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In deeply patriarchal and repressive societies like Afghanistan women have always been subjected to gender-based discrimination and violence. This was the case before the Taliban came to power but it has become much worse since and women, who were already underrepresented in the media industry, are suffering immeasurably.

The dwindling community of female journalists has reached a concerning level. Soon after the Talibans coup they started a crackdown on all journalists. There were raids on the houses of journalists, arrests, detentions, intimidation and harassment.

In addition to direct threats, the Taliban started to systematically harass women in the media to make it difficult for them to work. The Taliban introduced strict dress codes, including making the veil mandatory. The ban on long-distance travel of women without a male guardian has made field work for women impossible. Women have also been banned from appearing on TV shows. The Taliban effectively want us to completely disappear from the media landscape.

Due to these barbaric laws many women have lost their jobs and many have fled the country. Those women who were the sole earners in the family are now living in destitution.

The outflux of women with essential skills has created a brain drain in Afghanistan. Years of progress with regards to media development, women empowerment and capacity building of women in media has been undone by the Taliban in merely two years. All the women journalists who toiled for years and built up their skills despite the difficulties are now either confined to the home or in exile in miserable situations. Unfortunately some have lost their lives in attempts to seek shelter. A female senior Pashto journalist, Torpekai Amarkhel, drowned with her family in a boat sailing them to Italy just a few weeks ago.

Amarkhels asylum case for Australia was in process. But due to the long, arduous, slow and chaotic process of filling and requesting asylum or refugee status in developed countries, journalists in distress are opting for perilous and illegal means of immigration. Its a response coming from extreme desperation and frustration. Western countries must try to understand this and must make the visa process easy, fast and efficient.

Within Afghanistan, peoples desperation is being exploited for financial gain. Acquiring essential travel documents is being aggravated by long delays, tough requirements and chaotic procedures, which has meant the opening of illegal channels to mint more money from helpless people running for their lives. For example the average fees for a passport right now is at least $3000 and fees for a Pakistani visa is $1200. This makes the legal evacuation from Afghanistan for those journalists at risk almost impossible, forcing them to opt for illegal channels. For those taking this route the outcomes can be awful. In many instances people are arrested and detained in neighbouring countries.

In exile the Afghan journalists are unable to continue their journalistic work due to a myriad of issues, such as lack of opportunities in the countries of temporary residence, language barriers, legal barriers and discrimination against Afghans. The result? Women journalists in exile are either forced to stay at home or they are forced to do menial work to simply make end meets. Theyre out of work, gaps in their career growing. Some are now quitting the industry and switching careers.

The situation is stifling for male journalists too. The heart-wrenching stories of Afghan journalists are sadly countless. A journalist who worked alongside me in a media outlet recently posted on Twitter and other social media platforms about selling one of his kidneys to get some money to support himself and his family in exile in Pakistan. Another journalist from Afghanistan trashed all his academic and professional documents out of frustration at his joblessness and inability to get any humanitarian support. And another journalist, a senior one with a strong track record in the industry, has become a cobbler working in the streets.

In order to save the community of journalists in general, and women journalists in particular, the world must act. Western countries must open their doors so that we can access work, education and free speech and expression which we have been denied in our own country. But everyone can help protect Afghan journalists and create opportunities for them within Afghanistan and in exile. Engage with Afghan journalists through fellowships, scholarships, workshops, training and other opportunities to save the media from dying. And finally pressurise the Taliban to reverse their barbaric decisions that have created a gender-based apartheid and is pushing generations of Afghans back to the stone age.

Excerpt from:
The harsh reality for Afghanistan's journalists - Index on Censorship

More than eighteen months after the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan on 15 August 2021, it is time to assess the level of threat deriving from the jihadist groups based in the country.

One should always bear in mind that all of these groups were present in Afghanistan before the Taliban takeover and they have not expanded significantly since. All that changed is the regime in Kabul.

Even in terms of counter-terrorism, there are not many obvious changes, given that after the US withdrew the bulk of its forces in 2014, operations against jihadist groups have been limited to drone and air strikes and that the Afghan security forces were contributing little, absorbed as they were in a fight for survival against the Taliban.

After an apparent lull of a few months after the total withdrawal in the summer of 2021, US drones have reappeared on Afghanistans skies, in all likelihood following a basing agreement with Pakistan, even if the Pakistani authorities deny it. Indeed, it was at the end of July 2022 that finally, the US managed to nab Ayman al-Zawahiri with a drone strike in Kabul.

This report, therefore, is not merely about the threat represented by Afghanistan-based jihadist groups to European and Middle Eastern countries, but also about the level of that threat, compared to what it was before 15 August 2021.

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European Eye on Radicalization aims to publish a diversity of perspectives and as such does not endorse the opinions expressed by contributors. The views expressed in this article represent the author alone.

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Afghanistan Under the Taliban: The Global Jihadist Threat to Europe ... - European Eye on Radicalization

The plight of Afghan allies seeking asylum in the UK is a complex and pressing issue.

These individuals, including members of specialised units such as the Triples and the National Directorate of Security (NDS), as well as pilots, have played a crucial role in the UK mission in Afghanistan.

They have courageously fought alongside British soldiers against the Taliban, contributing significantly to counter-terrorism efforts, and engaging in actions such as targeting, eliminating, and capturing militants.

It is deeply concerning that the UK government has failed to provide safe and legal asylum routes for its Afghan allies, leaving them with no choice but to embark on dangerous, unauthorized journeys to reach the UK.

Consequently, the Afghan Relocations and Assistance Policy (ARAP) scheme has seen a backlog of cases waiting for up to 18 months, with many direct employees of the UK armed forces and other allies facing rejection despite the genuine threats to their lives.

The recent news that an Afghan pilot, who honourably served the British and NATO mission in Afghanistan, faces potential deportation to Rwanda, a nation with a history of human rights violations, is a distressing development. The UK Home Offices decision has sparked outrage, and it is crucial for the UK government to recognize its responsibility to protect its Afghan allies.

I am scheduled to meet with Stephen Kinnock, the Labour shadow minister for immigration, to address the plight of Afghan allies and the ongoing crisis in Afghanistan. It is imperative for the UK government to uphold its moral duty to protect its allies by providing safe and legal pathways for them to seek asylum.

Afghan asylum cases should be handled with empathy and consideration, given the grave risks faced by former Afghan government employees and Nato allies at the hands of the Taliban. While the UK government participated in the September 2021 evacuation of Afghanistan, many Afghan allies were left behind.

In comparison to the USs evacuation of nearly 120,000 Afghans, the UK government has only evacuated around 20,000 individuals, including those with no direct or indirect affiliation with the UK mission in Afghanistan.

The UK government must rise to the occasion and offer a secure haven for its Afghan allies. Deporting them to countries with a history of human rights violations is not only morally reprehensible but also a violation of the governments obligation to protect those who served alongside British soldiers in Afghanistan.

It is crucial for the UK government to take swift action to fulfill its moral responsibility towards its Afghan allies.

Mohammad Rafi Hottak is an activist who previously worked as an interpreter for the British army in Afghanistan

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I was an interpreter for British troops in Afghanistan the way the government is treating allies is shameful - The Independent

Female students in Afghanistan have said that they are seeking to study abroad as universities continue to remain closed for women in the country, TOLO News reported. Female students have said that they have applied for scholarships abroad for virtual and campus institutions. However, they are facing problems in travelling due to the lack of a male person to accompany them.

Taliban has announced that no female can travel without a male accompanying them. Azada Bakhshi, a student, said that there are some scholarships for which female students can apply. However, the Taliban has imposed restrictions on travelling without a male accompanying them, as per the TOLO News report. The female students urged the Taliban to reopen universities for women. Women's rights activist has said that the closure of universities is damaging Afghanistan's education sector, as per the news report.

"The doors of the university for girls have been closed. The girls have no choice but to find another country for a scholarship and go to overseas for making their future," TOLO News quoted Sharifa as saying. Arizo Khurasani, a women's rights activist, said, "This is a big blow to the educational system of Afghanistan." Khurasani called on the Taliban to reopen the schools and universities for girls. Khatira Hissar, a women's rights activist, said that the Taliban does not permit women to travel without a male accompanying them.

Hissar said that the Taliban also has problems with passports. Khatira Hissar called on the Taliban to review its policies and permit Afghan girls to study in Afghanistan. As per the news report, it has been nearly one month since the start of the educational year. However, female students have not been yet allowed to attend universities. On March 25, female students of secondary schools in Badakhshan urged the Taliban to reopen schools to allow them to pursue education as the new school year has started, TOLO News reported.

In order to prevent anxiety and depression, several girls have started learning carpet weaving in a workshop. Breshna, a student, said that they are facing mental health problems after being deprived of schooling. Farzana, another student, said that they are ready to wear hijab if the Taliban allows them to go to school. "We have faced mental health issues after being deprived of schooling," TOLO News quoted Breshna as saying."If they want Hijab we will wear it and we will accept any conditions. They should only let us go to schools," TOLO News quoted Farzana as saying.

Notably, secondary schools have remained closed for girls for nearly two years. The international community, including the UN agencies, have called for the reopening of schools for females. (ANI)

(This story has not been edited by Devdiscourse staff and is auto-generated from a syndicated feed.)

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Female students seek to study abroad as Afghanistan universities continue to remain closed for women - Devdiscourse

It has been more than a year since the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (IEA) forces routed the then Afghan National Defence and Security Forces (ANSDF) including the 350,000 strong Afghan National Army (ANA) in their lightening advance towards Kabul, while sizeable American and NATO forces were still deployed in Afghanistan.

The bulwark against the rag-tag Taliban forces, ANA, melted under the combined effects of Taliban (IEA) tenacity and momentum, lack of resolution and commitment to fight, ANSFs overall low morale due to corruption, and IEAs successful tasleem strategy, emphasising and offering peaceful surrender and repatriation.

A February 2023 report by SIGAR (Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction), a US government entity, under directions from The House committees on Oversight and Reform, and Armed Services investigates the disaster. The scope of investigation encompasses: a) ascertaining factors leading to ANDSF collapse; b) identifying any underlying factors during training, responsible for underdevelopment of important ANDSF capabilities, readiness, and its under-performance; and c) accounting for all the US-provided equipment, and the status of all the US-trained ANDSF personnel.

The Reports includes eyewitness accounts and offers no recommendations.As per the Report, the US government allocated nearly $90 billion in security assistance to ANDSF since 2002 to raise a self-sustaining, capable, and independent force in order to combat internal and external threats to Afghanistan. The force was trained, mentored, and employed in joint operations by the US/NATO forces over two decades.

The Report cites ANDSFs dependency on US [Coalition] military forces as the basis of collapse, as it never allowed ANSDF to mature into a self-sustaining force, outside the US/NATO security umbrella.

Rapid pull-back of all the US military personnel, and substantial reduction in the US support, consequent to the February 2020 Doha Agreement with Taliban, were catalysts for disintegration. This destroyed the morale of Afghan soldiers and police, as the US/ NATO combat support protected it against large-scale losses. The Afghan troops also saw America as their paymaster, ensuring timely disbursement of salaries.

SIGAR cites the Doha agreement having accentuated ANSDFs sense of abandonment due to sudden curtailment of the US combat strength on ground and consequent reduction in the US airstrikes, a critical force-multiplier. In 2019 alone, America conducted 7,423 airstrikes, enabling ANSDF combat successes and regaining of some ground. This was important as the US had designed ANSDF a mirror image of the US Military (USMIL) with heavy reliance on combat air support.

Mirror-imaging also created long-term ANDSF dependencies. The US, for example, created an NCO (non-commissioned officer) corps, with no foundation or history in the Afghanistans Military System. Afghan Air Force (AAF), although a critical component of this new Military System, was not envisaged to be self-reliant till 2030.

Decision to withdraw on-site contract maintenance from AAF in May 2021 almost crippled the AAF. Besides limiting offensive air support to ANA, this decision greatly curtailed logistic viability of the ANSDF, which was dependent upon AAF for moving stockpiles of the US-provided weapons, munitions and supplies, that otherwise could not be moved quickly and safely overland. Therefore, the Report concludes, ANDSF units were short of ammunition, food, water, and other military equipment to sustain military engagements against the Taliban.

The Afghan government is also criticised for failure to develop a national security strategy when the foreign troops withdrew. President Ashraf Ghani frequently changed military leaders, preferring loyalists and ethnicity, politicising, and polarising ANSDF in the process. Well-trained bright officers with professional credentials were sidelined for being US-trained.

IEA successfully exploited ANDSFs leadership, logistical, and tactical gaps. Its emboldened attacks and negotiated surrender calls (tasleem) set up a domino effect with district after district falling to them. The IEA/Talibans effective use of local, social and other media under their psychological warfare magnified IEA gains and sapped ANSDFs will to fight.

Certain systemic failures also played a critical role. First, the US time-commitment to raise the force was non-realistic. Raising a self-sustaining security sector takes decades, as in South Korea for example. The Report criticises the ever-changing milestones and politics that inhibited realistic goals for building a self-sustaining, capable military and police force.

SIGAR identifies the contradictory nature of undertaking. Battlefield success was pivotal to create conditions for the US withdrawala stated goal. For this reason, effective, cohesive, and hardened US troops often led missions or supplemented ANSDF. And the US/NATO augmented gaps in Afghan system like close air support, medical evacuation, logistics, and intelligence collection. This in turn deprived the ANSDF cadre the combat experience of fighting on its own. Consequently, ANDSF became capacity and capability-reliant on foreign forces.

Second, the projects overall ownership by Coalition Forces was awkward as no single agency and country was responsible for it. Temporary organisations, like ISAF (the International Security Assistance Force), Resolute Support, and CSTC-A (Combined Security Transition Command Afghanistan) with tenure-based and constantly rotating commanders and staff were to raise and train ANSDF. This impeded continuity and institutional memory.

Third, trainers and advisers were themselves poorly trained and ill-equipped for their mission and tasks. Limited or no pre-deployment and in-theater training, and frequent rotational deployments affected training regimen and hindered the development of trainer-trainee trust.

Fourth, lack of an effective assessment system and oversight caused an unclear picture of reality on the ground. There was no real yardstick for measuring ANDSFs development and effectiveness. Reasons that hid performance-degrading factorslike poor leadership and corruption escaped attention. The US Defence Depts (DOD) evaluation methods were changed five times. The highest recorded performance appraisal was ability to operate independent with advisors.

Fifth, corruption played big. Not clamping on corruption and a culture of impunity resulted in lackluster performance and absence of Afghan ownership of mission and logistics, pushing the USMIL to conduct combat and patrol missions.

On bookkeeping the US equipment and status of trained Afghan manpower, SIGAR found grave accounting shortfalls. In 2020, DOD did not comply with its own oversight criterion for sensitive equipment transferred to Afghanistan, making theft and loss possible. Afghan Personnel and Pay System (APPS) could be manipulated, and fictitious records could be inserted.

On equipment, SIGAR found that IEA [interestingly] continues to openly use the US-supplied equipment etc. Although the US did salvage some US-provided aircraft at the time of collapse. Some planes were flown to central Asia by fleeing AAF pilots. Some were moved to storage in America while others duly repurposed were sent to Ukraine etc. For ANDSF manpower disposal, SIGAR concludes fleeing Afghanistan, killing by Taliban, hiding, or joining other groups, as likely scenarios.

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Afghanistan why Afghan army collapsed - The Express Tribune