Archive for the ‘Afghanistan’ Category

Some Taliban fighters find classes, cars and city life in Kabul enticing – The Washington Post

KABUL More than two years after Taliban fighters streamed into the Afghan capital, seizing power here and vowing to cleanse the country of Western decadence, many of them have come to embrace the benefits of urban life.

Some spend their weekends in the citys theme parks. Some watch cricket matches on large outdoor screens. Others are filling their Facebook pages with skyline selfies or buying self-help books published in the West. Most mornings, Kabuls English schools are crowded with Taliban soldiers and employees in camouflage jackets, who appear as eager as other students to study abroad.

As the Taliban continues to change Kabul, some here have started to wonder if the city may also have begun to remake the Taliban.

In many ways, theyve been transformed, said Abdulrahman Rahmani, 50, a former fighter who helped the Taliban conquer Kabul in 1996 and then again in 2021, speaking during a recent visit to Kabuls zoo to see the lions.

Some of the Taliban fighters now regret the material success they sacrificed to wage their armed campaign. Just the other day, Rahmani recalled, another Taliban soldier told him he was sad because he and his brother had given up their schooling. If we had studied, wed be sitting in offices now, he told Rahmani.

There are no signs that these changes have resulted in a softening of the Talibans repressive policies, in particular the campaign against womens rights. And no doubt, for many of the fighters who in 2021 sped into the Afghan capital on the backs of pickup trucks, this city of about 5 million people is a disappointment. They say urban life is lonelier, more stressful and less religious than they had imagined.

Some of the Taliban fighters had grown up here before departing for rural Afghanistan to join the insurgency. Others never left and supported the Taliban as informants. But for most of the men who overtook the Afghan capital, the citys bright lights were unfamiliar, and Kabul posed a challenge full of seductions.

Rahmani dreams that one day Kabul will become the Afghan equivalent of Dubai, the glitzy commercial hub in the United Arab Emirates. Once the economic problems are solved, things will change massively, he said.

Some Taliban members are already developing expensive taste. While officials in the new government initially went shopping for motorbikes, they are now increasingly interested in shiny Land Cruisers, vendors say.

City life already appears to have left a mark on Taliban soldier Abdul Mobin Mansor, 19, and his comrades. They agree that reliable internet access, for one, is of increasing importance to them.

They say they have gotten hooked on several television series that are best consumed in high definition. Their favorites are Turkish crime drama Valley of the Wolves and Jumong, a South Korean historical series about a prince who must conquer far-flung lands.

Mansor said he still prefers the countryside, where he might eventually return. But I very much hope that there will be electricity and other modern facilities by then, he said.

Some soldiers, like Hassam Khan, 35, say they can hardly imagine having to move back. Khan said he initially struggled to adapt to the city. He said he felt that Kabul residents feared him, and his eyes hurt when he stared at a computer for too long. But access to electricity, water, English classes and computer science lessons have changed his mind. I like this life, he said.

Some Afghans who had opposed the Taliban takeover say they have noticed a difference, too. Tariq Ahmad Amarkhail, a 20-year-old glasses vendor, said he has a growing feeling that the Taliban is trying to adopt our lifestyle.

They came from the mountains, couldnt understand our language and didnt know anything about our culture, said Amarkhail.

When they arrived, he said, they condemned jeans and other Western clothes and destroyed musical instruments. But when Amarkhail and his friends recently drove up to security checkpoints with music playing inside the cars, Taliban soldiers simply waved them through, he said. While Western civilian clothes have become a rare sight on Kabuls streets, some residents were surprised to see the Taliban embrace military uniforms that bear striking similarities to those worn by their former enemies.

In interviews, over half a dozen younger and older regime employees cited access to education as a primary reward for their struggles. When we conquered Kabul, we vowed to become a better version of ourselves, said Laal Mohammad Zakir, 25, a Taliban sympathizer who became a Finance Ministry employee. He said he had signed up for an intensive English course to be able to study abroad one day.

Not all are tempted by the big city.

Zabihullah Misbah and his friend Ahmadzai Fatih, both 25, were among the first fighters to rush into Kabul in 2021. Misbah still primarily associates Kabul with bad things such as adultery. Youre more connected to God when youre in the village, he said. With fewer distractions there, one is mostly busy with praying.

Social bonds in villages are tighter, Misbah said, and life there feels less lonely.

When you pursue jihad, it puts you at ease, said Fatih. But when we arrived here, we could not find peace.

While many Afghans fled Kabul during the Taliban takeover, it has turned back into the congested capital it once was. It can take hours to cross the smoggy city from one side to the other.

Mansor and his friends acknowledged that the toxic air and the separation from their families in rural Afghanistan are making them reconsider city life. Those who brought their families here are happier than we are, said Mansor, who has yet to find a wife. Rent in the city is expensive and apartments are too small, he said.

When the Talibans soldiers need an escape, they climb a hill in the center of Kabul, where the new regime has installed a gigantic Islamic Emirate flag, or they head to the Qargha Reservoir on the citys outskirts, where they snack on pistachios in their pickup trucks.

Kabul residents who fearfully watched the Taliban arrive in 2021 said they hope that the number of former fighters who are embracing big-city life will outweigh those who are repulsed by it and that the Taliban will become more moderate.

Many women say they havent noticed such an evolution. Universities remain closed to them, and girls above grade six are barred from school. From the secluded city of Kandahar, the Talibans top leadership has turned Afghanistan into the worlds most repressive country for women, the United Nations says.

The Taliban wont change, said Roqya, 25. Sales in her womens clothing market stall dropped abruptly last month after the Taliban-run Ministry of Vice and Virtue temporarily detained women over dress code violations, she said.

None of the girls dared to go outside alone anymore, said Roqya, who completed a bachelors degree in physics just before the takeover. When no one is looking, she still reads science books behind her counter.

The Taliban has big plans for postwar reconstruction, but restrictions on women could become the primary obstacle. Many foreign donors have abandoned the country in protest during the past 2 years. Private investors remain scarce.

Could the lure of expensive skyscrapers, imposing new mosques and pothole-free roads eventually push the Taliban to compromise, as some Afghans hope?

In recent months, the Taliban has moved ahead with plans to resume work on a model city on the outskirts of Kabul, which was first conceived of more than a decade ago under the previous U.S.-backed government but was never built.

We will name it Kabul New City, said Hamdullah Nomani, the Taliban-run governments minister of urban development.

Construction executive Moqadam Amin, 57, said early discussions between his company and the new government suggested that the Taliban wanted a less ambitious project with lower-cost housing options. But the Taliban now appears to have thrown its backing behind the glitzy original plans, which envision the construction of high-rise buildings, schools, universities, pools, parks and shopping malls.

If Kabuls New City is ever finished, its construction may take decades. For now, the designated property is accessible only on makeshift roads, lined by brick-stone factories and lone real estate agents who sit on carpets in the sand.

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Some Taliban fighters find classes, cars and city life in Kabul enticing - The Washington Post

Drifting with purpose: sports car enthusiasts rally in Afghanistan – The Mountaineer

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Drifting with purpose: sports car enthusiasts rally in Afghanistan - The Mountaineer

Drifting with purpose: sports car enthusiasts rally in Afghanistan – El Paso Inc.

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Drifting with purpose: sports car enthusiasts rally in Afghanistan - El Paso Inc.

The Taliban carry out a double public execution at a stadium in southeastern Afghanistan – Bozeman Daily Chronicle

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The Taliban carry out a double public execution at a stadium in southeastern Afghanistan - Bozeman Daily Chronicle

The Talibans Plan to Rebuild and Legitimize al-Qaeda – Geopoliticalmonitor.com

In addition to plunging the Middle East back into turmoil, the Israel-Gaza crisis has resulted in entities around the world seeking to exploit the palpable tensions, and has even led some young Americans to re-evaluate al-Qaedas past comments on Palestine. At the same time, the global jihadist group itself is showing concerning signs of revival, having found refuge in Afghanistan under the Taliban.

The current Taliban regime has renewed its symbiotic relationship with the remnants of al-Qaeda. And though their global return may not be imminent, it must be remembered that the terrorist group is laying low by choice. Under this arrangement, al-Qaeda has agreed to stay under the radar, for now, in order to aid the Talibans international image of upholding their promise to prevent extremist organizations from using Afghanistan as a safe haven. Yet al-Qaeda views the Taliban-controlled country as precisely thata base in which they can regrow and expand.

Those who lobby to recognize the Taliban make the case that they have changed and acknowledged their missteps. These individuals claim that security in Afghanistan has increased under the Taliban, seeming to forget or ignore the fact that the Taliban themselves were the biggest threat to civilian lives prior to seizing power. They argue the Taliban has stopped opium production, but appear oblivious to the fact that thats due to the groups diversification into methamphetamines. They insist that the Taliban is committed to rebuilding the nation and that engaging with the group will help to moderate them when it comes to issues like state-sanctioned misogyny and harboring terrorists. There is even a perception that al-Qaeda is unlikely to reconstitute in Afghanistan. But ground realities prove otherwise.

Across the last two decades, al-Qaeda has had to balance the twin tasks of legitimization and grassroots mobilization with the often-conflicting goals of maintaining an exclusive organization characterized by tight discipline, restricted membership, and doctrinal purity. With the Talibans return to power in Afghanistan, however, al-Qaeda now has the opportunity to reconcile these issues by achieving political integration with the Taliban, alongside an armed struggle for global jihad. This approach can be traced back to one man in particular: al-Qaedas recently killed leader, the Egyptian doctor, Ayman al-Zawahiri.

The strategy is a response to three factors that limited al-Qaedas effectiveness while the group hid out in Pakistan during the War on Terrorstructural incongruence due to the loss of its leaders in U.S. counter-terrorism operations, ideological competition with ISIS for control of the global jihadist narrative, and the problem of legitimacy with emerging generations of extremists. A shift towards greater incorporation within the Taliban, as laid out by al-Zawahiri himself, is aimed at avoiding potential schisms as part of a comprehensive organizational transformation and serves to insulate al-Qaeda from future counter-terrorism operations.

Upon taking over as al-Qaeda leader after bin Ladens death in 2011, al-Zawahiri initially linked ideology with tactics, reiterating the organizations identity as a violent movement tasked with the revolutionary overthrow of regimes across the Islamic world. Over time, the necessity to survive and stay relevant forced al-Zawahiri to revise al-Qaedas ideology, or risk divisions and dismemberment.

In September 2013, al-Zawahiri issued his seminal General Guidelines for the Work of Jihad, in which he emphasized the need for self-discipline. He noted that al-Qaedas strategy is a long one, and jihad is in need of safe bases, adding, If we are forced to fight [local regimes], then we must make it clear that our struggle against them is a part of our resistance against the Crusader onslaught. Although al-Zawahiri mentioned the West as the first priority target, he also knew that executing a more sophisticated local strategy would aid al-Qaedas long-term development, by guaranteeing an operational space in which they could function and grow. In other words, al-Qaeda needed local allies whom they could depend on for protectionlike the Taliban.

The predictably catastrophic evacuation of Western forces from Afghanistan and the Talibans immediate takeover thereafter thus enabled al-Qaeda to meet a key expectation al-Zawahiri had set outnamely, that the terrorist group and its affiliates could survive long wars with the U.S. and its closest allies, which would bleed the West of its resources and undermine its influence globally.

According to a June 2023 UN report, senior al-Qaeda leaders in Afghanistan are primarily located in Kabul, Kunar, Kandahar, and Helmand, and number in the dozens. In terms of foot soldiers, there are around 400 al-Qaeda fighters in Afghanistan and up to 2,000 if relatives and sympathizers are included. These networks operate in the southern, middle, and eastern parts of the country and maintain a low profile, attempting to limit their communications as much as possible to evade monitoring by international counter-terrorism agencies. Al-Qaeda has also established safe houses in Kabul, Helmand, Farah, and Herat, where a new al-Qaeda media apparatus has been set up.

That same report declares that al-Qaeda training sites have been created in Helmand, Zabul, and Nangarhar and that eastern Afghanistan especially, Nuristan and Kunar provinces in particular, is also host to al-Qaeda camps, one of which is specifically dedicated to training suicide bombers. Dozens of foreign terrorist fighters (FTFs) from the Middle East and North Africa have arrived in these locations thus far.

Setting up such facilities is one of al-Qaedas main goals at present, as the group is currently in a restructuring phase. Their other objectives consist of building operational capability; recruiting and mobilizing; conducting outreach with allies and affiliates; and developing bases of support. In addition to the Afghan Taliban, al-Qaeda is supported by al-Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent (AQIS), which is made up predominantly of jihadists from Pakistan. AQIS fighters are located in Kandahar, Helmand, Herat, Farah, and Nimruz provinces.

As al-Zawahiri envisioned, al-Qaedas cultivation of infrastructure and personnel in Afghanistan is designed to offer the terrorist group safety and connectivity. Senior leaders are primarily situated near the border with Pakistan, to ensure they can move back and forth unhindered. The locations of training camps and safe houses along the borders of southwest Pakistan and Iran provide further insulation from counter-terrorism operations, as well as a gateway to the Middle East. Kabul then serves as the mainframe that brings these constituent parts together, with all of this activity conducted under the protection of the Taliban regime.

Al-Qaedas bureaucratic nature means its layers of administrative responsibilities and standard operating procedures have made working in tandem with the Taliban regime all the more seamless. With the support of the proscribed Haqqani Network, who are responsible for killing thousands of Afghans and hundreds of coalition soldiers, al-Qaedas members have sought employment in the Talibans law enforcement and public administration agencies to protect and oversee their cells across Afghanistan. To demonstrate their loyalty, in return, al-Qaeda members have offered their backing and protection to top Taliban figures.

An example of this co-dependent dynamic in action involves Taj Mir Jawad, a senior Taliban commander and member of the Haqqani Network. He was also a former leader of the Kabul Network, a group comprising Taliban and al-Qaeda elements that coordinated suicide attacks against the U.S. and other coalition troops. Jawad is now the Deputy Director of the Taliban General Directorate of Intelligence, whose Department 12, which oversees all FTFs in Afghanistan, also supervises al-Qaedas activity within the country.

The Taliban governors of Kapisa and Nuristan, Qari Ehsanullah Baryal and Hafiz Muhammad Agha Hakeem respectively, are also linked to al-Qaeda. Baryal is said to have been a senior leader of the Kabul Network alongside Taj Mir Jawad. Hakeem is closely tied to Qari Zakir, who was in charge of the Haqqani Networks suicide operations as well as the Talibans special forces unit known as the Badri 313 battalion, which was created with the help of al-Qaeda.

The Taliban gives al-Qaeda members monthly welfare payments, some of which trickle down to affiliates like AQIS. Al-Qaeda training manuals are used at the facilities of the Taliban Ministry of Defense, whose training director is an al-Qaeda member. The head of the Ministry of the Interior, Sirajuddin Haqqani, retains deep ties to al-Qaeda, and, accordingly, his office has been handing out identity documents to al-Qaeda members across Afghanistan. The Talibans supreme leader, Hibatullah Akhundzada, has called for continued protection of al-Qaedas members.

First under bin Laden and then al-Zawahiri, al-Qaeda helped the Taliban and Haqqani Network establish a solid resistance base in Pakistan against the U.S. and allied forces, which led to a Taliban resurgence. Al-Zawahiri also collaborated with the Haqqani Network to assist them in consolidating their power in Afghanistan over other Taliban factions. The claim that there is a clear distinction between the Taliban, al-Qaeda, and Islamic State Khorasan Province (IS-KP) too, is not only debatable, but reveals a deeply flawed understanding, as the Haqqani Network serves as the bridge between these entities.

The inextricable links between al-Qaeda and the Taliban have been further consolidated with marriage and kinship ties, the pledging of bayah (oath of allegiance), and a shared history on the battlefield, where al-Qaeda fighters combating Western forces on the frontlines alongside the Taliban. So close was the bond between the Taliban and al-Qaeda that al-Zawahiri himself was discovered living in a palatial Haqqani-owned villa in Kabuls embassy quarter when he was killed in an American drone strike on July 31, 2022. It is also unlikely that he was the only terrorist being housed in the center of the capitalshould Western embassies eventually reopen in Kabul, they too may find their neighbors to be al-Qaeda members.

One of al-Zawahiris legacies was developing and enhancing these crucial relationships to ensure al-Qaeda remained relevant, albeit in a deliberately understated way. By demonstrating strategic patience, al-Qaeda has successfully entrenched itself within the Taliban by diversifying in proto-governance, which has been designed to build deeper roots within Afghan society, to garner the Talibans support and operate safely without the concern of betrayal or expulsion. Al-Qaeda remains a clandestine army in Afghanistan, but under the blueprint laid out by al-Zawahiri, it is now also a key element of the Talibans political infrastructure.

Whether practical or aspirational, al-Qaeda retains the belief that it is a self-appointed vanguard of the global jihadist movement whose actions will spearhead the removal of apostate rulers from the Middle East and North Africa. As long as Afghanistan remains dystopian under Taliban rule, al-Qaeda will be able to flourish and nurture a new generation of FTFs.

Some have underestimated the threat that al-Qaeda poses today. Others fail to grasp the degree of infiltration al-Qaeda has achieved within the Taliban administration at both the local and national levels. Al-Qaeda is carefully recalibrating, recruiting, training, and networkingboth with the regime in Afghanistan as well as other regional affiliates thanks to patronage, sponsorship, and support from the Taliban. It is premature to pen al-Qaedas obituary. In fact, it has been written countless times these past two decades, with every American president since 9/11 having claimed victory over them.

The siren song about recognizing the Taliban will not change their fundamental positions on al-Qaeda, who in turn can now abuse tensions within the Islamic world in light of the current crisis in the Middle East. Conferring legitimacy upon the regime could lead to future scenarios where foreign officials find themselves receiving a Taliban guard of honor with al-Qaeda fighters forming part of the contingent. Diplomats may even participate in meetings with the Taliban while al-Qaeda members serve as note-takers. Those advocating for recognition must consider whether they are willing to accept that sobering reality.

Sajjan M. Gohel is a Visiting Teacher at the London School of Economics and the author of the forthcoming book Doctor, Teacher, Terrorist: The Life and Legacy of Al-Qaeda Leader Ayman al-Zawahiri by Oxford University Press.

Victoria Jones is a Senior Research Fellow at the Asia-Pacific Foundation. Additionally, she is the chief editor of INTERZINE, a digital media platform that uses history to contextualize contemporary global issues.

The views expressed in this article belong to the authors alone and do not necessarily reflect those of Geopoliticalmonitor.com.

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