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Andrew J. Bacevich Published 2:42 p.m. ET Feb. 26, 2017 | Updated 19 hours ago

U.S. troops inspect the site of a suicide attack in Kabul, Afghanistan, in 2014.(Photo: Massoud Hossaini, AP)

Will sending a few thousand additional U.S. troops to Afghanistan spell the difference between victory and defeat in what has become the longest war in all of U.S. history?Not likely.

To understand why, recall what the United States has been doing in that beleaguered country since the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001. At the cost of more than $1 trillion, 3,500 coalition troops killed and thousands more wounded, the United States and its allies have spent more than 15 years trying to create in Kabul a government commanding the allegiance of the Afghan people and security forces capable of maintaining internal security.

That effort has not succeeded. Today, the Taliban not only persists but controls more territory than at any time since 2001. U.S. efforts to foster create a viable Afghan economy have achieved meager results.

Although Afghanistan has received more American aid than the United States expended to rebuild Western Europe after World War II via the Marshall Plan, the country today has achieved distinction in only two categories: corruption, where it ranks among the worlds worst, and heroin production, which has reached an all-time high.

Pretending that a few thousand troops will turn things around in Afghanistan is like expecting a few hundred additional cops to eliminate gang violence in a city like Chicago. Its an argument that ignores root causes. Rather than a serious policy proposal, its a Band-Aid.

In Afghanistan, what's the plan?: Our view

The root causes of Afghan dysfunction are vast and deep. They predate the ongoing war itself. If the security and well-being of the United States do require it to fix the problems afflicting Afghanistan, then doing so is likely to require a few hundred thousand troops. To finish the job, those troops will have to stay a few decades. Along the way, they will burn through trillions of additional taxpayer dollars.

If U.S. policymakers shrink from making any such commitment as well they might perhaps its time to ask a more fundamental question: Is it not possible that Afghans are better able than we are to solve their own problems?

Andrew J. Bacevich is author of Americas War for the Greater Middle East, which is just out in paperback.

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Enough already for Afghanistan: Opposing view - USA TODAY

The Trump administration is considering whether to plunge more resources and troops into the United States longest war Afghanistan as some of the presidents top generals are calling for. The issue pits President Trumps commitment to end nation-building against his promise to stamp out terrorism in a conflict where a clear U.S. strategy is sorely lacking.

After more than 15 years of U.S. fighting, the war is at a crossroads. The Afghan national security forces are on their heels. The government is asking the United States and its NATO partners to help it go on offense against the Taliban, which has been taking territory with the help of Pakistan, Iran and Russia. The top U.S. commander in Afghanistan, Gen. John W. Nicholson, has publicly testified that he wants a few thousand more troops there. He also says there is a need for a more holistic review of the mission.

As Defense Secretary Jim Mattis prepares a formal recommendation to the White House, debate has renewed in Washington on whether the United States is throwing good money after bad in Afghanistan. But as far as the Afghan government is concerned, theres really no safe alternative.

The Taliban, while they may not be directly planning direct attacks on U.S. territory, they provide the environment for all kinds of terrorist groups to operate, Hamdullah Mohib, Afghanistans ambassador to Washington, told me. If we allow any terrorist group to succeed, it doesnt matter what terrorist group, it emboldens all of them.

Theres an immediate need for equipment and personnel, he said, before the start of the summer fighting season, which is sure to be bloody. If thousands more U.S. troops arrive, they would serve in an advise-and-training role, not direct combat. But the idea is to embed them in Afghan units, placing them closer to the fighting.

The Afghan government is also asking for helicopters, special forces gear and intelligence assistance to fill urgent shortfalls. For example, the Afghan militarys fleet of Russian helicopters is mostly grounded, in part because of a lack of spare parts as a result of U.S. sanctions against Russia.

Mohib is optimistic that Trumps team is open to the idea of committing more resources to Afghanistan.

The hesitation that existed in the previous administration is gone, Mohib said. The hesitation was that the U.S. didnt have a good partner to work with in the Afghan government.

Republican leaders in Congress are cautiously supportive of an Afghanistan troop increase they would be responsible to fund. But they want to make sure the Trump administration doesnt repeat what they see as President Barack Obamas mistakes, including setting timelines for withdrawal and failing to bring the American people along.

Arbitrary political limits make it harder to accomplish the mission, House Armed Services Committee Chairman Mac Thornberry (R-Tex.) told me. It is equally important that the president make the public case for our continued presence in Afghanistan. ... President Obama never made that case, and our mission suffered for it.

Trump barely mentioned Afghanistan during the campaign, other than to say it was not going well or to compare it favorably to Chicago. The lack of campaign rhetoric gives Trump something of a free hand to choose any policy he wants.

The generals supporting the plan could strengthen their case by getting NATO allies to make human and financial commitments up front. That would address Trumps criticism that NATO doesnt do counterterrorism and doesnt pay its fair share. The generals might also argue that Afghanistan is a natural long-term partner for the regional fight against terrorism, which is not going away soon.

Experts mostly agree, though, that surging resources to bolster the Afghan security forces is a stopgap measure at best. Without a comprehensive strategy that deals with Pakistans insistence on providing support and sanctuary for the Taliban, no gains are sustainable. A new strategy also must include a plausible path to return to negotiations to end the conflict. For now, the Taliban doesnt feel enough pressure to compromise.

An open-ended commitment with no strategy poses a very high risk of very expensive failure, said Christopher Kolenda, a former senior adviser on Afghanistan and Pakistan at the Pentagon.

Mattis, Nicholson, Joint Chiefs Chairman Gen. Joseph F. Dunford Jr. and new national security adviser Lt. Gen. H.R. McMaster all have deep experience in Afghanistan and understand that the military aspect of the plan is necessary but not sufficient.

Selling a new U.S. commitment to Trump and then to the American people will not be easy. But if the administration is able to tune out the politics, share the burden and follow a clear strategy, the benefits of the deal will outweigh the costs.

Read more from Josh Rogins archive, follow him on Twitter or subscribe to his updates on Facebook.

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Selling Trump a new Afghanistan commitment - Washington Post

Zimbabwe v Afghanistan, 5th ODI, Harare February 26, 2017

ESPNcricinfo staff

Afghanistan 253 for 9 (Rahmat 50, Nabi 48, Mpofu 3-46) beat Zimbabwe 54 (Nabi 3-14, Hamza 3-20) by 106 runs (D/L Method) Scorecard

Rahmat Shah top scored with 50 Zimbabwe Cricket

Afghanistan's bowlers combined to roll Zimbabwe over for 54, helping the visitors seal a 3-2 series win with a 106-run D/L victory in the final ODI in Harare.

Afghanistan elected to bat and were provided a brisk start thanks to opener Noor Ali Zadran's 49-ball 46, even as Zimbabwe got regular breakthroughs early on. Noor Ali eventually fell at the end of the 15th over, a wicket that put the brakes on Afghanistan's momentum as captain Asghar Stanikzai and Rahmat Shah tried to steady the innings from 85 for 3. The pair put on 39 off 64 balls, which was followed by a fifth-wicket stand of 35 between Shah and Samiullah Shenwari. After Rahmat reached his fifty, both he and Shenwari were run-out as Afghanistan found themselves at 172 for 6 at the 40-over mark.

Allrounder Mohammad Nabi then batted with the lower order, hitting four fours and a six in his 48 off 40 balls. Dawlat Zadran hit 14 off 6 balls to lift them to 253 for 9. Medium-pacer Chris Mpofu finished with figures of 3 for 46 while the spin duo of Graeme Cremer and Sean Williams kept things tight and conceded a combined 74 in 20 overs.

Zimbabwe's response was delayed by rain and a wet outfield, leaving them with a revised target of 161 off 22 overs. They suffered an early blow, losing Peter Moor in the second over. Three balls later, left-arm spinner Amir Hamza removed Solomon Mire, before returning two more wickets off four balls in his next over to reduce Zimbabwe to 13 for 4.

There was to be no recovery, with only two batsmen getting into double-figures, as Nabi and Rashid Khan - who were both picked up by the Sunrisers Hyderabad at the IPL auction earlier this week - took combined figures of 5 for 22. Rahmat was named Man of the Match for his fifty.

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Afghanistan raze Zimbabwe for 54 to seal series - ESPNcricinfo.com

The United States remains locked in its longest war to date, a 16-year venture in Afghanistan that shows no signs of relenting. The top U.S. commander in Afghanistan, Army Gen. John Nicholson, briefed the Senate Armed Services Committee in early February and drew much needed attention to one of the greatest fiascoes of the U.S. effort in Afghanistan reconstituting a capable, effective, and sustainable Afghan Air Force (AAF). Nicholson bluntly noted that close air support and aerial mobility are the most critical remaining gaps that need to be addressed. He couldnt be more right.

Although the Afghan National Security and Defense Force (ANDSF) has grown significantly since its post-Taliban rebirth, the ANDSF still suffers from attrition, corruption, logistics and maintenance deficiencies, and inadequate air power. The U.S. and NATO effort to reconstitute the AAF began slowly in 2007, and like most efforts in Afghanistan, it soon became mired in bad deals, mismanagement, and bureaucratic disasters.

Afghanistan has used AN-26 transport planes, the predecessor of the AN-32, since 1978. Instead of pursuing the acquisition of additional AN-32 transport planes, which were long familiar to the older Afghan pilots, a deal was cut with Alenia North America to acquire 20 Italian C-27 cargo planes for $486 million. An additional $200 million was earmarked to establish a spare parts inventory, ground support equipment, and for contractor support to keep the fleet maintained.

In the end, the program failed Alenia struggled to meet its contractual obligations and the fleet of C-27s were grounded in 2012, the program was canceled outright in 2013, and the fleet of C-27s were sold for scrap to a local Afghan construction company for 6 cents a pound, amounting to a mere $32,000. TheSpecial Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction John Sopko stated in 2012 thatits imperative that the U.S. government does not repeat the mistakes made throughout this nearly half-billion dollar program.

Fast forward to 2017 and the Pentagon is again finding itself in a similar position. Nicholsons sworn testimony confirms that the U.S. government is considering replacing Afghanistans Russian-made fleet of Mi-17 transport helicopters with 53 U.S. Army UH-60 Blackhawks at a cost of $814 million. The program is heavily supported by Sen. Richard BlumenthalRichard BlumenthalLast chance to improve Afghanistans fledgling Air Force? Poll: Senate should confirm Gorsuch A guide to the committees: Senate MORE (D-Conn.). Notably, the Blackhawk helicopter is manufactured by Sikorsky at a facility in Connecticut. The Pentagon had to terminate its $554 million contract withRussias state-owned military exporter Roboronexport to provide additional Mi-17 helicopters and spare parts to the AAF in 2013 following opposition from senators such a Blumenthal over Russians military support to Syrian dictator Bashir Assad and for Russias invasion of Crimea.

While Blumenthals sales pitch for U.S.-manufactured Blackhawks might fall in line with the"America First" message President Trump conveyed in his inaugural address, plans to transition the AAF from one of its most relied upon aircraft the Mi-17 amid Afghanistans heaviest fighting in years, is a grave mistake.

Nicholson warned Congress that it would take 21 months from the initial approval decision to field the first refurbished and upgraded UH-60 to the AAF, and any further delays in making such a decision would further widen the critical Afghan aerial capability gap. Nicholson further warned that with the AAF unable to field the UH-60s until 2019, the burden would fall upon U.S. aviation and authorities to bridge the gap, which would put U.S. campaign objectives at serious risk.

Extending the life of the fleet or replacing expended Mi-17s should be considered essential in the short term to provide the AAF with an organic aerial mobility and fires capability until a reasonable transition time to UH-60s is achieved. A hard stop in the AAFs usage of Mi-17s in 2017 and 2018 will unnecessarily put the lives of the ANDSF at risk and further threaten U.S. objectives in Afghanistan.

As a man who disdains bad deals, President Trump and must carefully balance the America First policy with the ground realities of Americas longest fought war. The proposed acquisition of UH-60 Blackhawks given the current situation in Afghanistan is reminiscent of the bad deal cut with Alenia in 2008. The additional years worth of training, which would include retraining pilots, ground crews, and logistics and maintenance personnel, would further delay the anticipated 2020 timeline for a fully functional Air Force. Given the precarious nature of Afghanistans fragile National Unity Government and the ANDSFs continuing fight against a robust and growing insurgency, the additional years needed for training and transition are an unrealistic luxury that Afghanistan and its allies cannot afford.

Matthew C. DuPe is a senior South Asia analyst for the U.S. Defense Department. Matthew Archibald isindependent researcher and consultant on South Asian issues. The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any agency of the U.S. government.

The views expressed by this author are their own and are not the views of The Hill.

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Last chance to improve Afghanistan's fledgling Air Force? | TheHill - The Hill (blog)

Two students were tragically and needlessly killed in Laghman Province, and seven others and a teacher injured, when a mortar round struck their school. We cannot let children and schools continue to become victims of this escalating conflict, said NRC Country Director in Afghanistan, Kate O'Rourke. Education is increasingly becoming a casualty of the conflict.

Around 10am Saturday 25 Feb, a mortar round struck a state-run classroom in the Shaheed Mawlawi Habib Rahman High School in the Besram area of Alingar District, in the Eastern province of Laghman.

Everyone was in class when we heard the sound of a mortar being fired nearby, said Abdul Latif Kochai, the School Principal. Our students and nearby villagers frantically transported those injured to the hospital. The medical staff tried their best to treat them. Two of our male students diedone in Grade 7, the other in Grade 11.

The day before, armed clashes between armed opposition groups and Afghan security forces had intensified near Besram, located near the border between Alingar and Mehterlam districts.

Neither side has accepted responsibility. However, around two hundred villagers protested later that day outside the Laghman Provincial Governors Compound in Mehterlam.

This is tragedy for the families of these children and their communities. The aspirations of these students and teachers to contribute to a better future in their country have been destroyed in this senseless incident, said ORourke. "The rise in attacks on education in Afghanistan undermines the progress made in the last decade. Afghan parents must increasingly choose between their childrens education and their safety."

International Humanitarian Law proscribes attacks on educational institutions by military forces.

The Afghan Government is commended for being one of the first signatories to the Oslo Safe Schools Declaration. It must investigate all attacks on schools and hold those found responsible accountable, said Will Carter, Head of Programme, NRC Afghanistan.

The Government should not dismiss any information before it has conducted a thorough investigation. There is no evidence to suggest that the school was occupied by the Taliban, or had in some way become a legitimate military target. Instead, students were studying.

Facts

The Government of Afghanistan endorsed the Oslo Safe Schools Declaration in a meeting hosted by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs on 29 May 2015, along with 36 other States. To date, 59 States are signatories to the Declaration.

The number of people displaced due to conflict has increased in Afghanistan over the past five years. More than 600,000 persons were internally displaced due to conflict in 2016 alone. On top of this, more than 600,000 Afghans returned from Pakistan between July and December 2016, with the majority settling in eastern Afghanistan.

In 2016, NRC supported the education of approximately 80,000 Afghan boys and girls affected by conflict and emergency in Afghanistan, including 10,000 in the Eastern region. This work is primarily funded by the EU (ECHO), Norway and Sweden (Sida).

In total, over 2016, NRC directly assisted 300,000 displaced persons through its wider programming in Afghanistan, which includes legal assistance, shelter, and education in emergencies. NRC maintains ten offices across the country, including in Nangarhar, which also responds to humanitarian needs in Laghman Province.

A second Safe Schools Declaration meeting is scheduled for 28-29th March 2017 in Argentina, aiming for increased commitment to the Oslo Safe Schools Declaration.

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Military fire against school in Eastern Afghanistan: Education is increasingly becoming a casualty of the conflict - ReliefWeb