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A year after the Taliban took over Afghanistan, Ahmad Massoud the founder and leader of National Resistance Front of Afghanistan, the key opposition to the Taliban says the country has moved several steps back on all fronts. In an exclusive interview to The Indian Express from an undisclosed location, the 33-year-old son of legendary fighter Ahmad Shah Massoud, who was known as the Lion of Panjshir, talked about the situation in Afghanistan under Taliban, Pakistans role in supporting the Taliban and terrorist groups, and how he wants help from India in military logistics and the resistance from guerrilla fighters within Afghanistan.

What is your assessment of the Afghan situation under Taliban rule in the last one year?

I can say that under the rule of the Taliban, Afghanistan took not just one, or two but many big steps back, from political, social and economic development, and from tolerance, openness, acceptance and many other aspects of our society. We have lost the rule of law, institutions, and the trust of the people.

Afghanistan has become isolated once again. It has also became a hub for terrorism under Taliban rule. Lets not forget that women have completely lost their rights to study, to work, to be part of the government and even to live.

The minorities, like Sikhs and Shias, have lost their sense of security, safety and acceptance in society. We have lost the freedom of speech and we have lost freedom as a whole. Afghanistan has gone back to the dark ages.

What are you fighting for?

I do not want power and my struggle is for justice right now. There is no such thing as justice in Afghanistan. My people are being targeted and persecuted. There is no freedom. There is no right for women or for other ethnicities. Theres tyranny in my country. So in this situation, my fight, it is for justice and freedom. I do not want anything for myself as long as I see my country breathing the air of freedom and having a just government which is appointed by the people.

You mentioned the issue of terrorism. Al Qaeda chief Al Zawahiri was living in Kabul and was killed in a drone attack. What does that tell you about existence of terror groups?

I believe that this was a good step, one evil man less in this world. However, it was not surprising for us that the Taliban was harbouring Zawahiri. Our intelligence, from Taliban and Al Qaedas behaviour, indicated that the two are in complete cooperation. The Taliban are harbouring them, and many other terrorist groups are now active in Afghanistan. They are walking around and operating freely. In the last one year, we have tried to explain to the world that giving in to the will of the Taliban is giving in to the will of terrorism as a whole. We must put all the pressure required to make them accountable to international law, especially when it comes to countering terrorism, and also establishing a justice system.

How do you see Pakistans role in their support to the Taliban and the terrorist infrastructure?

Pakistan has always played this double game, that they always try to support the groups which destabilise other countries without understanding the consequences of it. Right now, they have a lot of issues internally, too, and it is due to their own behaviour regarding the people of Afghanistan and the situation of Afghanistan. They obviously accept it that they supported the Taliban, they harboured them for the past 20 years. The leaders were found there, and if Afghanistan was not recaptured by the Taliban, we could definitely see the killing of Ayman Al Zawahiri in Pakistan, instead of Kabul just like Osama bin Laden. So Pakistan has supported and harboured Al Qaeda, the Taliban and many other groups.

Instead of supporting a legitimate, independent ally in Afghanistan, called the government of the Republic of Afghanistan with all the differences, they took the wrong path and the wrong strategy, which caused Afghanistan to fall. This is a fire that Pakistan played with, and we will see sooner or later that it will backfire at them. I believe that Pakistan wanted Afghanistan to become a Waziristan, they didnt want all those terror camps to exist inside Pakistan. So, they pushed it all inside Afghanistan, and they didnt care about the Afghan people. As I speak most of the terrorists coming to my country are still coming through Pakistan.

Pakistan played the role of a supporter and mentor to the Taliban. However, people of Afghanistan were hoping that despite all the differences in the past 20 years, Pakistan will show that it actually changed its strategy and policy and finally, they will become a sensible and good neighbour to all of us. But they showed that they have not changed.

The rule of the Taliban will be a safe haven, and especially when there is no legitimate government in Kabul. It is a safe haven for many terrorist groups, Jaish-e-Mohammed and many others which are a threat to India, and to all countries in the region. For them to flourish, to use Afghanistan to operate, to recruit and strategically target their own sort of targets. The events in Kashmir have multiplied since the takeover of the Taliban. There is a direct link between Afghanistan under the rule of the Taliban and the increase in the violence in Kashmir and also increase in the violence of these terrorist groups because they see the possibility that if we continue the bloodshed and the terror acts, just like the Taliban, we will also be supported, we will also be successful in establishing an extremist government somewhere else. It is very important for all of us to put all efforts together and to defeat this extremist narrative, because it is spreading.

How do you see Indias role, and will this spread to India?

Absolutely, this fire will burn many countries. We saw the events that happened at the Iranian border, a clash between Uzbek border forces and the Taliban, similar things happening with Tajiks and probably, we will see some clashes with Turkmens as well. Afghanistan will become a safe haven for groups which will target Indias security interests. Without a shred of doubt we will see an increase in violence and in motivation. Terrorist groups have all congratulated Taliban for their victory and establishment of a Sharia government. It is not Islamic in my personal opinion. It is very much important not to allow such mentality and ideology to take root.

Your father Ahmad Shah Massoud fought the Taliban, led the Northern Alliance, and was supported by India. What is the difference in Indias approach?

I think the difference in approach is the hesitation. India is still in the process of assessing the situation. This hesitation is fatal. It is very wrong. And we need immediate action before the ideology takes root or before the terrorist find a foundation. It is very important to understand we are on the same page, and we are continuing the same path of my father. So the sooner the hesitation is over, the sooner we come to the conclusion that there should be a joint effort together against terrorism in the region, the better. Because whether we like it or not, we are the last line of defence of Afghanistans people against terrorism.

So what is the situation of the resistance now within Afghanistan or any other areas?

We have managed to do a few things in the past one year. First, we created a command and control centre which we lacked before but we are in our infancy. We have no support from outside whatsoever. It is based on the generosity of our own people and their commitment and desire to continue to resist and fight. We started from Panjshir valley, and expanded to Herat, Faryab, Mazhar, Kunduz, Baghlan, Takhar and Badakhshan. We have our forces in all of these provinces, including in Parwan, Kapisa. We have more than 3,500 forces. We support them, give them a salary and they are fighting. But our tactic at this moment is exactly what my father used against the Soviets at that time, which was guerrilla warfare. The Taliban have not had many attacks on us. Their success is limited and they achieved nothing. They kill innocent civilians. They are capturing and imprisoning the families of those resistance and our fighters.

Have you been in touch or have you reached out to any Indian government official or representatives for help?

I have reached out to all the countries which I believe could play a role in Afghanistan, and to let them know the situation and also to let them know our readiness. Instead of running away from my countrys problems, or seeking refuge in other countries, or going to the West and living a normal life, to tell them that there is a generation ready to stand up, to resist and not allow for terrorism to take off. I have reached out to India, but the hesitation has been a block. When it comes to the Indian policies, especially after another collapse of a Republic, which was a partner of India, there was a period which the Indian government required to assess the situation. But I hope we see some real moves by our longtime friends, in support of the people of Afghanistan and their struggle for freedom soon.

Could you tell me who you reached out to in the Indian establishment?

We have sent messages to all levels of the government. I have sent my representatives to talk to many countries regarding the situation in Afghanistan.

Is Amrullah Saleh, who worked with your father, and with India still with you. And what help do you want in concrete terms?

Yes, Mr. Saleh is with us and he is a part of the struggle. And he also believes that there should be an effort together to liberate the country. And regarding India, we require a few things.

We need a political solution and we need the whole region and the world to put political pressure on the Taliban for them to establish a legitimate, inclusive government through the decision of the Afghan people. My experience shows that just by condemnations or releasing statements, the Taliban will not surrender. What we need is a continuation of the resistance, working together to liberate the country or part of the country to put pressure on the Taliban to come to this acceptance. This was my fathers vision. He said we need the Taliban to come to the terms of the world and to the region that we require a legitimate, acceptable government by all.

People are ready to stand up and fight, but they need support. The new generation, especially the women and the young, want to stand up. The most important thing is the political support and logistics. People of Afghanistan want to fight and to continue resistance against terrorism.

Do you want India to give military help?

We will accept help from any country willing to help us. The Taliban are receiving support from international terrorist groups, and they are bringing oppression and tyranny on my people. We do not have the lack of expertise, people and soldiers, but we lack logistics.

I was not part of the government and the resistance was created after the fall of the Republic. All the logistics and everything which was in the hand of the Republic, the Taliban took all of that. Everything that we have is because of the generosity of the people. If you see that in the past one year, we survived the winters, the Taliban revenge attacks. We did not go away. In fact we are spreading very fast. It is all happening with literally no outside support. So just imagine how successful it will be with the support. We have, on one side, a terrorist administration, which is supported by some terrorist-supported state. And, on the other side, we have the democratic, moderate and true patriots of Afghanistan fighting for their own country against international terrorism with nothing.

India has revived its diplomatic mission and is extending humanitarian support. But you seem to want more than just food grains.

With all my heart, Im thankful and grateful for the support that India has been giving. I thank the Indian government and amazing Indian people. And I urge them to continue the support because Afghanistan is going towards a humanitarian crisis. The people have nothing to eat.

However, it is very important to monitor it because my intelligence shows that the Taliban has used this humanitarian support for their own forces and their families, not the people truly in need. They are not distributing aid justly, and they give it to one area more than the others based on ethnicity.

We saw what happened with the Sikhs. Unfortunately, the brutality of Taliban and the terrorism is beyond imagination. We saw the catastrophic impact on the Sikh community of Afghanistan which broke my heart. And harder than the attack, was the departure of my Sikh brothers and sisters from Afghanistan, which is totally understandable. But I never imagined that they would be forced to leave their homes. They are a part of us and we are a part of you.

I believe that we cannot change anything with just interaction, condemnation or humanitarian support. We need to take some measurable, strong and concrete decision in countering terrorism. Engaging with terrorism should not be an option.

There is a perception that Taliban captured the country, but is unable to manage it.

We knew that the Taliban are good at fighting but they are not good as a government. For example, when the people had nothing to eat, their leader said that this is from God, they need to accept it. When it comes to womens education, they ask why women need education when they have their husbands. When the economy was bad, their leaders said they should pray. So this is their approach. It doesnt matter how bad the situation gets for the Taliban, it wont get as bad as going back to the caves. For them, this is heaven. They do not care about the well-being of the people of Afghanistan, and they just want to stay in power. They are obsessed with it.

And thousands of credible and talented Afghans have left the country teachers, nurses, doctors. Right now, Afghanistan lacks personnel. They cannot continue to rule like this. And many who were optimistic about the Taliban one year ago are very skeptical right now. They are not happy with the situation and they dont see any hope at the end of this dark tunnel.

The Taliban offered you a role in the government in the regime. Why didnt you take it up?

Yes, when I met the Taliban Foreign Minister Mr [Amir Khan] Mottaqi in Tehran in January, he offered me a ministers position in the government. There was nothing official, he said it verbally. I told them that Mr Mottaqi, you got it all wrong. My struggle is not to find a place for myself. Both Mr [Ashraf] Ghani and Mr [Hamid] Karzai had asked me to become a minister and I had refused. My concern at that time was corruption in the way of governing. And I told them that the way they governed would end in a catastrophe, which is what happened.

I told Mr Mottaqi that we fought for 20 years, but right now there is an opportunity that all of us can establish a just government through a legitimate process. Lets all go and join a legitimate process. In 2001, when the Mujahideen came, instead of establishing their own government they all gathered at the Bonn conference with leaders from different sides of the political spectrum of Afghanistan. They all agreed in that process, and the sort of transition period that was acceptable by the region and the world. I want the cycle of violence to end. Lets all accept an intra Afghan dialogue, similar to the Bonn conference, to create a transition period and a process to create a legitimate government. Then if 90 per cent of the government comprises the Taliban, I will accept it. But the process must be accepted by the Afghan people and the world. Right now, you came to power with the barrel of a gun. Even if I join you, it doesnt mean the people will join. It means that Im also dipping myself in the pool of dirt. I cannot be a part of a government which does not believe in the rule of people and the rule of law. Im a strong believer of a democratic government that requires people to decide for their own fate and future. It doesnt matter if they even proposed the leadership of that government to me, I do not accept.

You were one of the young Afghans who studied overseas and then came back to Afghanistan for a better future. Do you think it is an opportunity lost after 20 years of hard work rebuilding the country?

Absolutely. You have no idea how many days and nights I spent imagining if we as a new generation had a few more years of stability, and the things that we could do to prevent this catastrophe. There was a great opportunity. But it was lost. We had a strong institution called army and armed forces, which was lost due to the bad policies, bad politicians and bad neighbours.

We had in the past one year an opportunity to build a stronger government to withstand all of these bad intentions and violence. I never imagined in a million years when I was studying in London, I would go back to my country and fight because Im not a violent person and I hate war, just like my father. It has always been forced upon us. I do not like it. I have no choice but to defend my people because they are invading my house, my family, my people and my nation. Theres no choice but to stand up. However, my expertise is for the political solutions in Afghanistan. But before my generation could get into politics, or do something beneficial for our country, the collapse happened. I feel so sad and upset sometimes thinking about what a great opportunity was lost.

What do you miss most in Afghanistan?

My people. I just miss the eyes of my people, their hands, their laughter, the hope and love of my people.

Of course, I love the country and its geography too. But without its people, geography is nothing. Afghanistan has the best people in the world and the worst politicians. This is our destiny.

And Im just trying to be someone who loves his people and does everything for its people and to follow the path of my father. Its a huge responsibility and I pray to God every day and to make me successful, to make me do something to be worthy of the amazing people of Afghanistan.

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'Afghanistan has gone back to the dark ages': Ahmad Massoud - The Indian Express

On August 22, 2021, shortly after the Taliban had seized Kabul, Ahmad Siddiqi drove the darkened streets of Afghanistans capital city. Because he had been an interpreter for the U.S. for 20 years, he knew the Taliban were searching for him and he was afraid to go home.

An American contact messaged him and told him to quickly gather his family and head to the airport, where U.S. soldiers would help them evacuate the country.

Siddiqi rushed home, assembled his wife, Horia, and their four children, grabbed a few provisions and made for the airport. There was no time to say goodbye to his parents or other relatives, and it wouldnt have been safe anyway. Because he had worked with American forces, his relatives could have been in danger just for knowing him.

The airport was chaotic. The Siddiqis were directed to one gate after another before they found American soldiers. But the Americans were on the other side of a sewage ditch, which the family had to wade through to reach the soldiers.

A few hours later, the family boarded an American military aircraft with almost 500 other evacuees.

Siddiqi remembers the faces of the other people on board: The unhappiness, the sorrow, the pain. You could see it.

That flight was the beginning of a months-long journey that had stops in Qatar, Italy, Pennsylvania and New Jersey.

The Siddiqi kids were skeptical of the riches their father had promised America would provide, like Spiderman and pizza. But American friends had sent the family a $200 gift card, and while the family was waiting at an airport in New Jersey, Siddiqi told his kids they could use the card to buy food. They ate all the hamburgers and fries they could. I [said], this is proofYou are in the U.S. now.

In Colorado, the American friends who had donated that gift card were waiting.

Retired Army Captain Scott Henkel had met Siddiqi in 2006 when he was stationed in Afghanistan and working as part of a Provincial Reconstruction Team.

Siddiqi was Henkels interpreter during that work, and the two men had stayed in touch through the years. As the situation in Afghanistan deteriorated, the Henkels lobbied U.S. officials to get the Siddiqis out of the country, and offered them a safe haven in Broomfield.

On Oct. 5, 2021, the family arrived at Denver International Airport.

The year since has been hard. Though Siddiqi has two college degrees, has worked for the U.S. Military, the State Department and the United Nations in Afghanistan, he has struggled to find a job that even comes close to his skillset. Right now, he delivers for HelloFresh and drives for a ride-share company. He looks for jobs better suited for his skills every day, but so far his cover letters have gone unanswered.

Though he misses Afghanistan and the family he left behind, there is no real hope of a return. The kids enjoy school and the family is doing its best to adjust to life here.

Colorado opened its arms and embraced us and gave us a home. That is home at this moment. I cannot go to Afghanistan, Siddiqi said.

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One year after fleeing Afghanistan, these refugees have settled in Broomfield - Colorado Public Radio

TEHRAN - Eskandar Momeni, the director of anti-narcotics police headquarters, has said it is a very serious threat that around 90 percent of the world's opium comes from Afghanistan.

We pursue the four main issues of confrontation, treatment, prevention, and rehabilitation. The issue of prevention is a long-term strategy because we are neighboring a country that is the hub of opium production, Momeni said, adding that opium production has increased with the support of the United States over the past 20 years, ILNA reported.

On August 15, Tehran police chief Hossein Rahimi announced that more than 3,400 smugglers of narcotics were arrested through a plan called Zafar, literally meaning victory.

Anti-narcotics police officers arrested 3,424 drug distributors and discovered more than 2 tons of narcotics in the implementation of the 18th phase of the plan, he explained, IRNA reported.

He went on to say that eight houses were officially sealed and 19 firearms were discovered from drug dealers.

World record for narcotics seizure

Iran holds the record for narcotics confiscation in the world, Momeni said in December 2021.

Iran holds the record for narcotics confiscation in the world.However, great achievements in the field of countermeasures have been gained, and the United Nations has officially announced that 90 percent of opium, 70 percent of morphine, and 20 percent of world heroin have been discovered by Iran.

In the Iranian calendar year ended in March 2021, about 1,200 tons of drugs were discovered, which was the highest rate of discovery in the world.

According to figures released by the United Nations in 2000, Afghanistan produced about 200 tons of narcotics, but in 2018, it has grown to 9,500 tons.

In other words, the production of narcotics has increased fifty times, which has doubled the need for prevention efforts, he highlighted.

Despite the conditions caused by the coronavirus outbreak and the imposition of harsh sanctions against the country, fortunately, with the efforts of anti-narcotics police in 2020, drug detection increased by 41 percent.

After the Islamic Revolution (in 1979), 3,800 were martyred, and 12,000 were wounded and disabled in the fight against drug trafficking.

The UNODC has praised Irans efforts to fight against narcotics trafficking on the occasion of International Day Against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking.

MG

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'90% of world's opium coming from Afghanistan is a very serious threat' - Tehran Times

Pakistan and Afghanistan will take on each other on 7th September in Dubai. This match will be the fourth game in the Super Four stage of Asia Cup 2022. Here, we take a look at the TV and streaming details of Pakistan vs Afghanistan Asia Cup Super Four 2022 fixture.

After winning against India, Pakistan will be high on confidence. If skipper Babar Azam comes to form, Pakistan could become a dangerous squad. However, Afghanistan cannot be taken lightly as they topped their group in the previous stage. Therefore, Pakistan might play safe to first qualify for the finals.

Afghanistan will want to rediscover its form from the group stage. It will be down to the big boys to step up against tough opposition. The likes of Rashid Khan and Mohammad Nabi must do well against Pakistan on Wednesday.

The Indian fans will be curious to know the outcome of the game between Pakistan and Afghanistan. They can watch the game on TV on Star Sports channels.

Disney+Hotstar will live stream the match in India. The platform also offers services in various regional languages.

While PTV and Ten Sports will offer the TV broadcast of the match, PTV will also provide the live streaming services of the encounter in Pakistan.

Ariana TV will be the primary choice in Afghanistan for the TV telecast of the encounter. However, fans will need to check the Twitter account of the Afghanistan Cricket Board for updates on the live streaming of the game.

In UAE, the match will start at 6:00 PM. While the game will begin in India at 7:30 PM, it will start at 7:00 PM and 6:30 PM respectively in Pakistan and Afghanistan.

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Pakistan vs Afghanistan Asia Cup 2022 Super Four: When And Where To Watch, Live Streaming And TV Broadcast Details - SportsAmaze

A T-shirt that was popular with veterans for much of Americas nearly 20-year war in Afghanistan showed a helicopter in flight with the caption We Were Winning When I Left. U.S. generals seem to be the only ones who didnt get the joke. On the first anniversary of our botched withdrawal, the military leaders most responsible for Americas disastrous outcome in Afghanistan have continued to loudly insist that the war was winnable when they were in charge, and that responsibility for the debacle must lie with someone else.

Retired Generals Frank McKenzie and Joseph Votel, the last two commanders of U.S. Central Command, which includes Afghanistan, recently made the case that America should have stayed indefinitely, arguing that the pullout was a mistake and that America could have defended its interestsand kept the Taliban at baywith a small residual force of a few thousand soldiers. And in The Atlantic, the retired general and former CIA director David Petraeus, who commanded the war in Afghanistan after presiding over the surge that helped bring temporary stability to Iraq, wrote that more than a decade ago we had finally established the right big ideas and overarching strategy. But the problem, he maintained, was that America did not have the stomach for a sustained, generational commitment.

A sustained, generational commitment? The United States spent more than $2 trillion in Afghanistan and sacrificed the lives of 2,461 service members over those two decades. And in that time, the top brass mostly got their way. President Barack Obama caved to his generals, agreeing to a substantial troop surge in a war he was trying to end. President Donald Trump did the same on a smaller scale, entering office on a promise to end the war but eventually agreeing to a mini-surge and deferring a full withdrawal to his successor.

From the magazine: My escape from Afghanistan

The outcome of Americas commitment was an Afghan government and military that couldnt hold out long enough even for U.S. forces to leave with a semblance of dignity. The right big ideas deployed by a generation of generals proved to be empty slogans: government in a box, money as a weapons system, ink spots. All of these were tactical approaches or overly simplistic frameworks that ignored the nuances of Afghan politics and the reality of attempting to modernize a fractured country that was mired in corruption and a continuing civil war.

This myth of a sustainable stalemate is contradicted by a mountain of evidence and experience. U.S. casualties in the Afghan Wars last years remained low because of the Doha Agreement, whatever its flaws. The Kabul governments forces that had to fight and win the war were losing gradually and then suddenly, as Ernest Hemingway described bankruptcy.

By 2017, Afghan army and police recruiting began to dry up, a result of high casualties, corruption, and mistreatment, as well as successful Taliban propaganda that capitalized on those failures. Later that year, the U.S. government classified Afghan security forces size and stopped collecting district stability data, a fraught but valuable metric of security. These were not the hallmarks of a winning campaign. General McKenzie admitted to the Senate Armed Services Committee in 2018 that Afghan security forces were suffering unsustainable attrition. And when Afghan forces failed in battle with the tools and training we had given them, the answer from the generals was not to shift our approach but always to ask for more time and more money.

We both first deployed to Afghanistan more than a decade ago; our combined experience in the war covers the period from 2009 to 2014. What became clear during those deployments was that the war was a fundamentally doomed endeavor. Our efforts to build a national Afghan army in the image of our own military were not only ineffective; they also made the Afghan governments crisis of legitimacy worse. We both served alongside a range of Afghan government forces and saw firsthand how the model we were imposing on their military simply did not fit the country we were fighting in.

In June 2011, a full decade before last years total withdrawal, President Obama announced a major troop reduction in Afghanistan and a future responsible end to the war. Trump successfully campaigned in 2016 on a pullout promise; as president, he signed the February 2020 Doha Agreement that would deliver just that. President Joe Biden ordered an Afghanistan policy review, and then chose to delay the withdrawal but ultimately honor the Doha terms.

Read: The Afghanistan withdrawal: a potential disaster in the making

In the face of all these signals that the U.S. intervention was coming to an end, Americas generals seemed to think they could keep a small war in Afghanistan going forever. If the war didnt end, hard questions about the fundamental flaws in execution never had to be acknowledged. U.S. military leaders could continue to pretend that they had achieved something in the country.

As for the inevitable chaos of the withdrawal itself, the U.S. State Department deserves most of the blame for the shameful condition of the Afghan Special Immigrant Visa program, which prevented tens of thousands of our Afghan partners from getting out of the country safely, and the White House must own some final operational and timing decisions in Kabul. But the bulk of the blame for the failures of analysis, planning, and execution still rests on the shoulders of our military and its leaders. They built a house of cards in Afghanistan. As years of reporting and research have shown, whether it would come crashing down was never in doubt; it was only a matter of when and how.

Defeat is a bitter pill for any army to swallow. And unfortunately, blaming operational and tactical failures on politics at homea stab in the backis a long and dangerous tradition: You can find Iraq and Vietnam versions of that sardonic T-shirt. Plenty of blame can be spread around for Americas defeat in its longest foreign war. But dont let the generals fool you: We were losing when they left.

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Dont Believe the Generals on Afghanistan - The Atlantic