Archive for the ‘Alt-right’ Category

The Kids Are Alt-Right – Salt Lake City Weekly – Salt Lake City Weekly

It's a shitty time to have any kind of identification with the prefix "alt." Richard Spencer and other Nazi-types started using "alt-right" in 2010 to refer to their racist, misogynist bullshit. And instead of ignoring their hate, it became apotheosized in the election of Donald Trump, and we were subjected to endless features about Spencer and the alt-right.

Now there's been a spate of stories talking about the "alt-left" and even the "alt-center."

Though some right-wing trolls have been trying to use "alt-left" as an online insult for a while now, James Wolcott's Vanity Fair story "Why the Alt-Left is a Problem, Too" made the term stick.

Wolcott's piece lumped a wide variety of Twitter-types as "alt-left" in a way that felt somewhat refreshing. (Who hasn't been super annoyed by Michael Tracy and recent Glenn Greenwald being hyper skeptical about Russia but almost nothing else?)

But it was also annoying. My writing regularly runs in a number of papers that have been called "alt-weeklies" or the "alternative press" for decades. I was the arts editor and then managing editor (and now editor at large) at Baltimore City Paper, an alt that was founded in 1977.

Wolcott knows all of this. A great writer, he got his start when he left Baltimore in 1972the year I was bornto try to turn a letter from Norman Mailer into a job. When the Village Voice finally hired Wolcotthe just hung around the office for a long timehe did a lot to invent the kind of cultural criticism that would come to define alts.

So I was interested if he thought about that history as he wrote this piece for the far-slicker pages of VF. I wrote him on Twitter and then sent him a couple emails. Eventually, he responded to my questions.

"'Alt' is shorthand for alternative, and has become a euphemistic prefix'alt-right' sounds a lot more innocuous than a white supremacist, misogynist dudebro movement, and takes up way less space and breath," Wolcott said. "The 'alt-left' is more of a hodge-podge of die-hard socialists, embittered Berniebros, Occupy nostalgists and grad-school Guevaras. What links them is a loathing of liberals in general, Hillary in particular and a mystic dread of the Deep State."

There is a lot to unpack in that and I'll come back to it in a minute. But I was curious if he saw any connection between what he and Mailer did at the Voice with his use of "alt" in this piece. Like, one of the reasons people started papers like that was a sort of hatred of the liberal establishment.

"Mailer was keeping his hand in and blowing off steam in his White Negro phase and I was writing about pop culture, which I had grown up and Mailer hadn't," Wolcott responded.

OK, so I wasn't gonna get anywhere with that.

I should say I also tried to contact Richard Spencer numerous times. I told him I did not subscribe to the view of journalism that required me to hide my feelings and I would be honest and tell him I despise everything he stands for and he will despise me. But I also had to admit he had taken this prefix that I'd had some attachment to and hijacked, if not destroyed, it.

But he didn't respond. Still, in what I got from Wolcott, there is something that illuminates the alt-right as well. When he defines the alt-left through an aversion to the establishment liberals and the "Deep State," he hits on the thing that defines "alt" at the moment. And it fits in with the thinking of Aleksandr Dugin, the arch-nationalist, ultra-right philosopher sometimes called "Putin's Rasputin"think Bannon with a beard, if Bannon actually wrote books.

In the Fourth Political Theory, Dugin argues that liberalism is the first political theory of modernism. Communism was the second and fascism the third. But once fascism and communism fell, liberalism changed, becoming not only one ideology but the only ideology, the "end of history" as Francis Fukuyama put it, postliberalism as Dugin has it, and neoliberalism to the rest of us.

"It is impossible to determine where the Right and the Left are located in relation to postliberalism," he writes. "There are only two positions: compliance (the centre) and dissent (the periphery)."

Dude is scary as fuck, but that does offer a pretty good explanation of what is meant right now by "alt" whether on the right or the left (as well as the crossover between Bernie Bros and Trump Trolls).

And there, in this idea of dissent, we also have the "alt" of the alt-weeklies.

"Since our origin as the underground press, alt-weeklies have been just thatthe dissidents that would feel right at home in the Island of Misfit Toys; the truth seekers that never treat a press release as gospel; and the story tellers that perpetually go against the grain and are never afraid to pull back the curtain and hold those pulling the strings accountable," City Weekly Editor Enrique Limn says.

But the fact that neither Wolcott nor Spencer or any of the other people talking about alts of any sort don't acknowledge the existence of the alternative press is part of the problemthey are all still simply striving to be at the center, away from the periphery, as Wolcott did when he moved from Baltimore to New York.

After the election, pundits lamented the fact that reporters for the mainstream media are located in three or four cities and missed everything happening in what they allegedly term "flyover country." Like these pundits, I too lament the death of the small daily. But I also acknowledge that those papers, like the mainstream media in general, have a lot of problems. We have always been an alternative to what is now dubbed the MSM (mainstream media).

I decided to write to some of my colleagues in the alternative press and see how they defined alt.

As an alternative weekly, the Chicago Reader has always positioned itself as an antidote to the daily papers, one that questions the accepted narratives around all manner of issues, whether it be police shootings or public housing, Editor Jake Malooley said. Chris Faraone, of DigBoston, writes alt-media means covering stuff that no one is covering and/or covering stuff correctly that other people are covering wrong.

Its not using alternative facts, like Kellyanne Conway, but rather digging up facts that the mainstream might ignore. Or thinking about them differently. Topics the dailies dont touch; takes and perspectives the dailies dont have, Kevin Allman, of New Orleans Gambit, replied.

For Judy Davidoff, editor of Isthmus in Madison, part of what others get wrong is in the very framing of the debate in terms competing opinions, he said/ she said, instead of looking for what is actually true. If sources on either side of an issue offer two versions of events, we try to figure out what is true. So I think what we are seeing in mainstream media nowi.e. reporters calling out false statements as falseis something we've tried to do for a while.

Katherine Coplen, editor of Nuvo in Indianapolis, agrees. For us, an alt-weekly represents an alternative way of annotating the status quothe truest way, the shine-a-light way, the way that speaks truth to power, she said.

I often tell people being an alternative news journalist means I strive to report the truthnot balancewith no concern about what might impact my economic and popularity status, Mark Sabbatini, editor of Icepeople, wrote.

But James Allen of Random Length News, spells out the problem for the alts. Weve always been going against the dailies and the cable newsnow, since they are under attack by Trump, we are in the tricky position of defending them.

It's hard to argue that the MSM doesn't have a bias in reporting, as we in the alternative press have maintained for decades, and now defend them as being the trusted purveyors of the real news, he wrote.

For Matthew Steele, of Iowa City's Little Village, it is a willingness to take a standand be transparent about it, that defines alt-media, which, he says, is "not just recording what's happening in our community, but actively working to change it to move the moral center forward in accordance with the values we transparently espouse and advocate for."

That transparency is important. Writers at alt-weeklies often reject the "view from nowhere," instead choosing to connect with their cities. When Baltimore City Paper was bought by the daily a couple years ago, I noted: "An alt-weekly has a staff of paid reporters and editors whose jobs are not only to know the city, but to love it, to hate it and to be an integral part of it, cajoling, ridiculing, praising and skewering city officials, artists and entrepreneurs alike."

Perhaps we need to take the formula of these papersthere are more than 100 in the Association of Alternative Newsmediaand apply it not just to the city, but to the country.

If we're really looking for an alternative to the mainstream media, we'd do a hell of a lot better if we listened more to alt-weekly reporters and less to people like Richard Spencer and even James Wolcott.

Send feedback to comments@cityweekly.net.

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The Kids Are Alt-Right - Salt Lake City Weekly - Salt Lake City Weekly

Foundation stopped giving to ‘alt-right’ movement leader in 2015 … – The Augusta Chronicle

The Augusta-based Community Foundation for the Central Savannah River Area severed ties with an organization tied to a white nationalist in 2015 after discovering the groups mission and purpose, the nonprofits President and CEO Shell K. Berry said in a statement.

The Los Angeles Times reported this week that the foundation was the largest single donor to the National Policy Institute after white nationalist Richard Spencer provided the groups recent tax returns to the newspaper.

Established in 1995, the Foundation is a 501(c)(3) charitable organization that administers over 200 funds of several different types, such as scholarship funds to memorialize a loved one and designated funds for specific organizations such as churches, or specific causes.

The foundation sent a grand total of $25,000 over three years to the National Policy Institute, which has become well-known among the alt-right, a phrase Spencer popularized, and hosted a November event where attendees were shown on video raising their right arms in a Nazi salute as Spencer spoke of America as a white country designed for ourselves and our posterity.

The groups Augusta ties date to at least 2006, when Augusta real estate investor Louis R. Andrews, who died in 2011, registered the National Policy Institute, Inc., at his Washington Road address with the Georgia Secretary of State. Funding to the organization were made at the direction of a single individual and other foundation money did not go Spencers group, Berry said. She would not name the donor.

Berry said the foundations involvement with the directed funds to the National Policy Institute ended with the final donation of $10,169 the foundation reported on its 2015 tax return, according to Berrys statement.

That year, management became aware that one of its funds was recommending grants in support of the National Policy Institute, she said.

Upon discovery of the mission and purpose of the NPI, Foundation management took immediate action to disassociate with NPI and as of July 2015, this donor-advised fund no longer exists at the Community Foundation for the CSRA, Berry said.

Independent of that one donor, any individual, organization or corporation that contributed to the (Foundation) can be assured that no additional monies given to the (Foundation) were granted to the (National Policy Institute), she said Tuesday when questioned about the donation.

The Foundation went on that year (2015) to modify policies to prevent any grantmaking that is inconsistent with our organization, she said.

As a public charity, the Foundation is required to report much of its giving, but allows donors to remain confidential and create anonymous funds, according to its web site. The LA Times article names the Masters Tournament as one of the foundations donors.

The Augusta Chronicle reported in December a Foundation endowment created by the tournament and Augusta National Golf Club was worth almost $15 million and had funded $7.5 million in in grants over the last 20 years.

Other local organizations that have established Foundation funds through which they award grants include Women In Philanthropy of the CSRA and the Border Bash Foundation, according to prior Chronicle reports.

The Foundations 2015 tax return shows millions in charitable contributions through its unrestricted grants fund, which allows not-for-profit organizations to compete for grants, and through its donor-advised funds, which allow donors to specify where the funds go, and through other types of funds.

The years more than 100 recipients ranged from Americas Warrior Partnership, which received $2.9 million in donor-advised fund grants to groups such as Augusta Locally Grown, Boys and Girls Club of the CSRA, Savannah Riverkeeper and the Salvation Army, which received unrestricted grants fund grants.

Reach Susan McCord at (706) 823-3215 or susan.mccord@augustachronicle.com.

Originally posted here:
Foundation stopped giving to 'alt-right' movement leader in 2015 ... - The Augusta Chronicle

Insider the Alt-Right/All-Russia Nexus – TPM (blog)

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Insider the Alt-Right/All-Russia Nexus - TPM (blog)

Jane Austen Has Alt-Right Fans? Heavens to Darcy! – New York Times


New York Times
Jane Austen Has Alt-Right Fans? Heavens to Darcy!
New York Times
Now, a scholar has offered another spit-take-inducing pairing: Jane Austen and the alt-right. No, bonnet-wearing Janeites have not been spotted at white nationalist gatherings. But in an article published March 12 in The Chronicle of Higher Education ...
Jane Austen Has Become An Alt-Right Icon, SomehowHuffington Post
White Nationalists and Jane Austen: They're Missing the Point, Of Course, But They Don't CareFlavorwire

all 5 news articles »

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Jane Austen Has Alt-Right Fans? Heavens to Darcy! - New York Times

The global history of the Alt-Right – Salon

When I was a teenager, I had to drive my older brother to downtown Phoenix. He couldnt drive himself; hed made a series of poor life choices, so it fell to me, the relatively responsible one, to ferry him about.

As we drove, he ranted to me about blacks, Mexicans, and Jews, using all the tried and true tropes of the traditional white supremacist right tossing in, for my education, that the Bible had given blacks over to whites as slave-animals. When we pulled up to our destination, a Mexican guy was hanging out on the Phoenix equivalent of a stoop; my brother would have to pass by the guy. I asked him, in that teenaged point blank manner, what he thought of the man.

Oh no, my brother replied. Hes one of the good ones. Switching off from racist extraordinaire, he proceeded to carry out his errand and have a light, polite chat with the very man whos race hed spent much of our journey together trashing.

It was my first encounter with the double-think that would swirl to become the Alt-Right.

The Alt-Right defined

The Alt-Right is a brand-new lexicon that came of age during the final months of the U.S. presidential campaign in 2016. The term itself is traceable to 2008. As written inSalon:

In 2008, conservative political philosopher Paul Gottfried was the first to use the term alternative right, describing it as a dissident far-right ideology that rejected mainstream conservatism.

Yet the intellectual force, not to mention the personalities, of the Alt-Right are considerably older: it pulls threads from old school fascism, 19th-century nativism, slavery-produced white supremacy, Goldwater conservatism, and 1970s-style disillusionment. It is also not a uniquely American phenomenon: Alt-Right forces have bubbled and gurgled throughout the rest of the world since the 1970s.

Today, versions of the Alt-Right are global. Virtually every developed country has at least one Alt-Right political party: even idyllic New Zealand hasNew Zealand First, an anti-immigration party. The English Alt-Right, head by the UK Independence Party, helped force Britain out of the European Union, and has since pushed its Conservative Party further right.

The populist Finns Party in Finland has surged to heights its never enjoyed before; the Alt-Right-leaningSweden DemocratsSweden Democratsare fighting against more refugees. Critically, in the Netherlands, France, and Germany, Alt-Right parties are growing to become not fringe but mainstream political phenomena. As the Dutch prepare to vote on March 15th, Geert Wilders, once a political pariah for his extreme Rightist views, is leading in the polls. Marie Le Pen, another Alt-Right force, has spent decades hoping to reach the political popularity she now enjoys.

How did we get here? And what does it say about the international system that produced this force?

The Alt-Right: Westerners only

The basic Left-Right divide begins in the French Revolution, when Right-wing forces supported the monarchy and Left-wing forces wanted to introduce Enlightened government through a republic. Depending on how hard they believed, their views could be quite violent.

Since then, Leftist forces have sought change: Rightist forces sought to slow or even reverse it.The Alt-Right builds on the conservatism and Rightist impulses of Europe and the United States. We should step back and look at those modern roots.

Western conservatives used to represent industrial, imperial/royal, and nationalist interests. They built the great empires of the late 19th century; their Christian zeal sent missionaries worldwide as their gunboats shelled native peoples into submission. They also managed to squabble their way into World War I, which completely discredited their royal factions and weakened their imperial ones.

But they kept hold of their industrial and nationalist ideologies until World War II exhausted those as well. Inspired by Allied propaganda, conservatism retooled itself as the ultimate arbiter of freedom, mostly via economic choice. On the western side of the Iron Curtain, it came to represent zealous anti-Communism (especially offended by Soviet godlessness), anti-statism (conflating Keynesian economics with Soviet central planning, which was a nicely dishonest way to start a movement), and cultural nationalism. That last part was a fine needle to thread: cultural nationalismcouldbe contrasted with the Soviet boogeyman, which was trying to refashion the many subjects of the Soviet empire into a single cultural entity. But it could go too far: millions had lived through Axis cultural atrocities.

They did not want to be seen allied to the old fascist survivors of the war, who lurked beneath the political surface. Fear of division in the face of the Soviet menace kept the public from gambling on anything but safe bets: the atomic bombing of Japan was too recent, and the many duck-and-cover drills of the 1950s and 60s hammered in the reality of nuclear annihilation.

How the National Front made the Alt-Right template

In 1972, just shy of the 30 year anniversary of the liberation of Paris from the Nazis, Jean-Marie LePen founded the progenitor of the modern Alt-Right: the National Party. Planks of tough law-and-order, cultural and economic protectionism, and anti-immigration held together a coalition of French voters angered by the changes they were seeing in their country. Many of these changes were self-inflicted: Frances stubborn war in Algeria brought the first big wave of African migrants to the continent, producing a subnationality mainstream France could not figure out how to assimilate. Conflicts between die-hard colonialists and the rest of French society led to a wave of bombings in the 60s and the collapse of the Fourth Republic; old school Vichy Fascists found more mainstream allies willing to overlook their past faults in the pursuit of French national glory in Africa.

The National Front became the archetype of the Alt-Right political party: claiming to protect Western civilization from both its own decadence (often by alluding that Jews were corroding it from within) and from evil outside forces (like Islam and Communism), the National Front built a shaky base of French voters initially too spread out to have any national effect.

The 1970s coincided with a marked shift in conservatives throughout the West. Most went hard for the neoliberalism of Ronald Reagan and Margret Thatcher, who produced the conservative ideology only recently upended by the Alt-Right. But some split off: rather than seeing tax cuts and free trade as opportunities to get rich, they saw them as opening doors to new, increasingly different foreigners.

Its important to note they did not reconstitute with out-and-out old school fascists or racists, who also tried, and failed, to reinvent themselves in this period. Skinhead culture was appropriated by fascists hoping for a more modern edge; it fell flat when they refused to stop Seig Heiling. The Ku Klux Klan appointed a supposedly nicer, better-looking leader, David Duke, to wow cameras, but his traditionally vile worldview could not be hidden under any sugarcoating.

Even Jean-Marie LePen couldnt hold his tongue when it came to the Jews: as recently as last month,he was still making jokes about Jews in ovens.

As Reagan and Thatcher dominated conservatism, the budding Alt-Right could move nowhere. Too easily lumped in with neo-Nazis and fascists, and with too much at stake in the Cold War, the National Front and those like it went nowhere.

The ground shifts: Sunni supremacism, neoliberal corruption, revitalized Russia, and generational change.

Around 2000, the geopolitical understanding of the post-Cold War world began to shudder and break apart. Sunni supremacism began to violently lash out at Western powers long used to dominating the Middle Easts resources and states; Russia started a slow rise out of its post-Soviet collapse; neoliberalism as an economic ideology began to rust, and the generation that fought World War II began to die in large numbers.

All four combined to create an environment perfect for the Alt-Right.

Sunni supremacism provoked more and more Western thinkers and voters to conflate Islam with violence. Despite the best efforts of leaders like George W. Bush, Tony Blair, and Barack Obama, all of whom differentiated between violent supremacists and everyday practitioners, repeated attacks undermined their arguments. This was exactly what groups like al-Qaeda wanted; the more Westerners hated Muslims, the more Muslims would join al-Qaeda. It also thrilled the nascent figures of the Alt-Right. As early as 2005, Geert Wilders was quoted as saying, The analysis is clear, we have a great problem with Islam, in the Netherlands too. Once in the political wilderness, Sunni supremacist attacks in the Netherlands suddenly made Wilders appear sensible.

The return of Russia brought a structural discipline to a movement that hadnt had any before. While Putin himself does not practice an Alt-Right worldview (its more like an imperial nationalism, an older school of geopolitical thought), he saw use in the Alt-Right parties budding throughout Europe and America. Since repeated Sunni supremacist attacks made it increasingly okay to slam Islam, the Alt-Right could no longer be hammered as neo-Nazis as readily anymore. (A common Alt-Right defense for why their Muslim-bashing is not the same as Nazi Jew bashing: The Jews werent going around beheading people).

Since Putins goals were to roll back values-based institutions like NATO and the EU that might threaten his rule (and possibly undo the Russian Federation), he had to find useful assets that could corrode those institutions. NATO and EU values are rooted in neoliberalism: free trade and open borders through the EU and human rights protected by hard power through NATO. By supporting parties that undercut these values, Putin sought to undermine both the NATO and the EU.

We now know aboutPutins Facebook and Twitter bot armyandRussian financing of Alt-Right parties throughout Europe. The accusations that the Kremlin did something similar in the United States is gaining credibility. Russian spy tradecraft provided discipline to movements that were otherwise too prone to fracturing.

But that would have been irrelevant had neoliberalisms cracks not begun to show. Even as early as 2000, it was obvious that free trade deals were widening the wealth gap and benefiting only the upper classes. Thebattle of Seattle, the anti-globalization protests that took place in 1999, were just a harbinger of the energy that would be mobilized against neoliberalism.

The world realized the emperor had no clothes, however, in the wake of the Financial Crisis, when all the inequalities of neoliberalism were laid bare. Years went by with both American and EU leaders trying to cobble together formulas to save the system without addressing any of the problems caused by it: during that time, conservatives began to drift away from economic freedom and free trade and towards the protectionism that had long been espoused by the Alt-Right.

Finally, and perhaps most crucially, the 2000s also saw the end of the World War II generation as a major political force. The veterans and their memories of Axis horrors died off and left their children and grandchildren without any check on Rightist impulses. Political decency, a key post-war value meant to act as a breakwater again violent, thuggish politics, fell away: politicians and public figures could get away with saying increasingly outrageous things. Rightists felt no responsibility or connection with the Hitler era, and were so less stung by the accusation by their enemies that they were behaving like Nazis.

After all, can you imagine a World War II veteran excusing Trumps Pussygate?

The perfect geopolitical storm

When one sees Hillary Clinton as the standard bearer of discredited neoliberalism, her defeat makes a lot more sense. So too does Brexit; the European Union was always designed as a neoliberal project. The disappearance of the World War II generations political power has coincided with the rise of the Alt-Rights thuggishness: their check on the Alt-Right was crucial.

Yet these alone might not have been enough to propel the Alt-Right to its heights were it not for the machinations of outsiders. Russian plots to bolster Alt-Right parties have largely worked; their ultimate success will depend on the outcome of both the French and Dutch elections this spring. Moreover, Sunni supremacists welcome the takeover of the West by Alt-Right holy warriors, who want the same civilizational showdown they do. If the Alt-Right becomes the dominant ideology of the West, it would almost certainly mean wider war in the Muslim world.

Now what?

The Dutch election will be critical; should Wilders gain power, it will be another out and out Alt-Right government. That will put both France and Germany in the ideologys crosshairs. Nobody expected Donald Trump to win the presidency, just as nobody expects Marie LePen, the less overtly anti-Semitic leader of the National Front, to do so in April.

Such electoral victories might tip Great Britains conservative movement firmly into the Alt-Right; it already dangerously tiptoes that line. Other borderline governments like Poland, Sweden, and Denmark could also firmly act more like the Alt-Right. That would leave only Germany as a force powerful enough to withstand the complete collapse of neoliberalism. Such a task would be beyond its reach, however, should the United States slip firmly into a new Alt-Right consensus: Berlin cannot hope to stand up against both Russian and American political interference.

In the long run, should the West become dominated by the Alt-Rights nativism, nationalism, and protectionism, the world risks returning not to the 1930s but to the 1910s, when brute geopolitical interest propelled each power to seek its own short-term gain. The Alt-Right cannot hold together NATO; Alt-Right forces already mumble against it. It actively seeks to destroy the EU. Without either, Europe returns to its pre-war self: an anarchic continent of powerful nation-states unsure of the intentions of their neighbors. That is an environment Russia can thrive in, but it will leave Germany, France, and Britain all the poorer, as they waste resources trying to gain domination over one another.

There are good reasons to believe this wont happen. Already forces are arrayed against the Alt-Right, most powerfully in the United States. Should Trump be impeached and convicted over his ties to Russia, it could kill the movement globally. This could simply be the final, most dramatic act in the Strauss-Howe Crisis, giving way to a gentler 2020s.

Or it could be the beginning of a new normal. Watch the Dutch today; watch the French in April. And watch how long Trump occupies the White House.

(Correction: The ruling government of Sweden isnotan Alt-Right leaning government; the Alt-Rightists there are the Sweden Democrats. Sorry.)

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The global history of the Alt-Right - Salon