the sun. He is cold, they are giving him very little nutrition," said Drue Corbett.

His father said Ryan had been tortured while in detention and fears he won't survive.

"Yesterday would have been his 20th wedding anniversary with his wife, he missed it. In June, his daughter graduates from high school," Drue Corbett said.

McGarvey's resolution is moving up and expected to make it to the House floor. It can be seen here.

This is one that should not be hard for congress. There's a lot of difficult issues in Washington right now, this is not one of them, this is a simple issue of bringing Ryan Corbett home," McGarvey said.

In the meantime, McGarvey and Corbett's father are urging President Joe Biden's administration to raise awareness of his case.

"I want to say President Biden, I beg you. You're my president. I beg you to say his name," Drue Corbett said.

Original post:
Kentucky congressman calls for release of American detained by Taliban for more than 500 days - WLKY Louisville

A UN-initiated conference on Afghanistan ended in Doha this week with little progress or detail.

Delegates from more than 20 countries converged last Sunday to discuss Afghanistans ongoing crisis. The aim of the two-day summit was to engage with all stakeholders, including the Taliban, on issues of stability and human rights. However, with the Taliban-led government having turned down their invitation, these talks are unlikely to make a substantial impact.

This weeks session follows on from a previous conference held last May, when UN special envoys and other key stakeholders convened in Doha to attend closed-door talks called by UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres. Analysing Afghanistans dire humanitarian situation and international isolation, the 2023 conference agreed on three main points: no support for armed resistance in the country, the need for engagement with its de facto authorities, and the conditions not being in place for international recognition of these authorities as the legitimate government.

No Afghans were invited then. The meeting last Sunday struck a different chord, with an invitation extended to the Taliban and limited Afghan civil society representatives present.

The Taliban insisted on two conditions for attending the conference: direct talks with Mr Guterres and the exclusion of other representatives, enabling the group to be recognised as the responsible party of Afghanistan a step in the direction of international legitimacy that the UN was not willing to take.

The Taliban have not been recognised as the successor government by any country during their past two-and-a-half years in power. But in order to advance an agenda prioritising stability and human rights, the international community needs to consider a more dire political reality: the Taliban have won the war.

There are now only two possibilities going forward: either the Taliban are again removed from power by military force, or their authority gets diplomatic recognition. With the group having shown themselves to be immovable, we appear to be left with only the latter option. If even a semblance of international human rights is to be upheld, the Taliban have to be in the room and politics must trump pride.

Recognising their political legitimacy would be particularly difficult for the US and UK, whose interventions proved futile with two decades of progress in Afghanistan largely undone following the groups resurgence. However, the current hands-off approach leaves the international community blind to the deteriorating human rights situation and does little to stabilise the country or support its people.

The Taliban have not been recognised as the successor government by any country during their past two-and-a-half years in power

Afghanistan is a signatory to a number of international treaties that guarantee rights for women and girls, including the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights.

With no enforced obligation or motivation to uphold international human rights, the Taliban have systemically eroded 20 years of progress for women and girls. Over the course of two years, more than 50 edicts, orders and restrictions have been placed on them, from travel restrictions and dress codes to the banning of secondary education, NGO work and beauty salons. Afghanistan is ranked last on the Women, Peace and Security Index, with its women as well as UN officials having referred to the situation as gender apartheid.

The international response can, at best, be described as tepid. Beyond tokenistic statements, what progress has been made towards halting the erosion of rights? References to the suffering of women and girls were limited in statements emerging from the conference.

US national security spokesperson John Kirby said last week that there will be no normalisation with, or recognition of, the Taliban government until it upholds its various commitments, including those related to gender equality, counterterrorism and the formation of an inclusive government.

Given that the US and its partners removed the group from power in 2001 subsequently retaining a military presence in Afghanistan for two decades it should be of little surprise that the latter would opt not to comply. Americas own set of conditions, set forward with the co-operation of the wider international community, coincide with the introduction of significant sanctions against Taliban leaders. Its an approach that not only isnt working but is contributing to the deteriorating humanitarian crisis.

The Taliban takeover in 2021 led to the collapse of the Afghan economy, taking with it hundreds of thousands of jobs. Today 15.3 million people are experiencing acute food insecurity, and more than 29 million Afghans remain in need of humanitarian aid at least half of whom are children. Millions of citizens are incapable of accessing safe water, health care and education.

Reporting on the outcomes of the recent Doha conference, Mr Guterres said that an agreement had been reached on key issues, including proposals presented in the Independent Afghanistan Assessment regarding counterterrorism, forming an inclusive government and respecting human rights. He added that consultations pertaining to the appointment of a special representative would begin immediately. This representative would be responsible for co-ordinating global community interaction, including with the Taliban.

UN Security Council Resolution 2721, adopted last December, paved the way for meaningful engagement with all sides in Afghanistan, and it called for the appointment of a special envoy. But the Taliban have so far opposed the idea of an envoy, in which case what carrot could make them reconsider their position? Could a gradual release of Afghanistans frozen assets estimated to be $7 billion draw them to the table? Could an agreed reversal of sanctions show a willingness to co-operate? The freezing of these assets has not motivated the Taliban, but rather exacerbated the humanitarian crisis.

Last September, China became the first country to formally name a new ambassador to Afghanistan since the takeover. While Beijing does not accept this move to mean its recognition of the government, the decision is a significant diplomatic step forward and creates a pathway to renewed relations. The Taliban have indicated a desire for international recognition and foreign relations but remain sceptical of western motivations, and unmoved to consider the needs and rights of the wider population.

Mr Guterres has stated that co-operation with the Taliban is needed, and diplomats could explore an agreement wherein ties are developed through the recognition of ambassadors in return for the advancement of gender equality and human rights.

Accepting the ironclad hold that the Taliban have over Afghanistan presents the international community with a moral quandary: protecting international human rights, but only through negotiation and co-operation with an organisation that has a poor human rights record. Finding a diplomatic solution will require finesse, and whatever the outcome, it has to be centred on improving the lives of all Afghans, particularly its women.

For every moral betrayal that the West may feel in accepting this new political disposition, imagine the betrayal that many ordinary Afghans must feel having been so swiftly abandoned. Leaders and diplomats have to change their approach, as Afghanistans people cannot continue to wait. Now is not a time for pride, but for compromise.

Published: February 22, 2024, 2:00 PM

Read more:
The Taliban have to be in the room for any meaningful talks on Afghanistan's future - The National