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The alt-right, QAnon, paramilitary and Donald Trump-supporting mob that stormed the United States Capitol on January 6 claimed they were only doing what the so-called founding fathers of the US had done in 1776: overthrowing an illegitimate government that no longer represented them.

This was the start of what they called the second American Revolution.

This is why the Dont Tread on Me flag was visible in the chaos a symbol of resistance that dates back to the (first) American Revolution and was resurrected a decade ago by Republican Tea Party activists.

It is not hard to understand the appeal of this history to Trumps followers. The era of the founding fathers has always loomed large in the minds of most Americans. And stories about the past are, after all, how individuals, families and communities small and large, make sense of themselves.

Yet, it is worth noting these recollections of the past are necessarily selective.

Alt-right extremists, following conservative politicians, have also drawn succour from the Constitution, particularly when it comes to their rights, such as the right to free speech and bear arms.

These and other rights were not actually enumerated in the original Constitution, but rather tacked on in the Bill of Rights a set of ten amendments passed to appease opponents of the Constitution and get it ratified.

These rights are fused together with the more vague yet unalienable rights enunciated in the 1776 Declaration of Independence chief among them being the right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.

Drawing on philosopher John Lockes ideas, the Declaration of Independence proclaims we the people come together to form a government to protect these rights.

And crucial to Trump supporters today, it says, whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government.

This was the sentiment voiced on January 6 when pro-Trump rioters stormed the Capitol. They chanted This is our America and Whose house? Our house!

Trump himself encouraged this thinking when he told the crowd before they marched to the Capitol, You will never take back our country with weakness.

The question is: who do Trump and, more broadly speaking, the alt-right think has taken the United States from them?

The answer is evident in how the alt-right imagines the past: their vision of history omits or callously ignores the fact their constitutional rights have come at the cost of the lives and rights of others.

Thomas Jefferson wrote in the Declaration of Independence it was a self-evident truth that all men are created equal. Generations of enslaved and free Black activists and their allies have worked towards realising this goal.

But for the founding fathers, and many of their white supremacist heirs, true citizens were exclusively white and male. A few years after penning the declaration, Jefferson denounced Black people as inferior. He owned hundreds of slaves. Even his own children, whom he fathered with Sally Hemings, were born into slavery.

Almost all of the founding fathers, in fact, were slaveholders or profited from the slave trade. Neither the Declaration of Independence nor the Constitution freed any of the half-million enslaved people in the new United States one-fifth of the population.

Rather, the Constitution purposefully entrenched the institution of slavery. By protecting the rights of slaveholders to pursue their happiness by holding on to their property, it doomed four more generations to enslavement.

By the start of the Civil War in 1861, there were 4 million people enslaved in the US.

The Constitution also gave the government the power to raise an army. After the American Revolution, this power was used time and again to wage a long genocidal war against Native Americans across the continent.

When enslaved and free Black people and their white abolitionist allies acted against slavery, slaveholders invoked the Revolution. They claimed they were undertaking Gods will to complete the work begun in 1776 of creating a free nation and made slave-holding former President George Washington their hero.

It took an unprecedented and destructive Civil War to finally put an end to slavery, and another century or so for African Americans to achieve full rights as citizens in the United States. Every step of the way, they were contested and blocked by individuals, groups, states and judges who claimed they were upholding the principles of the Constitution.

It should be no surprise, then, the alt-right movement is invoking the same Revolution today.

After Barack Obamas presidency, Trump gave a voice to the grievances of his largely white supporters who feared they were being displaced in their own country.

And following the summer of the Black Lives Matter movement and Trumps baseless claims the 2020 election was stolen, the Capitol Hill insurrectionists firmly believed they had lost control of the United States. They were no longer the we the people in charge.

As in the past, they also had the support of prominent politicians beyond Trump. One of their supporters, the newly elected Congresswoman Marjorie Taylor Greene (who is also a QAnon supporter) declared before the January 6 move to block the certification of Joe Bidens presidential victory, This is our 1776 moment.

And Congressman Paul Gosar, a prominent Trump supporter, wrote an op-ed entitled Are we witnessing a coup detat? in which he advised followers to be ready to defend the Constitution and the White House.

It has never been entirely clear when exactly the United States was last great in the minds of Trump supporters wearing their Make America Great Again caps. It might be the Ronald Reagan presidency of the 1980s for some, or sometime prior to the civil rights, womens and gay liberation movements and the US defeat in Vietnam.

But there is no doubt as to when this mythical greatness started. The yearning for the founding era a time when slaveholders overthrew a government to protect their rights (including the right to hold people as property) is palpable.

Clare Corbould Clare Corbould is an Associate Professor, Contemporary Histories Research Group at Deakin University. Michael McDonnell is a Professor of History at the University of Sydney.

This article first appeared on The Conversation.

Read the original:
Why some Trump supporters believe theres another American Revolution coming - Scroll.in

Reveal transcripts are produced by a third-party transcription service and may contain errors. Please be aware that the official record for Reveal's radio stories is the audio.

Al Letson: Hey, hey, hey. It's Al, and I have some exciting news. Okay, so in July, we brought you American Rehab. That was our eight-episode series that uncovered tens of thousands of people desperately in need of help for their addictions, but instead of getting treatment, they were sent to work without pay, sometimes at big corporations. The New Yorker called it riveting, urgent, and mind-bending. Now we're making it available for your binging pleasure. You can find it by subscribing to Reveal Presents: American Rehab wherever you get your podcasts. Again, that's Reveal Presents: American Rehab. All right, get to binging.

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Al Letson: From the Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, this is Reveal. I'm Al Letson. The morning of January 6, before the storming of the halls of Congress, reporter David Neiwert tweeted a prediction, "Today is likely to be a historically violent day in the nation's capital."

David Neiwert: Yeah. No, that wound up being an understatement, didn't it?

Al Letson: David wasn't surprised that pro-Trump extremists did what they did. In fact, he linked to a video from the night before shot on the streets of D.C. in which a middle-aged white man in a Trump hat tells a young white nationalist livestreamer-

Speaker 4: In fact, tomorrow, I don't even like to say because I'll be arrested-

Speaker 5: Well, let's not say it.

Speaker 4: I'll say it.

Speaker 5: All right.

Speaker 4: We need to go into the Capitol.

Speaker 5: Let's go!

David Neiwert: It certainly wasn't a surprise for any of the people who've been reporting on and researching the radical right here in the United States in the past year, because they've been pretty upfront about it. They were saying they were going to do this.

Al Letson: David has been following the radical right for decades. A few years back, he and the nonprofit newsroom Type Investigations teamed up with Reveal to start tracking what looked to him like an uptick in far right terrorism. We put together a database of every single domestic terror event starting in 2008.

Al Letson: In 2017, that data showed that right-wing extremists had become the biggest threat, while law enforcement under President Obama was focused on those acting in the name of Islam. Last summer, we ran the numbers for terrorism under President Trump, and we found that far right terror had grown and become more lethal, responsible for almost the same number of deaths during Trump's first three years as during all eight years under Obama. The men, it's almost always men, who are responsible for many of those deaths were driven by the same ideology.

David Neiwert: There's a very specific stripe of white nationalism that we're seeing run through, especially, these more recent mass killings.

Al Letson: Today, we're bringing back a show we first aired last June. We're going to connect the dots to show how extremist ideas and extremist violence spread online, and we'll ask why law enforcement is still struggling to catch up. Reveal reporters Stan Alcorn and Priska Neely dug into this for months. Priska starts us off with the story of a man who witnessed the deadliest domestic terror attack of 2019.

Priska Neely: Guillermo Glenn is well-known in El Paso's Mexican-American community. He's 79 now, and he's been a community organizer and labor rights activist for most of his life.

Guillermo Glenn: We conducted a lot of protests. We blocked a bridge. We went to jail.

Priska Neely: On August 3, 2019, he was just going about his weekend routine.

Guillermo Glenn: It was a Saturday morning around 10:00. I had gone to Walmart to buy some pet food. I was way in the back, and I heard this great big noise.

Priska Neely: A warning, Guillermo is going to share graphic details about what happened that day.

Guillermo Glenn: A large number of families, women and men were running towards me from the front of the building, and then I noticed at least one of the women was dripping blood. I said, "Well, there's something really wrong." I ran into the woman who was... Both her legs had received some type, either shrapnel or bullet wounds, and she was bleeding. So I stopped there to help her, and I grabbed a first-aid kit and tried to at least tend to her wounds in her legs. One of the firemen or paramedic came and told, "You have to get her out. We're getting everybody out of the store." So we put her in one of those grocery baskets.

Priska Neely: When he wheeled the woman to the front, he saw what had happened.

Guillermo Glenn: Right at the front door, there was a lot of blood. I knew then that there'd been a shooter. It was a very traumatic scene. I saw the body of a man with half his head shot off. There was a lady laying on the pavement across from where we're loading the people. I didn't know exactly who he'd taken out. I didn't have that information that he was actually shooting Mexicans.

Priska Neely: The suspected gunman, 21-year-old Patrick Crusius, drove roughly 10 hours from outside Dallas to the El Paso Walmart right near the Mexican border. Police say he opened fire, 23 people were killed and many were wounded, and then he drove off.

Speaker 8: Minutes later, Patrick Crusius stopped his car at an intersection near the Walmart. He came out with his hands raised in the air and stated out loud to the Texas Rangers, "I'm the shooter."

Priska Neely: He's facing 90 federal charges, including 45 hate crimes.

Priska Neely: After Guillermo witnessed what happened that day, he got in his car and went to the restaurant where his friends always gather on Saturdays.

Guillermo Glenn: Several of my friends came up and hugged me and said, "Oh, you're okay. We're so glad. We've been looking for you. We thought you might be there." Then they showed me the manifesto.

Priska Neely: The manifesto. Minutes before the attack, the shooter had posted a document filled with anti-immigrant rhetoric to the online message board 8chan. Some of Guillermo's friends showed him a copy.

Guillermo Glenn: I sat down. I had some food, had some of my regular Saturday menudo. Then I finally realized what had happened, right after I read the manifesto.

Priska Neely: The Crusius manifesto reads kind of like a corporate website. It has an About Me section and parts where he outlines his warped vision for America. He matter-of-factly explains how his attack will preserve a world where white people have the political and economic power. He says peaceful means will no longer achieve his goal.

Priska Neely: Reporter David Neiwert says this alleged shooter is the quintessential Trump-era terrorist, a man largely radicalized online, entrenched in white nationalist ideology, and fueled by the belief that white men like himself are being replaced by Latino immigrants. Crusius wrote that the media would blame President Trump for inspiring him, but he claimed that his ideas predated the Trump campaign. Here's David.

David Neiwert: Patrick Crusius, especially, was so filled with loathing for Latino people that he didn't see them as human.

Priska Neely: When David reads the manifesto, he can immediately see the fingerprints of other white nationalists.

David Neiwert: Here's how Crusius opens his manifesto. "In general, I support the Christchurch shooter and his manifesto. This attack is a response to the Hispanic invasion of Texas. They are the instigators, not me. I am simply defending my country from cultural and ethnic replacement brought on by an invasion."

Priska Neely: That opening line is a direct signal back to a previous act of terrorism, the shooter who killed 51 people at two mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand, just months before. David says this is part of a trend. One terrorist inspires another, and the cycle continues. Guillermo says he didn't understand all of the references at first, but it was clear to him that the manifesto had ties to a larger movement.

Guillermo Glenn: I think he was trying to show that somebody had to take action, and that really angered me at that point. Why would somebody come and shoot innocent people like that?

Priska Neely: David say Crusius started doing online research because of the anger he felt over how the country was changing demographically.

David Neiwert: But in the process of doing this research, he came across multiple white genocide theories, including The Great Replacement.

Priska Neely: The Great Replacement, or replacement theory, unites many acts of hate that we see across the country, around the world.

David Neiwert: That's this idea that comes out of white nationalism that white Europeans face a global genocide at the hands of brown people and that they're being slowly rubbed out of existence.

Priska Neely: Only a few terrorists in recent years have referenced replacement theory by name, but it's widely popular among right-wing extremists. It's linked to ideas that are many decades old, but one attack in Europe showed how those ideas can be weaponized.

David Neiwert: Anders Breivik's terrorism attack in Oslo and Utya Island, Norway, in 2011.

Priska Neely: Breivik killed 77 people in a bombing and mass shooting. Before the attack, he sent out a 1,500-page manifesto about how he planned to lead white supremacists on a crusade against the "Islamification of Europe." Around the same time, a French writer named Renaud Camus refined and popularized the ideology in a book. The title translates to The Great Replacement.

David Neiwert: The Great Replacement essentially is this idea that brown people, particularly refugees and immigrants from Arab countries in Europe, are being deliberately brought into the country in order to replace white people as the chief demographic.

Priska Neely: The conspiracy theory claims all this is orchestrated by a cabal of nefarious globalists. That's code for Jews.

Speaker 9: You will not replace us!

Speaker 10: You will not replace us! You will not replace us! You will not replace us!

Priska Neely: In August 2017, white supremacists in the U.S. took up this concept as a rallying cry at the Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia.

Speaker 10: Jews will not replace us! Jews will not replace us!

Priska Neely: The next day, a neo-Nazi drove his car into a crowd and killed 32-year-old Heather Heyer. This incident had an immediate impact on the public perception of terrorism, making it clear that white nationalists violence is a serious threat.

Speaker 11: Today, the nightmare has hit home here in the city of Pittsburgh.

Priska Neely: At a Pittsburgh synagogue in 2018, Robert Bowers is accused of killing 11 people.

David Neiwert: He went to a Jewish synagogue because he was angry about the Latin American caravans. The caravans had been in all the news in the weeks prior to that synagogue attack. He blamed Jews and went to a Jewish synagogue to take revenge for Latino immigration.

Priska Neely: These are the ideologies that are zigzagging across the globe. In March 2019, the gunman who livestreamed his mass shooting in Christchurch, New Zealand, on Facebook also wrote a manifesto. The title, The Great Replacement. The New Zealand manifesto inspired the El Paso shooter to target the people he felt were replacing him. Recent manifestos and books put a new spin on violent, hateful acts, but David traces these sentiments back much further.

David Neiwert: What's remarkable in a lot of ways when I read these manifestos is so many of them are expressing ideas that I read in the 1920s coming from eugenicists. Look, I would even take it back to the 1890s, when we first started seeing the wave of lynchings in the South as a form of social control. This was very clearly a form of terrorism.

Priska Neely: After the El Paso shooting, activist Guillermo Glenn says white supremacist ideology was barely part of the conversation. There were brief efforts to unite the community against hate, a few events held under the banner El Paso Strong.

Guillermo Glenn: The politicians, the businessmen, the mayor, everybody was pushing this idea that we had to survive, but they weren't really talking about who caused it or why.

Priska Neely: Before we talked for this story, Guillermo says he didn't identify as part of this larger group of survivors that includes Jewish and Muslim communities.

Guillermo Glenn: You say, well, it's the Jewish people that they attacked, it's the Muslim people that they attacked, and here on the border it's the Mexican and Central Americans. But nobody talks about, what does the Great Replacement mean? Nobody put all these incidences together and say, "Hey, this is something that we should be aware of nationally."

Priska Neely: And he says that's part of the failure, part of the reason these attacks keep happening.

Al Letson: That story from Reveal's Priska Neely.

Al Letson: As we've been saying, these extremist groups are using online communities to spread their messages and find new recruits. When we come back, we'll hear how it works.

Josh Bates: It's a conditioning process, it's a grooming process, and I let myself fall into that.

Al Letson: The evolution of the white supremacist internet, next on Reveal.

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Al Letson: From the Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, this is Reveal. I'm Al Letson. We're continuing with our show we first broadcast last summer about domestic terrorism during the Trump administration.

Al Letson: The FBI and academic researchers say there's no such thing as a terrorist profile. You can't tell who's going to become a terrorist with a personality test or a demographic checklist. But the young white men who attacked the synagogues in Pittsburgh and Poway and the Walmart in El Paso, they had a lot in common. Not only were they motivated by the same conspiracy theory about white people being replaced, they developed those ideas in some of the same spaces online. Two of them even posted their manifestos to the same website, 8chan.

Al Letson: Now, you can't blame today's white supremacist terrorism on the internet, but you also can't understand it without talking about the way the white supremacist movement uses the internet and how it's changed over the last decade. Reveal's Stan Alcorn is going to tell that story through the eyes of a man who lived it. Here's Stan.

Stan Alcorn: Josh Bates's decade as a white supremacist started in his mid-20s, with a YouTube video about the presidential candidate he says he supported at the time, Barack Obama.

Josh Bates: I was scrolling through the comments section, "He's a Muslim," "He wasn't born here," things of that nature, and somebody said, "You guys sound like those Stormfront (beep)." I was like, "What in the world is Stormfront?"

Stan Alcorn: Stormfront is a message board that a former KKK leader set up in the '90s. Josh says he went there at first because he was curious, then to argue. But then the middle-aged message-board neo-Nazis started winning him over.

Stan Alcorn: How could they be convincing in these arguments? Can you help me understand that?

Josh Bates: Well, I wish I could answer that question, because I still ask myself that a lot. How could I end up falling for something like that? But I guess it's probably similar to how we look at people who fall into cults. It's a conditioning process, it's a grooming process, and I let myself fall into that.

Stan Alcorn: The experts I talked to say that first step is more about the person than what they're stepping into. Josh had just left the Marines, where he used to have a team and a mission. Now all he had was a computer.

Shannon Martine...: It's pretty concurrent with a whole lot of people, where they felt really deeply disempowered in their lives.

Stan Alcorn: Shannon Martinez is a former white supremacist who's helped people, including Josh, leave the movement.

Shannon Martine...: When you encounter information that's presented that this is the real truth, the true truth people don't want you to have because, if you did, it would be too empowering for you and too disempowering for them, that's an incredibly powerful, toxic drug.

Stan Alcorn: That drug, widely available on the internet, is, at its heart, a conspiracy theory. It says your problems aren't your fault; it's immigrants, Black people, Jews.

Josh Bates: They talk about, oh, Hollywood and the media and all these Jews that are in these positions of power. When you google that kind of stuff and you see it and you consume it, eventually after a few months you kind of get desensitized to it. Everybody's agreeing with everyone for the most part. You get along. There's that online community. Stormfront was my first one.

Stan Alcorn: He didn't know their names, but they were his team now. He'd spend the next 10 years as what he calls a keyboard warrior for the white supremacist movement. He'd be there for every step in its evolution, from joining the KKK and the neo-Nazi National Socialist Movement to more diffuse groups and websites that called themselves alt-right and identitarian.

Stan Alcorn: Some of these groups would go to some lengths to appear respectable and say, "We're not racists. We're not Nazis. We're not the KKK." Then some of those groups were Nazis; they were the KKK. You were in all of them. Does that tell you that the differences between these groups are more about the image and the tactics than the core ideas or who they attract?

Josh Bates: Absolutely. We've been using the terms white nationalism 1.0 and white nationalism 2.0 for a few years now. 1.0 is your early groups, Ku Klux Klan. They're very explicit, National Socialist Movement, walking around with swastikas on their uniforms and their flags. Your 2.0 guys, they're your Identity Evropas, where they're dressing in khakis and collared shirts and dock shoes, and they've got these nice cropped haircuts. They call that good optics. But anybody who was in the early 1.0 movements like myself, I could see right through it. They just put lipstick on a pig. That's all they did.

Stan Alcorn: But people who followed the white supremacist movement for decades, like Type Investigations reporter David Neiwert, they say that this alt-right makeover of the old racist right, it was transformative.

David Neiwert: That radical right was very backward-looking, very stiff and formal. They didn't have any... Humor was not part of their repertoire. In fact, their primary recruitment demographic really was men between the ages of 40 and 60. With the advent of the alt-right, what we saw was this very tech-savvy, very agile movement that, instead of running away from the culturally savvy aspects of the internet, rather embraced them wholly.

Stan Alcorn: Instead of writing racist newsletters that people had to sign up for, they were making memes and jokes in places like Reddit and 4chan. These forums that celebrated being politically incorrect, they were the perfect place for those ideas to take root, hybridize with other fringe ideas, and grow into something that could be shared on more mainstream platforms like Twitter and Facebook.

David Neiwert: It was very brilliant because it meant that suddenly their recruitment demographic was much larger and had a lot more political activist energy. They were younger people.

Stan Alcorn: Josh Bates says that energy got a huge boost in 2016 with the rise of a new presidential candidate.

Donald Trump: They're bringing drugs. They're bringing crime. They're rapists. Some, I assume, are good people.

Josh Bates: Because Trump was spouting off a lot of the same talking points as general white nationalists, he breathed new life into that movement. The thought leaders of the movement just took full advantage, thinking that they could take it even further, and they did.

Stan Alcorn: They started to take their ideas into the real world.

Megan Squire: They were being emboldened by Trump and really acting out.

Stan Alcorn: After Trump's election in 2017, computer scientist Megan Squire set up software to track extremists on Facebook. She'd started out studying the misogynist Gamergate movement, but that had led her to all of these different anti-Muslim and neo-Confederate and white supremacist groups.

Megan Squire: At the time, Facebook was a central player, if not the central player, and it was the place where these guys all wanted to be. I was looking for ideological crossover, group membership crossover, just trying to, I guess, map the ecosystem of hate on Facebook.

Stan Alcorn: She watched this ecosystem plan what one neo-Nazi website would call the Summer of Hate, anti-Muslim marches, misogynist Proud Boy rallies, and what was shaping up to be this real-world meetup of all these different mostly online hate groups, the Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia. This is where she came across Josh Bates.

Megan Squire: There was a person who was talking about they didn't have enough money to go to Charlottesville, and someone else suggested, "Hey, we have this crowdfunding site. Why don't you set up a fundraiser?"

Original post:
The Evolution of All-American Terrorism - Reveal

Social media platform Parler has been taken down by Amazon Web Services amid claims that the site is a hotbed of violent content.

Apple and Google have also taken it off of their app stores, effectively removing it from the internet. Amazon said it acted after finding several posts promoting violence in the wake of the Washington riots last week.

Parler has become increasingly popular since its inception in 2018 and has become a haven for Trump supporters, free speech activists and members of the so-called alt-right.

Many view the platform as an alternative to traditional social media sites that enables them to air opinions freely.

However, though users see it is a platform for free speech, it is believed it is also being used to spread misinformation and hate speech in the run-up to the inauguration of President-elect Joe Biden on January 20th.

Examples of such speech include posts calling for the killing of Muslims, Black Lives Matter leaders, mainstream media journalists and Democrat supporters and leaders.

Speaking to Fox News, Parler chief executive John Matze said on Sunday that every vendor from text message services to email providers to our lawyers have ditched us.

Were going to try our best to get back online as quickly as possible, Matze said, but were having a lot of trouble because every vendor we talk to says they wont work with us because if Apple doesnt approve and Google doesnt approve, they wont, he added.

The popularity of social sites like Parler has spiked since Donald Trump was sworn in as president four years ago.

Since the removal of Parler, another social site pushing free speech, Gab, has seen a huge jump in users. In a tweet, the platform says it has gained more users in the past two days than we did in our first two years of existing.

Rhetoric circulating since the November 3rd, 2020 presidential election, where Trump has consistently accused Democrats of stealing the election, has fuelled anger with his supporters and right-wing hate groups.

This led to the storming of the US Capitol building on Wednesday last week (6th January) as US lawmakers met to certify the electoral college votes and officially declare Joe Biden as the next president.

Before the protests, Trump held a rally at the White House where he continued to claim, without evidence, that the election was stolen from him and his supporters, and that he would join them in a protest down to the capitol building. You will never take back our country with weakness, Trump stated.

During the riots, activists smashed windows, invaded the house chambers, and caused lawmakers to shelter in their offices. Five people were also killed, including a police officer.

In response, social media giants Facebook and Twitter locked Trumps accounts on their platforms and took down a previous contentious post, with the Facebook vice-president of integrity Guy Rosen Tweeting: We removed it because on balance we believe it contributes to, rather than diminishes, the risk of ongoing violence.

Commenting on the potential repercussions of pushing right-wing voices to the fringes and off mainstream platforms, social media and influence specialist, Unsah Malik, told DIGIT: I think this is more about consequences as opposed to repercussions. What we are witnessing with the US is horrific.

Given the percentage of the population using social media as their main form of both communication and information consumption, it is absolutely up to social media platforms to take action in order to prevent a wider spread of violence. If Parler was a platform which incited such behaviour, then Parler is the platform to go.

Of course this opens the debate on free speech, but if you cant trust an individual or a specific group of people to maintain human decency and you have the power to protect millions of others for the right cause in the name of humanity then some sort of control needs to be enforced.

If right-wing voices didnt behave as such, no accounts would have been removed and no platforms would have revoked access.

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Right-wing Twitter rival Parler removed from online platforms - DIGIT.FYI

While seeing Confederate and Trump 2020 flags draped all over the Capitol was a shocking sight for some, others were not surprised.

"It was simply the culmination of the past four years under Trump's presidency," said librarian Djaz Zulida.

Zulida is a job information resource librarian for the Brooklyn Public Library system. Soon after the riot, the library set out to compile books that would help put this insurrection into perspective.

"While a book list is not the end all, be all as far as resources, this felt like a place where we could begin, a place where we could encourage a conversation, and to filter out some of the noise and give people a little bit of a framework, focusing on a number of different issues," Zulida said.

Zulida combed through the library's resources and learned that the library could use more books that discuss the 25th Amendment, which lays out a process for orderly transition of power in the case of death, disability, or resignation of the President. They included "Birch Bayh: Making a Difference," a book about the man that authored the amendment.

"I assumed, of course, that the amendments are written by politicians," Zulida said. "But I had no idea that there was one person so specifically, wrapped up in the details of putting together the language and the idea and turning that into a constitutional amendment."

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A humorous look at epic fails in historical upheavals, putsches, and coups. Looking through a sardonic lens can help us process events that were quite serious and devastating.

"How to Get Rid of a President: History's Guide to Removing Unpopular, Unable, or Unfit Chief Executives" by David Priess

From the calumny and chaos of John Tyler's presidency to Andrew Johnson's drunken swearing-in, the conduct of several Presidents have been less-than stellar.

"Will He Go?: Trump and the Looming Election Meltdown in 2020" by Lawrence Douglas

This book by legal scholar Lawrence Douglas, published in May 2020, addresses what turned out to be the very real fear of a less-than-peaceful transition of power by the 45th president.

"Alt-America: The Rise of the Radical Right in the Age of Trump" by David A. Neiwert

This 2017 book reports on the beliefs and conspiracy theories of the so-called 'alt-right,' offshoot of conservatism that mix racism, white nationalism, anti-Semitism and populism.

"We Should Have Seen It Coming: From Reagan to Trump A Front-Row Seat to a Political Revolution" by Gerald F. Seib

The trajectory of the modern conservative movement and how it evolved into a populist movement that Trump rode to power, written by the executive editor of the Wall Street Journal.

"American Sanctuary: Mutiny, Martyrdom, and National Identity in the Age of Revolution" by A. Roger Ekrich

A detailed look at political crisis and national identity in the early years of the United States.

"The Oath and the Office: A Guide to the Constitution for Future Presidents" by Corey Brettschneider

A detailed primer on the important parts of constitutional law dealing with the office of President by a professor of political science at Brown University who teaches constitutional law and politics,

"American Government 101: From the Continental Congress to the Iowa Caucus, Everything You Need to Know About US Politics" by Kathleen Sears

A wide-ranging primer on the actual workings of US government and politics.

"Burning the Reichstag" by Benjamin Carter Hett

This book examines the many accounts of the German Reichstag fire of 1933 that helped solidify Adolf Hitler's power in Germany. It disputes claims that the fire was perpetrated by one individual as it investigates Nazi involvement as well as looking at how the fire was used to boost the Nazi Party and discredit the Communist Party.

"Birch Bayh: Making a Difference" by Robert Blaemire

A three-term Indiana senator, Bayh helped write the 25th Amendment on presidential disability and succession and the 26th Amendment, which lowered the voting age to 18. He is the only non-Founding Father to author two constitutional amendments.

"Hitler's First Hundred Days: When Germans Embraced the Third Reich" by Peter Fritzsche

Documents the suppression of dissent and dissenters and the ascendance of Nazi power that turned Germany from a divided republic into a one-party dictatorship.

"Playing with Fire: The 1968 Election and the Transformation of American Politics" by Lawrence O'Donnell

The MSNBC host details the political upheaval, assassinations, and dirty tricks in the 1968 elections.

"Fault Lines in the Constitution: The Framers, Their Fights, and the Flaws that Affect Us Today" by Cynthia Levinson and Sanford Levinson

From gerrymandering to presidential succession, a husband-and-wife team break down some important pieces of the Constitution, examines its flaws and offer some potential solutions.

"A Most Wicked Conspiracy: The Last Great Swindle of the Gilded Age" by Paul Starobin

An examination of the political corruption and greed of party bosses, elected officials and robber barons in America at the turn of the 20th century.

"Surviving Autocracy" by Masha Gessen

"Unmaking the Presidency: Donald Trump's War on the World's Most Powerful Office" by Susan Hennessey and Benjamin Wittes

"The Fixers: The Bottom-Feeders, Crooked Lawyers, Gossipmongers, and Porn Stars Who Created the 45th President" by Joe Palazzolo and Michael Rothfeld

Two Wall Street Journal reporters document questionable actions by Trump before and during his presidency.

"If This Be Treason: The American Rogues and Rebels Who Walked the Line Between Dissent and Betrayal" by Jeremy Duda

"American Kompromat: How the KGB Cultivated Donald Trump, and Related Tales of Sex, Greed, Power, and Treachery" by Craig Unger

This book explores the kompromat, or compromising information, that Russia may have amassed on major political figures and how Russia may have attempted to target Donald Trump when he was a New York businessman.

"Bag Man: The Wild Crimes, Audacious Cover-up, and Spectacular Downfall of a Brazen Crook in the White House" by Rachel Maddow and Michael Yarvitz

The story of Spiro T. Agnew, Nixon's vice president, and the bribery and extortion ring he ran while in office.

"The Impeachers: The Trial of Andrew Johnson and the Dream of a Just Nation" by Brenda Wineapple

A recounting of President Andrew Johnson's abuse of executive orders that led to him becoming the first US president to be impeached.

"The Watergate Girl: My Fight for Truth and Justice Against a Criminal President" by Jill Wine-Banks

The Watergate scandal and Nixon impeachment as told by Jill Wine-Banks, a trial lawyer on the special prosecutor's Watergate task force.

"An Artist in Treason: The Extraordinary Double Life of General James Wilkinson" by Andro Linklater

Gen. James Wilkinson was charismatic and complicated soldier who fought for the United States in its earliest days yet repeatedly acted against the country and even spied on it.

"Night of Camp David" by Fletcher Knebel

A 1965 novel about an American president coming unhinged and ranting about conspiracies, it was republished in 2018.

"Impeachment: A Citizen's Guide" by Cass R. Sunstein

An accessible primer on impeachment's past, present, and future.

"The Case for Impeaching Trump" by Elizabeth Holtzman

Attorney, politician, and author Elizabeth Holtzman lays out the requirements for an impeachment and the necessity of one.

"How Did We Get Here?: from Theodore Roosevelt to Donald Trump" by Robert Dallek

A historian looks at the personalities and politics from the early 20th century until now and how we've arrived in our current political milieu.

"The Presidents: Noted Historians Rank America's Best - and Worst - Chief Executives"

A survey of leading historians and presidential biographers on the best and worst of America's presidents.

"Richard Nixon: The Life" by John A. Farrell

The life and political career of Richard Nixon, the 37th President who resigned before he could be impeached over the Watergate scandal. He remains the only president ever to resign the office.

"The Trial of Adolf Hitler" by David King

The book recounts the arrest, trial, and imprisonment of Adolf Hitler and others for treason after a failed coup attempt in Germany that became known as the Beer Hall Putsch. Hitler turned the 1924 trial into a launching pad for himself and the Nazi Party.

"It Can't Happen Here" by Sinclair Lewis, with an introduction by Michael Meyer and a new afterword by Gary Scharnhorst

Lewis's 1935 novel about fascist presidential candidate Berzelius Windrip and how a US president turns into a dictator.

"1876" by Gore Vidal

Vidal's historical novel is written in the form of a journal detailing the life of character Charles Schermerhorn Schuyler in the 1870s with a focus on the disputed presidential election of 1876.

"Rutherford B. Hayes" by Trefousse L. Hans

A historian chronicles the disputed 1876 election between Rutherford B. Hayes and Samuel Tilden.

Original post:
If you're trying to make sense of the Capitol riot, read these books - CNN

Earlier this week, my 10-year old daughter asked if I would let her join Discord, an app that combines group messaging with voice and video chats. Yesterday, TechCrunch reported Discord is about to close a funding round that would value the startup at as much as $7 billion.

I dont think those two events are coincidences.

Discord has surged in popularity this year, doubling its monthly active users to 120 million and with 800,000 downloads a day, according to TechCrunch. Created in 2015 as a platform for Internet gamers, its growth has been fueled first by Fortnite and more recently the mega-hit Among Us, a game where groups of players band together in an outer-space version of Survivor.

But much of its popularity is due to its power to connect communities at a time when so manyparticularly those of young peopleare isolated from each other. As founder Jason Citron noted in a July blog post, Discord leapt from the gamer world to connecting all sorts of groups, so the company consciously redesigned its interface to be less game-oriented. There are now 13.5 million serversDiscord speak for channelsactive every week and its the social media app of choice of teens and even preteens, like my daughter (Im still on the fence about letting her join).

Amid those millions of servers are some nasty ones, and for a while Discord became the preferred venue for members of the alt-right. The 2017 Unite the Right March in Charlottesville, Virginia, was organized on Discord. Misogyny and homophobia were also allowed to fester as its founders took a laissez-faire approach to moderation. That has changed as Discord triesto broaden its appeal. It purged dozens of servers linked to white supremacists, and now 15% of its employees are on a Trust and Safety team dedicated to weeding out bad actors, Forbes reported.

Despite that stain, Discord has raised $379.3 million in venture capital to date, according to Crunchbase, including $100 million in a June funding round which valued the company at $3.5 billion. The new round would double that valuation.

At some point those investors would like to get paid back, and its not obvious how that will happen. The app is free to use, but sells a premium product for $100 a year called Nitro that allows users to customize their profiles and gives them better performance. Forbes estimates Nitro will generate about $120 million in revenue this year.

The obvious exit for Discords founders would be a sale to an existing tech giant, which could swallow it wholelikeWhatsApp, Instagram, YouTube, and Skype before it. Tech site Protocol runs through the possible reasonsfinancial, legal, and politicalwhy that hasnt happened yet, but as Discords millions of users potentially turn into billions, it may be too tempting a prize for Big Tech to pass up.

See more here:
The Discord messaging app is now reportedly worth $7 billion - Quartz