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MAGA and the White Nationalist Agenda – CounterPunch.org – CounterPunch

Photograph by Nathaniel St. Clair

The Make America Great Again MAGA slogan is nothing new. On the evening of March 21, 1915, President Woodrow Wilson attended a screening of The Birth of a Nation. The blockbuster film was based on The Clansman, a novel written by Wilsons good friend Thomas Dixon. As in the novel, the film presented a resurgent view of the South and its glorification of the Ku Klux Klan. Wilson endorsed the film wholeheartedly, only to embolden a KKK white nationalist reign of terror on African Americans. The Klan created a shibboleth to accompany their resurgence and terrorism: Make America Great Again.

Ronald Reagan and the Republicans used the theme successfully throughout Reagans presidency. Decades later Tea Party Patriots, white nationalists, the alt-right and conservative Republicans proclaim the same MAGA. Only this time the invocation conveys more of an urgency and vitriol. They fear the growth of multiculturalism, socialism and leftists and a country the white majority is becoming a minority.

The leader of the emergent white nationalist movement, the one who gives voice to their fears, is none other than the billionaire and star of the reality show TheApprentice, Donald Trump, forty-fifth POTUS. With Mussolini aplomb and stand-up comedy theatrics, Trump has drawn out a subterranean cast of characters. Trump has been successful in using concepts, terms and colloquialisms easily understood by the deplorables. In fact, it appears that they enjoy each others company and Trumps political rallies. They have become a fun fest of character assignation and blatant lies about political rivals and their ridiculous policy positions.

Trump, acting as a CEO Master of Ceremonies, salutes his loyal assistants in the context of doing a good and then turns on former assistants, usually if they snipe publicly at Trump. While at rallies Trump has people in the crowd stand for ovations when they participate extemporaneously with favorable shouts. He is at this best when he departs from script to lampoon a political rival. Sometimes his is blunt in his criticism when he describes former security advisor, John Bolton, an idiot.

For those at rallies who have showered affection on Trump, when his fan base shouts I love you Trump responds in kind, I love you more. On the other hand, during his campaigns in 2016 and 2020, Trump had no problem telling people at his rallies to shut up hecklers, or punch them in the mouth, and he would pay their legal fees. Most importantly, Trump knows that as ringmaster of his own circus, media ratings will be high with such theatrics which translates into political exposure and advertising from big business.

However, with Trumps recent Covid revelation, and stock market drop, the jury is out on whether or not the media industrial complex will pull the plug on Trump. Revenues from advertising may decline if viewers show displeasure looking at a Covid president on the big screen in their houses. Clearly Trumps right-wing big show has been profitable for business according to a November 18, 2019 article in Fortune Magazine, by Alan Murray and David Meyer, all of this is in terms of GDP growth. But while productivity of an economy is one thing, wages and purchasing power is another. Yet Trump s able to sell the public on a good economy even though the Fed has been bailing out the multinationals by the trillions of dollars.

Underneath this sham is a personality likened to the megalomaniacs of 20th century Germany, Italy and Spain. This makes no difference to Trumps followers; they are energized and entertained by Trumps comical remarks, reminders of his multi-billion dollar success, and his lampooning of political rivals in both parties Low Energy Jeb (Jeb Bush), Lyin Ted Cruz, Crooked Hilary Clinton, Wild Bill Clinton, Little Marco Rubio, Crazy Bernie Sanders, Shifty Adam Schiff, Mr. Magoo (Jeff Sessions), Mini Mike (Michael Bloomberg), Fake Tough Guy (John Bolton), Nervous Nancy Pelosi and a litany for Sleepy Joe Biden, Sleepy Creepy Joe Biden, Slow Joe Biden, Basement Biden, OHiden, and Joe Hiden Biden.

No one indignity is spared, not even Mike Pounce aka Mike Pence Trumps Vice President.

Mocking insults go to the Fake News such as the Clinton News Network (CNN Time Warner), CON-cast (Comcast MSNBC), Amazon WaPo (Jeff Bazos owned Amazon and Washington Post), and Jeff Bazos himself as Jeff Bozo. Media personalities are also a target, Sour Don Lemon, Psycho Joe (Joe Scarborough), Wacky Glenn Beck. Television media programs are not exempt, Deface the Nation (Face the Nation), Meet the Depressed (Meet the Press) and Morning Joke (Morning Joe). Heads of State are made into cartoon characters such as Rocket Man or Little Rocket Man (Kim Jung-un, Supreme Leader of the Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea), My Favorite Dictator (Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, President of Egypt) and Animal Assad (Bashar al-Assad, President of Syria).

Trump is admired, for all intents and purposes, by dictators such as Turkeys Erdogon, Russias Putin, Philippines Duterte, and Saudi Arabian Crown Prince, Mohammed bin Salman, who the CIA has identified as directly responsible for the brutal murder of Jamal Khashoggi, Saudi journalist and dissident. Trumps adoring public could care the least, and have never cared even with his shady alleged criminality in real estate, taxes, relationship to Jeffrey Epstein, impeachment, and sexual manhandling of women. Nor are they concerned about his former staff indicted and sentenced, and countless turnover within his administration.

Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel, though enthusiastically supportive of Trump, appears to be guarded with his praise of Trump, especially with the Presidential elections within a month.

Most interesting are conservative Christians and Catholics who not only dismiss Trumps checkered past and present, but distort and manipulate scripturally comparisons of Trump to Cyrus the Great, a pagan Babylonian king who freed the Jews from captivity in Babylon to reclaim Israel. Point being that God can carry out her/his will in the unchurched like Trump, in the same way that God can work through pagan kings like Cyrus the Great to free Israel from captivity and bondage. Cyrus, as their argument goes, is the archetype of the ironic vessel (vessel theology) in which God carries out her/his plan of salvation, despite the superficial inconsistencies.

For conservative Catholics, as long as Trump is against abortion, anything he does on a personal level or supports as public policy contrary to Catholic social teaching can be justified. Ignored in this form of ethical triumphalism, is the fact that Catholic ethics calls for its faith community to form their consciences on Church teaching (Scripture and Tradition) based on the continuum of life ethics. This means that no one single overarching issue should take priority over others, unless ones conscience directs them in good faith otherwise. Nevertheless, both groups revel in the fact that with three Supreme Court picks, Trump will be able to overturn abortion and follow through on a complete list of conservative and libertarian public policies that the Right have been dreaming of for the last forty years. In all, the vessel theology for conservative Christians appears to be a scriptural form of money laundering while conservative Catholic antiabortion triumphalism appears to be a gaslighting technique, intended as a diversion from other highly import ethical concerns.

Arguably, both conservative Christians and Catholics might agree on vessel theology and the primacy of abortion in their support of Trump. This would justify their manic identity as both Christian and Republican; Democrat not being much better. Unarguably they both agree that the continuum of life issues such as the Churchs preferential option for the poor, the avoidance of environmental extinction, the end to endless wars and global economic domination of the world (PNAC), the elevated status of the military industrial complex, the development of a Space Force, unfettered neoliberal capitalism, increased poverty in the midst of exponential wealth, elite control of government, the threat to democratic freedoms through the new surveillance state, threats to civil liberties and rights in the Patriot Act and the National Defense Authorization Act, extrajudicial murders, secret FISA courts, CIA orchestrated coups in Ecuador and attempted in Venezuela, illegal and harmful economic sanctions placed on Venezuela, racial and class disparities in the criminal justice system, police lawlessness and brutality, economic devastation in all levels of education, neglect of infrastructure development in inner cities, lack of affordable housing and universal health care, capital punishment as justice, nuclear proliferation and the targeting of innocent civilians, nuclear annihilation of all known life on the planet, and the corruption of the two major political parties are of little importance or even sadistically supported or dissented upon relative to the issues.

Yet in all of this, Trump appears to be impervious to the assaults of his political foes. He never lets on that he is bothered by them, at least not in public. Even though he is behind in the polls Trump came off like a brawler. The debate became a hoot and then into a donnybrook which included Trump, Biden and moderator Chris Wallace. Trump took on both simultaneously; Biden putting in a few swings, while Chris Wallace was unable to reign in Trump unhinged. When Biden tried to go on the offensive explaining the advantages of the Green New Deal, Trump asked if Biden supported the GND to which Biden responded in the negative. Trumps counterpunch to Biden? You just lost the Left. Clearly the intensity of Trump was felt and his anger apparent, an anger that reflected a wounded animal.

After the debate the media agreed that the debate was a disaster, but nevertheless concluded that Biden was the marginal winner. Two more debates will tell more. But Trump has some help coming. If Trump can undermine voting, for example in Texas, by having governor Abbott limit ballot drop off ballots one per county as is being discussed, then Trump could very well win Texas and a huge number of electoral votes. And watch conservative governors go to work on this same strategy. Making it difficult to vote has proven to be highly successful for Republicans. Long waits in line, sometimes several hours in predominately poor districts, has proven to frustrate these voters. Suffice it to say, no Republicans in Congress have dissented from this tactic. And no Republicans have dissented at all from Trumps usurpation of the Republican Party. The exceptions of Jeff Flake, who resigned from the Senate, and House member Justin Amash who is now a Libertarian are few and far between. Others like Bob Corker have resigned quietly. In short, Trump will not be ruled out for a second term.

None of this feels right, as in reading Upton Sinclairs, It Cant Happen Here. Sinclair writes about a fictitious 1930s America where a deceptively polite group of individuals marketing the concept of Americanism takes over the country. It parallels 1930s Nazi Germany, and for that matter, the fascist takeovers of Italy and Spain, all democracies at the time. But the It Cant Happen Here scenario is not without actual historical context. In fact, during the 1930s a thriving Nazi Party was alive and well in the United States. Footage of a Nazi Party convention at Madison Square Garden, February 20, 1939, with 20,000 people in attendance, reveals a frightful scene of a rabid crowd, gathered under the pretense of a pro-Americanism rally, were automaton-like saluting allegiance to a massive image of a George Washington portrait with swastikas on each side. This is not insignificant given the zeitgeist then and the zeitgeist now. Known as the German American Bund, the pro-Hitlerorganization in the United States promotedNazi propaganda, combining Nazi imagery with American patriotic history. The largely decentralized Bund, as they were self-described, was active in a number of regions, but attracted support only from a minority ofGerman Americans.The Bund was the most influential of a number of pro-Nazi German groups in the United States in the 1930s; others included theTeutonia SocietyandFriends of New Germany(also known as the Hitler Club). Alongside allied groups, such as theChristian Front, these organizations were virulentlyantisemitic.

When Trump ran for office and was elected president there was a perception of a fascist coup and the appearance would have been cemented, had not Trump been talked down from a military parade on his inauguration. Now the perception is reality. During the debate Tuesday, Trump would not agree to a peaceful transition if he was voted out of office. The rationale was that with the mail in ballots and scattered locations to drop off ballots voter fraud would result which did not obligate him to relinquish the Office of the President, Moreover, when Chris Wallace asked Trump if he would denounce the Proud Boys, Trump instead told the Proud Boys and other alt-right groups to stand back and standby implying that their help might be needed. Thus, Trump refused to unequivocally condemn white supremacists and far-right groups who have respondedto ongoing protests against police brutality and racial injustice, instead pinning the blame for violent clashes on the left wing.Antifa is just as bad even though FBI reports indicate the direct opposite as reported to congressional committees by Director Christopher Wrey. The perception of fascism is now reality. The mask is off and the faade of a democratic society has been exposed.

Most disturbing is the fictional account of the Antifascists (Antifa) as a violent leftist terrorist group. Nothing could be farther from the truth. In an internal memorandum, FBI Director Christopher Wrey, found no evidence of Antifas involvement in national unrest, specifically with the George Floyd protests and riots as falsely reported by The Nation, June 2, 2020. The Washington Field Office memo states that no intelligence indicating Antifa involvement was initiated during the protests, as erroneously stated from Trump, Attorney General Barr, and various right-wing news outlets such as FOX News. On June 12, 2020, the New York Times in Federal Arrests Show No Sign That Antifa Plotted Protests, cleared Antifa and on June 22, 2020, the New York Times, 41 Cities, Many Sources: How False Antifa Rumors Spread Locally, described how propaganda against Antifa was spread through the media community, most likely form conservative politicians and political action committees. The attempt was to falsely blame the uprising on an orchestrated group such as Antifa, according to Glenn Kirschner, former FBI, counterintelligence. Blaming a left-wing group was a ruse created to gaslight the public and divert attention from the right-wing police tactics condoned by the Trump administration.

***

Various media outlets and activist groups have documented the rise of alt-right white nationalist groups. The PBS News Hour, as reported by Kenya Downs (October 21, 2016), identified the growing attraction to rightist groups. The Southern Poverty Law Center compiled a report, White Nationalist, (https://www.splcenter.org/7-15-20/), in which they report that the MAGA have attracted the alt-right such as neo-Nazis, the Ku Klux Klan, Proud Boys, Boogaloo Bois, neo-Confederates, Racist-Skinheads, Christian Identity. The weirdest and most dangerous, arguably, appear to be the QAnon. They allege that a cabalof Satan-worshiping pedophiles running a global child sex-trafficking ring is plotting against PresidentTrump. They warn that a day of reckoning is at hand involving the mass arrest of journalists and politicians. In no uncertain terms, QAnons day of reckoning is aimed at liberals the Left, code for socialists, anarchists, antifa, and communists.

None of these rightest groups have foresworn the use of violence or vigilante tactics, nor have they ruled out the use of violence against local and federal government. The Boogaloo Bois and their movement have even called for a Second Civil War and the Order of the Nine Angels, a Satanic neo-Nazi group in England and the United States, deifies Adolf Hitler as the head of their Order. What has proven to be most disturbing is that hate groups have increased 55% since Trumps campaign and presidency, noted by Jason Wilson of The Guardian, March 18, 2020.

So if the alt-right White Nationalists have surfaced within society, could it be possible that they have also emerged within the rank and file?

Jason Stanley, How Fascism Works: The Politics of Us and Them, 2018, and Timothy Snyder, On Tyranny: Twenty Lessons from the Twentieth Century, 2017 argue that the eroding of human rights and civil liberties in the United States have, in effect, has transformed the United States into a quasi-fascist state, trending ever rightward. They cite policies and law such as the Patriot Act, 2001; National Defense Authorization Act, 2012, in which federal government agencies can spy and detain indefinitely suspects without signed judicial warrants or even probable cause. All of this rationalized as a result of the 9-11 event.

Expanding on their theses, Snyder and Stanley describe fascist movements, and societys attraction to them, based on the following: economic fears, immigrant xenophobia, the need for social stability and status quo, and above all the primacy of white Western European hegemony. Change with respect to diversity, pluralism, and collectivist economic arrangements frightens some people and thus creates forms of neurosis and paranoia to which fascist politics thrives. Examples of fascism include, but are not limited to, the absolute nature of the State, a militarist charismatic leader, and the eradication of diversity and multiculturalism. This has tremendous appeal to those who become emotionally destabilized by what postmodernists describe as the other. Moreover, a powerful dictatorial leader whose followers are drawn toward authoritarianism, is in essence the heart and soul of fascism itself.

Others such as Hannah Arendt in The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951) argue that fascism in Germany was based on an attraction to a mesmerizing leader who convinces followers that civil liberties and human rights have become excessive and therefore undermines social cohesion needed for the well-being if not survival of the state. The implication is that liberal democracy undermines the common good and that a constriction on democratic rights is thus justified. Arendt concludes that there is no guarantee that democracies will uphold human rights and civil liberties and that vigilance to these threats must be a permanent feature of any democratic government. Tragically, Germanys democratic Weimar Republic, 1918 1933, lost sight of this vigilance. Hitler and likeminded fascists lacking any real opposition, quickly weakened the democratic institutions in Germany which then cleared the way for the Nazi Third Reich.

The rapid decline of German democracy and the Nazi assault on the democratic foundations of the Weimar Republic, then focused on Jews, Left-wing politics (labor unionists, socialists, communists, and Marxists) and various social deviants as the enemies of the Third Reich and Aryan race. The mastermind behind this propaganda assault was Joseph Goebbels, the Reich Minister of Propaganda for the Third Reich. Sensing the disposition of the German people, Goebbels took advantage of Germanys humiliating loss of World War I, and Germanys economic collapse after theWall Street Crash of 1929 further intensified their collective humiliation. Germany was already compensating the Axis powers for WWI and with its dependence on American loans from 1924 onwards German, once a proud and wealthy country of Western Europe found itself in a psychotic downspin. Then as the loans were recalled by the United States, the economy in Germany sunk into an even deeper depression. Investment in business was reduced or eliminated completely. Wages fell by 39% from 1929 to 1932 and people once employed full-time, fell from twenty million in 1929, to over eleven million in 1933. In the same period, over 10,000 businesses closed every year and poverty increased dramatically.

Hitler and Goebbels were able to capitalize on the vulnerability of the German psyche. With the Great Depression, Goebbels was highly successful in associating the economic failure of the Great Depression with the Weimar democracy. When combined with the resulting political instability within Germany, Hitler and Goebbels vitriolic propaganda pushed Germans to become further disillusioned and even hostile to the Weimar Republic. Hitler was to be the unquestioned leader of the German people and purge the Aryan Nation of parasites such as Jews (appealing to German anti-Semitism and blaming Jews for Germanys problems), political rivals, and the eradication of genetic aberrations form the German Aryan race.

In Hitlers biography, Mein Kampf (1925), Hitler develops the Jewish Doctrine of Marxism. Hitler argued that the survival of Germany was threatened by Marxist intellectuals who were predominantly Jewish.Goebbels, seeing an opening for further promoting the cause of Nazism, gave a speech February 1926 titled Lenin or Hitler? in which he asserted that communism or Marxism could not save the German people and would only usher in Bolshevik tyranny such as that of Russia. In 1926, Goebbels published a pamphlet titled Nazi-Sozi which attempted to explain how National Socialism differed from Marxist socialism and economic collectivism. National Socialism (Keynesian social spending) would rejuvenate the German economy, not Marxist socialism which happen to be a popular alternative to the horrendous effects of the German depression. The Marxists scholars in Germany, intellectually attacked by the Nazis, were known as the Frankfurt School. They argued that Hitler and Goebbels were making a false comparison between their policy recommendation for a democratic economy, not a Bolshevik collectivist model implemented by the Soviet Union. In fact, the Frankfurt School rejected both Stalinism and Fascism.

In order to convince Germans of their superior status as a race, Goebbels insisted that Hitler promote himself as an ubermench or superman in his 1935 Triumph of the Will. Goebbels argued that Hitler must promote his own cause as the Fuhrerprinzip or Fuhrer (prince leader) and demonstrate the evils of the democratic Weimar Republic. The film would serve to denounce the legitimacy of the Weimar Republic, call for a resurgence of the German will to power, ignite passions of German patriotism and thus set the stage for a Nazi coup detat. The timing was perfect. With the death of President Paul von Hindenburg, Hitler as Chancellor, would step in and abolish the Office of the President and declare himself Fuhrer. Finally, the call to National Socialism is contrasted with propagandized subhuman Bolsheviks, who because of Stalinist collectivism, suffer as a nation. Marxism is therefore dismissed comically as a viable economic option. Competing collectivist economic arrangements urged by labor unionists, socialists, anarchists and Marxists would be dismissed in patronizing theatrics. With this the Weimar Republic and its democratic foundations were destroyed.

***

The white nationalists assert that white people are a unique race, and as such, seek to maintain its white identity or white pride within a majoritarian white nation such as the United States, United Kingdom, France, Germany, and other white dominated countries. They believe they are being pushed aside and headed toward a minority status. Their agenda, specifically in the United States, is to support the dominance of white culture and ensure the rights of besieged white people. The assimilation of minorities into white society is therefore perceived to be a threat to the survival of the white race and its cultural heritage. Resistance to the inclusion of minorities through miscegenation, multiculturalism and immigration is axiomatic. In compounding the issue, Donald Trump endorsed white nationalists when he stated (August 15, 2017) that white nationalist demonstrators and counter-protesters in Charlottesville, North Carolina, have very fine people on both sides. And with Trumps refusal to denounce David Duke, Grand Wizard of the Ku Lux Klan, Trumps political sentiments have surfaced. The MAGA slogan, nonetheless, identifies the white nationalist vision.

The, MAGA, was adopted by Adolph Hitler and the Third Reich, taken straight from the Klan, and translated into Make Germany Great Again (MGGA). In fact, the MAGA has re-emerged in Germany over the past two decades with the German alt-right. It has become a catchall phrase for a loose group of extreme right-wing individuals and organizations who promote the fascist values of white nationalism. These groups tend to exhibit at least three of the following five features: nationalism, racism, xenophobia, anti-democracy and a white nationalist state advocacy of white domination. In a study by Anne Applebaum, Peter Pomerantsev, Melanie Smith and Chloe Colliver, Make Germany Great Again: Kremlin, Alt-Right and International Influences in the 2017 German Elections, Institute for Strategic Dialogue (2017), the authors argue that the MAGA theme was established in Adolph Hitlers Mein Kampf and the fascist doctrines set forth inThe Manifesto of the Fasci of Combat (Fascist Manifesto, 1919), and further enumerated inThe Doctrine of Fascism, purportedly written byBenito Mussolini, but more than likely the intellectual formulation of fascist Giovanni Gentile in 1932.

In the German context the MGGA denotes those who seek to define and defend a true German national identity from elements deemed to be corrupting of that identity, for example, Jews, communists, socialists, gypsies, dissident priests and ministers, union leaders and trade unionists, and those persons opposed to authoritarianism. This phenomenon has also developed in dominant white European countries including Russia. The resurgence, whatever the shibboleth, clearly has deeper roots in authoritarian and fascist traditions as argued in Theodor Adornos The Authoritarian Personality, 1950. During and after World War II, Adorno examined the psychological causes of the development of European fascism. Adorno concluded that there was a distinct personality associated with prejudice and intolerance that led to racist and fascist policies. The authoritarian personality is fundamentally one that is inflexible, rigid, and intolerant of uncertainty. They reject unconventional behavior as immature, inferior, degenerate, or even deviant. Moreover, authoritarians, identify with authority figures and the power that accompanies such positions. Any anti-authoritarian behavior is perceived to be a threat to authoritarians themselves and society. As a consequence of the authoritarian mindset is one formulated upon a neurotic fear and therefore forms a reaction to dissident ideas from its own. It seeks to suppress these views and the people that possess them and their cultures an any outward expression of these differences.

In psychoanalytic terms what emerges is a form of reaction formation which provides a framework for which authoritarians need not question their own beliefs or values, that is, compared to that of unconventional ones. For Adorno, the authoritarian personality then believes that members of a minority group are inferior in relation to the authoritarian archetype, in that, failure to assimilate or comply to given standards, relative though they are, are projected on to others and viewed as defiant of the state. Difference and nonconformity translate to subversive activity and a threat to the survival of society itself. The authoritarian person and state then react to this defiance or deviance by assigning those to, not only an inherently inferior status, but one of danger or evil. This tends to perpetuate itself within authoritarian societies and accompanying institutions and traditions. Understanding the context for this recent emergence of the MAGA is in order.

White Privilege

Minorities and anti-racists point to white privilege as the basis of white hegemony in the United States. White privilege refers to the historical advantages white people have over people of color. Jesse Myerson in White Anti-Racism Must Be Based in Solidarity, Not Altruism, The Nation, February 5, 2018, addresses political scientist David Kaibs argument that there are two faces of privilege. One face is composed of a higher quality of life, education, employment, living wage jobs, homeownership, retirement benefits, healthcare, etc. The second face is the societal privilege to dominate narratives, initiate dialogue and discussions, and monopolize control of public spaces. Though they are referred to as privileges, Kaib asserts that privileges should be defined as rights. Suffice it to say, white people have more access to these two privileges than blacks, and though white people are more likely to find themselves in managerial positions with some institutional power over blacks, these are a far cry from the power to influence national and international government and institutions as noted by Derrick Bell, And We Are Not Saved: The Elusive Quest for Racial Justice, 1987. White privilege thus maintains a social, political, and economic advantage over people of color, and in doing so, pits white people against people of color, specifically African Americans. The privileges that come from membership in dominant white groups, is prioritized by whites in order to maintain their very privilege.

At times this is reinforced by anti-racists who, in realizing their privilege, prefer not to be active in racial resistance since they might be outed for latent racist attitudes as Robin Di Angelo identifies in White Fragility: Why Its So Hard for White People to Talk about Racism. This also carries over to an oppressor/oppressed binary which offers no incentives for white people to live differently. In this binary, white people can only fall on the side of the oppressor and the inherent privileges that accompany whiteness. This model erases the history of white people engaged in personal, interpersonal, cultural, and systemic work to promote racial, social and economic justice. There is no recognized, historical alternative to toxic whiteness in this binary despite there actually being a history of anti-racist white people struggling to create an alternative white identity. This false narrative of white only racism needs revision, e.g., John Brown, the Abolitionists, Rev. William Sloan Coffin, etc.

White privilege undermines the democratic gains of people of color. Since 1865, with the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment, African Americans have made some progress towards full democratic participation. White reaction has been to undermine and even rollback some of these gains. For example, at the end of the Civil War and Reconstruction Era, the Black Codes were unlawfully implemented while Jim Crow laws violated Reconstruction Era Civil Rights legislation. In overruling Plessy v. Ferguson, The Supreme Courts landmark 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision was rejected by southern states by shutting down public schools throughout the South.

The Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Voting Rights Act of 1965 prompted states and local governments to intimidate and obstruct African Americans from voting. The Southern Strategy, orchestrated by Kevin Phillips and Richard Nixon intended to create dog whistle racist slogans to turn whites away from supporting civil rights and turning to regressive public policy supported by conservatives. The War on Drugs initiated by Bill Clinton and Joe Biden, disenfranchised millions of African American men through broken windows policing, racial profiling, stop and frisk police tactics, and three strikes legislation. All of this leading to a racist redux as described in recent scholarship by Michelle Alexander in The New Jim Crow and J. Michael Higginbotham in Ghosts of Jim Crow.

White Nationalism

The MAGA and white nationalists reject the white privilege argument and instead see themselves as the new oppressed minority. The philosophical underpinnings of white nationalism are, for the most part, derived from social Darwinism, Nazism, and fascism. Narrow cherry-picked passages by Christian fundamentalists use interpretations of Hebrew and Christian scriptures that support racist beliefs. White nationalists tend to believe that a conspiracy against whites is being promoted as part of an attempted white genocide. They usually base their evidence for this on a partisan activist government implementing public policies on behalf of minorities, and the declining birth rate among whites and the increasing birth rate among minorities and immigrants. Their white culture and traditions are dying. In response the white nationalists scapegoat minorities, progressive legislation, and if necessary, violence to protect themselves from extinction.

The alt-right (alternative right) has become a catchall phrase for a loose group of extreme right individuals and organizations who promote white nationalism. The alt-right, also describe themselves in terms of white power and white pride, is a movement in America who seek a resurgence or revolution in promoting the unique identity of the European heritage of white Americans. Its soldiers, as some describe themselves, are not lone wolves but highly organized cadres motivated by a coherent and deeply troubling worldview made up of white separatism, supremacy, virulent anticommunism, and Christian apocalyptic faith. In Bring the War Home, Kathleen Belew provides a history of a movement that consolidated in the 1970s and 1980s, around a potent sense of betrayal of American world domination only to be forced to retreat, specifically from the Vietnam War, a war they felt they were not allowed to win. According to Belew, government was to blame for Americas retreat as a world power and as a result, anti-government citizen groups and militia emerged, from Waco and Ruby Ridge, to the anti-government terrorist bombing on Oklahoma City, to a resurgence under President Donald Trump and the MAGA movement.

Many of the alt-right conclude, nonetheless, that waging war on their own country, the United States, was justified. They unified people from a variety of militant groups, including Klansmen, neo-Nazis, skinheads, radical tax protestors, veterans, and white separatists, to form a new movement of loosely affiliated independent cells to avoid detection. The white power and white pride movement operated with discipline and clarity, undertaking assassinations, armed robbery, counterfeiting, and weapons trafficking. Its command structure gave women a prominent place and put them in charge of brokering alliances and birthing future recruits. Belews disturbing and timely history recounts that war cannot be contained in time and space: grievances intensify and violence becomes a logical course of action.

Based on years of deep immersion in previously classified FBI files and on extensive interviews, American para-militarism and the birth of the alt-right has both overt and covert manifestations. This has become what historian Carol Anderson describes as white rage in White Rage: The Unspoken Truth of Our Racial Divide. She argues that it was white rage at work that sparked the riots and that the media and public at large ignored the kindling which stoked the flames. What fueled the unrest is a white backlash of resentment, anger, and even rage that African Americans and other minorities are being privileged over whites. This is clear in the tolerance of hyper policing and brutality directed at blacks. This has also enabled increasing displays of white rage in an insurgent white nationalist movement.

Critical Race Theorists such as Richard Delgado and Jean Stefancic, in Critical Race Theory argue that the compounding impact of marginalization felt by whites, as the dominant identity in the United States, further compounds resentment toward minority entitlement especially since this has resulted in financial loss for whites. There is some truth to this resentment. Cedric Robinson argues in Black Marxism: The Making of the Black Radical Tradition, that the wealth disparity as a result of a capitalist economic system, coupled with corrective measures by way of Affirmative Action and welfare policies, makes upward movement into a more equitable economic and social class all the more difficult, not only for blacks, but for whites as well. And this class struggle is one that elicits fear and anger. Anticipating this resentment Malcom X urges, I tell sincere white people, work in conjunction with us each of us working among our own kind. Let sincere white individuals find all other white people they can who feel as they do and let them form their own all-white groups, to work trying to convert other white people who are thinking and acting so racist.

The MAGA and White Nationalist movements emboldened by Trump have made fascism in the United States the acceptable norm. Hopefully with this election, the removal of Trump from office will quell the alt-right. Democracy is at stake.

NOTES

1. Malcolm X, The Autobiography of Malcolm X: As Told to Alex Haley (New York: Random House Publishing, 1964), p. 434.

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Micheli: Politics based on fear and anger won’t solve Wyoming’s problems – Wyoming Tribune

Last month, I published an op-ed about the alt-right in Wyoming. I went to great lengths to explain that when I refer to the Wyoming alt-right, I am talking about people who focus primarily on anger, fear and division in political discourse. I also made clear that this designation was not to any specific person or even groups of people, but describes a mindset that can at different times apply to every single one of us. Indeed, my final paragraph read:

All of us can fall into the alt-right at different times. All of us are susceptible to be motivated by fear. All of us tend to believe things that fit our preconceived internal narrative. The only way we overcome the influence of the alt-right is to continually ask ourselves if we are feeding the divide or if we are working toward solutions. Whether we are giving into fear or actively working to improve our state. Whether we are listening to all voices critically to find the best ideas or shouting down anyone that dares think differently than us. I am not asking anyone to compromise their political philosophies and ideals. That is the opposite of what I am talking about. Apply those ideals to our real problems and work toward a solution. The alt-right mentality is a growing cancer in our state that is something all well-intended citizens of Wyoming should affirmatively work to extinguish.

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Matt Micheli is a Cheyenne attorney, a longtime political consultant and former chairman of the Wyoming Republican Party. Email: Matt_Micheli@yahoo.com.

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Micheli: Politics based on fear and anger won't solve Wyoming's problems - Wyoming Tribune

Uncle Sam: Trump is setting the stage to discredit the election – The Post

President Donald Trump has so far refused to commit to a peaceful transition of power. If he loses the election and declines to leave office, that would be unprecedented in American Democracy. Still, this seems to be the route that Trump is taking.

Trump is obviously priming the country to both discredit the elections results and to resign themselves to the inevitability of Trumps rule. When asked if he would commit to a peaceful transition of power on September 23, his response was simply, There wont be a transfer, frankly. There will be a continuation. Even Mike Pence, often thought of as the sane arm of the Trump-Pence ticket, refused to commit to a peaceful transition of power during the Vice-Presidential Debate.

During the first Presidential Debate, Trump, quite horrifyingly, said, Im urging my supporters to go into the polls and watch very carefully, because thats what has to happen. I am urging them to do it. He went on to add the qualifier, If I see tens of thousands of ballots being manipulated, I cant go along with that It means you have a fraudulent election.

In effect, he is urging his supporters to engage in near vigilante-style monitoring of the elections. And who will their justice which, more accurately, is just another rendition of voter suppression and intimidation come down on? Minorities, women and anyone who appears to be voting Democrat. But secondly, Trump set himself up to discredit any election in which he cries, Vote manipulation!

Cries of voter fraud and miscounts before there is any evidence that either has happened are insidious. According to the FBI, there is no evidence of any coordinated fraud schemes related to voting by mail this year. Of course, we know at this point that facts dont stop the Trump Administration. Trump and Pence talk about massive voter fraud as if it is a well-established fact, especially in terms of mail-in votes. In reality, an analysis of mail-in ballots found a possible rate of voter fraud of only 0.0025%.

Still, the chaos and novelty of the pandemic have played into Trumps fearmongering hands, and he continues to raise unfounded concerns. These people arent equipped to handle it, number one. Number two, they cheat. They cheat, he went on. He is, in effect, preparing his party and supporters to strictly scrutinize a potential loss. All Trump has to do to throw a wrench in our democracy is make false claims about voter fraud (which, historically, he has done many times before), and that will likely be sufficient for his administration and party to, at best, launch a long, meandering investigation aimed at bringing the democratic process to a grinding halt. Or, at worst, his party may see the fraudulent loss of its leader as a cause to take up arms.

One could read all this rhetoric as Trump and Pence being confident in a legitimate victory, but that seems unlikely: recent polls indicate that they are trailing the Biden-Harris campaign by up to 16 points. At the end of September, FiveThirtyEight gave Trump a 21% chance of winning the Electoral College. Undoubtedly, Trump and his campaign see these dismal numbers and know they may have to take extreme measures to win. Clearly, three key aspects of that strategy have been discouraging the vote, discrediting the election and generating fear and speculation about the consequences of what would happen if Trump loses.

Through this strategy of avoidance and dodging, Trump and Pence have been able to sew the seeds of discontent about next months election without ever explicitly saying they will not accept the result. These dog whistles and buried meanings are used to prime the country to accept unacceptable things and to mobilize the most radicalized members of the party to come to Trumps defense in the event of a loss.

And if people truly believe Trumps insinuation that any loss he faces is illegitimate, the results could be catastrophic. Keith Mines, a national security expert, says there is a 60% chance of a second American civil war over the next 10 to 15 years. It is not hard to imagine how the refusal of a sitting president to peacefully leave office could catalyze that.

And even if the results werent as drastic as a civil war, the implications of Trump refusing to leave office are still weighty and horrifying. Trust in our democracy, already at an all-time low, would plummet. Citizen political engagement would bottom out. Political divides would increase to levels beyond the monumental ones that already exist. Ultimately, whether fighting would occur or not, Trumps refusal to leave would make us all reconsider what we believe and cherish about our country, regardless of political ideology.

Americans shouldnt be in this position in the first place, but, given the dire straits we would be in should Trump refuse to leave, it falls on us to mitigate the situation. The first step we must take is voting. The 2016 election showed us that the polls arent always right, and we cannot grow complacent because of seemingly high margins. In short, the larger victory on Election Day, the harder the result becomes to deny.

Secondly, we must combat misinformation; the dissemination of which is a crucial tenet of Trump-Pences campaign strategy. (During the first Presidential Debate, for example, Wired reports that Trump told 11 lies about voting in eight minutes.) Democratic nominees and debate moderators, for their part, need to do a better job of calling out Republican lies during debates. But, as long as they fail to do so, We The People have to spread valid, supported news and discredit voices from the alt-right that try to prepare the nation to reject the results of a democratic election.

Trump and Pence dont want us to accept a fair election. Their campaign strategy relies on the American people questioning the very foundation of American Democracy: voting. Democratic politicians, media outlets, and American citizens must, therefore, come together to nip this nefarious strategy in the bud. If we dont, the outcome will be detrimental.

Sam Smith is a rising senior studying geography at Ohio University. Please note that the views and opinions of the columnists do not reflect those of The Post. Want to talk more about it? Let Sam know by tweeting him @sambobsmith_.

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Uncle Sam: Trump is setting the stage to discredit the election - The Post

TikTok is nothing new to marketers, it’s just another ad platform – Marketing Week

Over the summer months I taught a special edition of the Mini MBA in Brand Management for The Marketing Academy. Aside from co-branding kudos and the army of senior scholars that the Academy delivered into my virtual classroom, the other big benefit was the cadre of guest speakers that founder Sherilyn Shackell arranged for the course.

Of all of those special guest stars, my favourites were Claire Spaargaren and Jorge Alagon from Kantar. They were there to talk to the class about brand tracking, because Kantar is now the global operator of the BrandZ measurement system. The duo were open to any other questions about brand strength and, given the scale, scope and history of the BrandZ database, it was too tempting not to ask a question.

Looking across all that new global brand data, I asked, which brand is really smashing it in perceptual terms now and likely to smash it commercially down the track?

TikTok, Jorge shot back without even a pause. Facebook should be worried.

TikTok crashes into BrandZs top 100 as the highest new entry

The hype that is bubbling up around younger consumers and digital marketers appears to be justified. According to TikTok for Business, the companys marketing arm, some 17 million UK consumers now spend 66 minutes a day on the app, with the average user opening TikTok 13 times every 24 hours.

These are astonishing numbers. And while personally Id rather dunk my head in a bucket of cold piss for an hour, I am well aware of the remarkable hold the new platform already has on a significant slice of surprisingly mature friends.

There were many surprises in the breaking news of a foiled attempt by alt-right conspirators to abduct and possibly execute the current governor of the US state of Michigan, Gretchen Whitmer. But the one that grabbed me first was the sight of one of the terrorists Brandon Caserta extolling his numb-nut ideology not via Facebook or an obscure Reddit page, but using a 25-second TikTok video.

The digital duopoly of Google and Facebook should be worried. Both platforms currently reach significantly larger audiences than their new nemesis. But there is a new game in town.

The 66-minutes-a-day claim might be a bit of a stretch. But, even if a fair bit of sales fertiliser has been applied to the audience metrics being compiled behind TikToks newly completed garden wall, the signs now all point to something we have not seen in a long time. A new, global, independent social media platform is rising. A disruptor to those that once disrupted.

The digital duopoly of Google and Facebook should be worried. Both platforms currently reach significantly larger audiences than their new nemesis. But with Ofcom estimating that Google averages 43 minutes of user time per day (across all its platforms) and Facebook averaging just 36 minutes, TikToks hour-plus claim should set off the digital alarm bells. Factor in the new platforms spectacular growth trajectory and the message is even more stark: there is a new game in town.

Weve lived through a decade of conference bullshit about reducing the duopolys grip on the digital advertising dollar through new hard-hitting government policies or worthy (very temporary) advertiser bans. Both Google and Facebook have pretended to listen and learn but have actually just charged on regardless, with barely a blip in the respective EBITDAs. There was never any real potential to derail these two spectacular companies. If anything, the threat of sanction helped both platforms appear to be challenged when nothing could have been further from the truth.

But there was always a proper, significant threat to both Google and Facebook. A much older and more eternal foe was always hanging back there in the shadows. I speak, of course, of the real threat to any duopoly: new competition. As brands prosper and grow, they also get big and lazy. And beneath them a new generation of upstart challengers learn from their mistakes and successes and take aim at a new generation of consumers and their thirst for the next big thing.

Many of the people I have worked with in the world of digital platforms use the term vaporware to describe what they sell. It took a while to actually realise what they meant. They run companies bereft of any physical product or infrastructure requirements. They need a giant tech stack and away they go.

Visit the regional office of one of the big social media platforms and, if you apply the appropriate amount of truth serum (only about six pints this isnt sports marketing, after all) the team will admit that they are just a satellite sales function. All roads lead back to California, where the only physical assets actually reside. The rest is really just vapour, dressed up in expensive office design. The cumbersome trappings of 20th-century business like stores, warehouses, front line staff are simply not required. And gross margin, growth rates and potential scale are unburdened from the traditional gravitational forces of business.

Its a giant and costly pain in the ass to build the infrastructure and physical presence needed to do traditional business. To physically design a product and then merchandise and deliver it. But there is an upside to these old-fashioned trappings of corporate success. Once they have been built, they prove very effective barriers to entry. Coca-Cola isnt the best tasting cola. Everyone knows that. But good luck tying to displace it because the brand, ad budget and giant infrastructure stop any startup cola from doing anything about it.

Its a dance we have seen so many times before. You dangle the organic potential of a new medium and then gradually replace it with a very traditional model of advertising.

Vaporware is different. The advantages of being able to immediately scale up to a billion global users in a matter of months can be reversed just as quickly. And, because these companies sell social things imbued with cultural capital and emboldened by personal interaction with others, once the snow-melt of churn begins, it can quickly turn into an avalanche. As we learned from MySpace all those years ago, these businesses can scale up and down like nothing we have seen in commercial history.

The threat to Google and Facebook was always going to come from the market itself and new, fast-growing social platforms that could not be assimilated or acquired before they began to take minutes, then eyeballs and, finally, scale away from the big two. Despite the wide-eyed stare and manic water-sipping, Mark Zuckerberg was never afraid of Congress. He was afraid of another Mark Zuckerberg.

Well, hes here. And the name of this once only imagined threat is TikTok. Other than its growth and strange Chinese origins, the most potent thing about this new platform is the ease with which it will carry commercial messaging.

First Google and then Facebook spent several years clumsily trying to monetise the organic power of their respective platforms before they eventually cracked it. TikToks stream of ad-sized content and its much-touted algorithm make it an almost perfect medium for the kind of sub-30 second spots that so many brands now focus upon. A commercial message can be dropped into the feed, 100% viewable, long enough to have an effect, short enough to be endured, in full, before the next cat video kicks in. Its like someone built the perfect delivery mechanism for digital video advertising and then worked out how they could attract an audience.

That said, its fascinating watching this new player begin its commercial journey. By now you have almost certainly encountered TikToks marketing prompt: Dont Make Ads, Make TikToks. Its probably the most widely circulated new message of 2020. For all the excitement of the new platform, this hackneyed claim suggests its marketing will follow a familiar route that those with longer memories will recall from the early ad-wooing attempts of first Google and then Facebook.

Granted, the new Hashtag Challenges, in which TikTok encourages its users to create organic content to win prizes from sponsoring brands, are a neat, new user-generated trick. But like Zuckerberg telling us 12 years ago that advertising was dead because consumers were going to befriend brands on his new platform in more personal ways, TikTok will soon drop the launch premise that it is anything other than a medium for advertising. And it will get on with the serious business of adopting the standard TV model of the last half-century with a few superficial twists.

If you need proof that marketers should ignore TikToks instruction not to make ads anymore, one only has to look at oh, I dont know TikTok, and how it is marketing the brand. In a supreme act of post-modern marketing meta-strategy, the message Dont Make Ads, Make TikToks is being carried across pretty much every standard advertising media you can name.

The message has moved across outdoor to digital video to search to sponsorship. The brand bought up the iconic home of British outdoor advertising, Piccadilly Circus, for fucks sake. Just like Google and Facebook before it, the hypocrisy of claiming the traditional model is dead while spending billions on that traditional model to read out the epitaph would be remarkable, were it not so well established.

Its a dance we have seen so many times before. You dangle the organic potential of a new medium and then gradually replace it with a very traditional model of advertising. By the time anyone realises that this new non-traditional approach to advertising is extremely traditional, the scale and size of the business make this realisation redundant.

You can bet right now there is a bright, young marketer somewhere pitching the fact that TikTok is completely different from the traditional media channels (which now include Google and Facebook) because of the user-generated content and the capability that offers brands the chance to engage in conversations with consumers in a more authentic way. Equally likely, a suddenly wearying 30-something looks out of the window and wonders why they feel so old.

If I sound cynical, its not because I doubt the emerging, enormous potential of TikTok. Its because the way to launch a new marketing channel seems to run in direct opposition to the manner in which it ultimately works. TikTok is advertising, not the antithesis of it. Its bold early organic promises will soon be replaced with the robotic delivery of programmatically placed commercial messaging, which aside from the differing hairstyles and HD images could just have as easily have popped up between Tiswas and a re-run of Rupert the Bear.

The only thing that does not change is the same old need for change and for those promoting it to do so by positioning against the existing status quo.

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TikTok is nothing new to marketers, it's just another ad platform - Marketing Week

How anti-Netanyahu unrest is pushing Israel’s coalition to the brink – New Statesman

As Israels Covid-19 infections have soared, protests have swelled against the countrys prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu. In August, tens of thousands tookto the streets outside the leaders residence in Jerusalem and this weekend, even after the introduction of tightened new pandemic restrictions, hundreds of demonstrations continued to be held across the country.

The protesters are calling on Netanyahu to resign over his governments failings on coronavirus, as well as the ongoing criminal case against him on charges of corruption. And with the governments coalition now cracking under the strain of the countrys internal divides, some analysts and politicians are asking how far the unrest could lead.

"We cannot be dragged into a civil war, warned labor and welfare minister, Itzik Shmuli, of Israels Labor Party onTwitteron Saturday, following a weekend of fraught demonstrations.

The prime minister and his allies have disparaged protesters as anarchists, leftists, traitors and disease spreaders set on toppling his right-wing government. Netanyahus son, Yair, who has a penchant for sharing alt-right conspiracy theories, tweeted over the weekend that, The evil globalists people who funded and organised riots in America, are doing the same thing in Israel!

But the protests have now become such a part of the furniture of Israeli politics, that restrictions on demonstrating were among last months sticking points when Israel went into its second national Covid-19 lockdown. Last week, Israels Knesset parliament approved further restrictions limiting protests to 20 people not further than 1 kilometre from their homes.

These are dark days for the State of Israel, said one anti-Netanyahu movement, known as the Black Flags, in astatementlast week.No country has legislated to limit the right to protest, for a simple reason: There is no public health logic behind it. There is only the logic of a criminal.

Groups involved in the protests pledged to continue in line with new, stricter Covid-19 restrictions. Indeed, over the weekend, under the banner "a kilometre it is, they took place across Israel. According to the Black Flags movement, 130,000 people protested.Yet the demonstrations were marred by a repressive police response and reports of violent attacks, supposedly by Netanyahu supporters.

In Tel Aviv, where officers punched protesters as they attempted to get through the demonstrators, there were 38 arrests and hundreds of fines handed out, according to a report in the Haaretz newspaper. Police claimed demonstrators violated the lockdown rules and disturbed the public order.

Police have also clashed with ultra-Orthodox communities in recent days. Eighteen were arrested in Jerusalem on Sunday, supposedly for violating Covid-19 restrictions.

[See also: How Israels second lockdown is widening the religious-secular divide]

Politicians including defence minister Benny Gantz, head of the Blue and White Party, who is meant to function as Israels alternate prime minister under his rotation coalition deal with Netanyahus Likud Party, defended the anti-Netanyhu demonstrators. The attack on protesters this evening and in recent days is unacceptable, Gantz tweetedon Saturday. The demonstrations taking place according to the guidelines are a legitimate and necessary thing in a democracy. I call on the police to lay their hands on the attackers and bring them to justice.

Some analysts are now asking whether the continued fracturing in Israeli society pro-Netanyahu vsanti-Netanyahu, religious and secular could indeed lead to civil war. The assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in 1995 is no distant memory.Could Netanyahus continuing attempts to curb the protests, alongside Israels lack of control on coronavirus, do this long-time political survivor some serious political damage?

Last week, Blue and Whites Asaf Zamir quit as tourism minister over his lack of faith in Netanyahu. "The coronavirus crisis is at best a secondary priority for the prime minister," he said. "The personal and legal considerations are what interests Netanyahu, and this has been clear from every step he has taken."

This sentiment is shared across the party. Five months after Blue and White took a political risk and formed a national unity government with Netanyahus Likud, the coalition is increasingly strainingunder the weightof bad faith politics. Netanyahu went ahead with the recent normalisation deal with UAEwithout consulting his coalition partners, for instance.

Miki Haimovich, another member of Blue and White, told Israels Kann 11 channelon Sundaythat a growing group within the party is considering dismantling the partnership with Likud, or even the option of dissolving. She said We must not give up on positions of power, but we must take steps to replace Netanyahu.

Gantz last week signalled that he is willing to drop his compromising ways, by announcing Blue and White will move to appoint a permanent state attorney, a position not properly filled since December, without consulting with Likud.Gantz also ended a Facebook post on the state attorneyannouncement with a nod to Netanyahu: "If anyone disagrees, they can set a date for elections".

The polls offer Netanyahu cold comfort. Sixty-five per cent of Israelis are dissatisfied with how he has handled the crisis, according to a Channel 12 News poll published yesterday. Likud would only get 26 Knesset seats, down from the 36 it currently has, if an election took place tomorrow. Meanwhile the right-wing Yamina party, led by Netanyahus former ally Naftali Bennet, was predicted to win an uncomfortably close 23 seats. The party is currently in opposition, and has five seats in the Knesset. Blue and White are only predicted to win seven seats, according to the poll.

A deadline for passing the state budget looms in December. In August, after a bitter political impasse, the Knesset approved an extension to the deadline, avoiding yet another early election. The current national unity government was only formed after Israel ran three repeat elections in the space of a year. If the deadline is missed again, the country could see itself at the same crisis point.

This time, with his poor record on Covid-19 and an economic crisis alongside his corruption charges, Netanyahu may find securing a coalition deal a serious challenge. The even greater concern, however, is whethercountrys divisions are nearing a point of no return.

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How anti-Netanyahu unrest is pushing Israel's coalition to the brink - New Statesman