Archive for the ‘Black Lives Matter’ Category

Graphic Novel ‘Big Black’ Is a Stunning Depiction of the Attica Prison Uprising – PopMatters

Big Black: Stand at Attica Frank "Big Black" Smith, Jared Reinmuth, Ameziane

Archaia / Simon & Schuster

February 2020

We can hope that one day American schools will feature mandatory courses on racism. If we can teach history by region (European, World, American) surely we can also do so by theme. A course on American racism would help to complement existing courses on ethics and civics, for what is the point of those studies if not to teach the practical application of their subject? If America is ever to acknowledge and rise above the virulent racism that currently holds it in thrall, it will come from teaching history and empathy to younger generations in the hopes they may avoid at least some of the depravity and vice of their parents' world.

In this more enlightened future, one of the topics our American Racism course will cover is the Attica Prison Riot of 1971. Half a century past, the Attica Prison Riot of 1971 offers a tragic and yet stirring example of both the viciousness of white supremacist hate (and its virulent grip on US law enforcement) as well as the dignity, strength and resistance of imprisoned African-Americans. As we approach the 50th anniversary of this courageous and tragic event (9-13 September), efforts to preserve its memory have taken a variety of forms, most recently the beautiful and harrowing graphic novel Big Black: Stand at Attica.

The details of the revolt and its aftermath are now well documented, despite the efforts of white US officials to bury and confuse them after the fact. The revolt at New York State's Attica Correctional Facility (a maximum-security prison opened in 1931 that is still in operation) took place in the context of a wave of prison protests that swept the country in the early '70s. Prisoners and supporters sought to draw attention to the brutal and inhumane conditions of American jails, which then as now were filled with disproportionate numbers of African Americans.

Nation of Islam and other civil rights groups were organizing among inmates, and a self-organized group of inmates at Attica had already submitted a manifesto to the prison authorities. They demanded an end to slave labour, respect for inmates' civil rights, and a stop to the brutalizing treatment from guards. Authorities reacted strongly, hunting down signatories and punishing them with solitary confinement and other punitive measures. This only increased inmate solidarity, which they expressed in fasting as well as makeshift armband protests.

The 'revolt' itself began on 9 September 1971. Harsh crackdowns by the prison guards, coupled with rumours of beatings and murder that were given added fuel when a prisoner was murdered by guards in California, led a group of prisoners at Attica to fear they were being set up for a possibly fatal ambush when a guard accidentally locked them in a corridor. Fearing for their lives, they overpowered the guard and broke out of the corridor. When other prisoners saw this, they leapt into action, spontaneously overpowering guards throughout the facility. Soon the entire prison was in inmates' hands and 42 correctional officers and civilian workers had been taken hostage.

The inmates initially thought they were fighting for their lives, but once they were in charge of the prison, their concern became one of retaliation by the white correctional officers. A team of prisoners quickly organized a security squad, led by Frank "Big Black" Smith, to protect the hostages; they also formed a negotiation team and other administrative units. A list of demands, similar to the earlier manifesto, was drawn up, with the additional demand of amnesty for prisoners who took part in the occupation.

Robot by Thor_Deichmann (Pixabay License / Pixabay)

The prisoners spoke eloquently of their situation to reporters who visited the jail, and for four days negotiations dragged out, covered on national television and monitored by teams of civilian observers to ensure the safety of both sides. During this time, Smith recounts poignantly, inmates exulted in being able to sleep outside under the stars for the first time in many years.

The attempt to negotiate was only in good faith on the part of the inmates; correctional officers, with the approval of New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller and US President Richard Nixon, launched an all-out attack on the prison on 13 September. Helicopters bombarded the prison with tear gas, after which officers opened fire with shotguns and stormed the gates.

What ensued was a massacre. Correctional officers' ranks had been bolstered by volunteer police officers and local white supremacists, many of them armed with explosive ammunition and other weapons banned by the Geneva Conventions. They deliberately shot to kill, and proceeded to torture and murder prisoners who surrendered. Nor did they distinguish between prisoners and hostages. Authorities had already accepted that the hostages would likely be killed during the attack, and would blame inmates for their murders. By the time the dust settled, 128 inmates had been shot, and 29 prisoners and 9 hostages had been killed.

Larry Getlin describes the scene in a retrospective article in the New York Post:

"Some of the black prisoners heard the N-word screamed at them as they were shot, or taunts of, "White power!"

"For the victims of this abuse, no medical care was made available, in some cases for days or even weeks. One doctor was ordered not to treat a shooting victim with blood running down his face, and a guardsman was literally ordered to rub salt in another prisoner's wounds."

Smith, the narrator of Big Black: Stand at Attica, was one of those tortured. Ironically, the officers' desire to torture him for revenge might have saved his life, while other organizers were being deliberately gunned down in cold blood.

Although the police cover-up of what actually happened carried the day in national media the carnage and deaths were falsely blamed on the inmates themselves the truth eventually emerged. Activists, lawyers, investigative journalists, prisoners and their families all worked assiduously in the years that followed to bring forward the truth.

As word began to emerge of what had really happened, they organized protests and rallies. Lawsuits were filed against the State of New York for civil rights violations, and finally in the year 2000 after nearly 30 years of struggle the State settled with the former inmates (who in 1976 had been pardoned for their role in the occupation) for $8 million. (A separate $12 million settlement was made with families of the prison guard hostages who were murdered by their fellow officers during the attack).

Big Black Stand: at Attica does a marvellous and respectful job of telling this harrowing story. It takes the perspective of Frank "Big Black" Smith, who headed up the improvised inmate security team during the occupation and played a key role in protecting the hostages. Following his release, he overcame his drug addiction and became a substance abuse counsellor; he later studied to be a paralegal and worked as a legal investigator for defense lawyers. He also became a tireless activist for prison reform.

The book chronicles Smith's life from childhood, the son of a poor single mother and former sharecropper whose parents had been slaves. Sentenced to 15 years in a maximum-security prison for robbery (a disproportionate sentence for a first offense), he was well-liked by his fellow inmates, for whom he also served as football coach (he'd excelled at the sport in high school). Although he wasn't one of the instigators of the riot, he was approached by its leaders to take on the security chief role, since they figured inmates would listen to him and stay in line (both because of his level-headedness, as well as his massive physique). This made him a sought-after target for retaliation by the police and prison guards who carried out the slaughter.

The occupation and its horrific, brutal aftermath occupies the bulk of Big Black Stand. The violence is harrowing. It would be easy to lose oneself in despair as the outcome already known to the reader unfolds, but the authors work hard to ensure the carnage is complemented by the strength and dignity of the inmates, who repeatedly and courageously refuse to concede to their oppressors.

A special spotlight is also shone on the role played by Rockefeller and Nixon in the crisis. The authors make the two men's complicity in the violent and murderous outcome vividly apparent. Rockefeller in particular, an aspirant for the White House, is more worried about the occupation's impact on his campaign than the lives and safety of either inmates or hostages. Right up until the end, prisoners and their supporters hoped for the Governor's personal intercession in the crisis (when the helicopter appeared to commence the attack, prisoners initially believed it was the Governor coming to negotiate). Yet Rockefeller refused to intervene, and ordered the assault on the prison with full knowledge it would cost the lives of inmates and hostages alike.

He was later revealed to have shrugged off the deaths of hostages at the hands of their uncontrollable fellow guards in a phone call with President Nixon, brushing off their murders with the comment, "That's life." The book does an excellent job of underscoring Rockefeller's guilt, and takes particular relish in chronicling how the ensuing scandal dogged him for the rest of his days.

The book also dishes out scathing and deserved criticism to journalists covering the tragedy. They accepted at face value the story they were given by police, blaming the murders on inmates and even running the false rumour that hostages had been castrated, despite having no evidence whatsoever for either claim. The tendency of otherwise astute white reporters to swallow and regurgitate intact the claims of white police officers is one of the prevailing shames of modern journalism. It's only in the present moment that -- thanks to the work of Black Lives Matter organizers -- some journalists are starting to realize the scale of police dishonesty when it comes to racist violence enacted by the authorities. (See also: "'The View from Somewhere' Exposes the Dangerous Myth of 'Objective' Reporting".)

The authors spare no efforts to remind readers of this problem. In one panel, a guard shows off the dead bodies to reporters. "This one came at me with a knife. Barely got a shot off in time," he lies.

"The idiot reporters don't even realize that man was shot in the back," rages a nearby doctor to his colleague. "Damned lies and a coverup," responds the other. In reality, several of the medical responders were complicit in the racist violence, refusing to treat injured inmates.

While the story itself would suffice for a superb graphic novel, the artwork by French artist Ameziane deserves special notice. Each panel is a work of art in its own right; the detailing is remarkable. The book's setting is mostly uniform and grim a bleak prison of brick and steel. But Ameziane's detail is absorbing. Take, for example, a two-page panel depicting a visit to the occupied prison by Bobby Seale, co-founder of the Black Panther Party (and one of the observers who tried to help facilitate negotiations).

Seale speaks to the inmates, who are massed in the courtyard and perched on window ledges. Immensely detailed brickwork merges with intricately interlaced bars on the windows. The inmates are garbed in a myriad array of found items, for once able to express their personal style: some have on football helmets and makeshift armour; others opt for the flowing robes and Muslim headscarves of Nation of Islam. Seale and the prison warden go head to head in gorgeously expressive juxtaposition: the warden's racist disdain and worried grimace belie his effort to seem stern and threatening; Seale's gaze burns with a combination of passion and resignation, the firm set of his mouth expressing his own worry for the inmates' safety.

Ameziane's illustrations are versatile, too. Most of the comic art is realist in style, but occasional large vistas are depicted in abstract sketch format. The prison assault itself is depicted in variegated form over several pages: full two-page graphically realistic action spreads alternate with cartoon violence (a good way of ensuring the book doesn't risk losing itself in lurid voyeurism). The lush, full-colour spreads that appear throughout are mesmerizing. Indeed, if the narrative wasn't so horrific and fast-paced, forcing the riveted reader to flip pages rapidly, one could spend a significant amount of time simply appreciating the detail and style of each panel.

The book is the third of Ameziane's 'Soul Trilogy', which also includes Muhammad Ali (2016, Dark Horse Books) and the Angela Davis biopic Miss Davis (2020, ditions du Rocher, not yet available in English), both written by Sybille Titeux. Ameziane has also worked with the remarkable Mexican writer Paco Ignacio Taibo II to produce comic adaptations of his work.

Big Black: Stand at Attica was written by Jared Reinmuth, whose stepfather, Daniel Meyers, led the Attica Brothers Legal Team in the 26-year legal battle for justice. Smith, described by his co-author as "a wonderful storyteller", became friends with the family. He shared his story with Reinmuth in the late '90s; the aspiring writer, actor and director initially thought it could provide the basis for a screenplay. Following Smith's death in 2004, Reinmuth continued working with his widow, Pearle Battle Smith, to chronicle Big Black's story, which has finally emerged in graphic novel format. The book also features a moving introduction by Meyers.

Big Black: Stand at Attica is a superb graphic novel, excelling well beyond the standard fare of the now ubiquitous bio-pic. Written by contributors with personal ties to the events, the story it tells is one which is vitally important to remember. The narrative, illustrated with Ameziane's lush and magical artwork, is a stirring tribute to the strength and courage of those who died, and a powerful call to action in the ongoing battle against the systemic curse of white American racism.

* * *

Additional Works Cited:

Ameziane.

Clines, Francis X. "Postscripts to the Attica Story". The New York Times. 18 September 2011.

Getlin, Larry. "

The True Story of the Attica Prison Riot". The New York Post. 20 August 2016.

Rollmann, Hans. "'The View From Somewhere' Exposes the Dangerous Myth of 'Objective' Reporting". PopMatters. 18 October 2019.

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Graphic Novel 'Big Black' Is a Stunning Depiction of the Attica Prison Uprising - PopMatters

Fox News Throwing New Tea Party For Michigan’s Operation Gridlock Idiots – Wonkette

Wednesday's OperationGridlock" protests in Michigan endangered the lives of millions, presumably for the freedom of movement between vacation homes and the right to bear plant seeds. In the aftermath of so much stupidity, you need some stupid analysis" to make zero sense of it all. Is there a Chris Cillizza in the house?

CNN

Let's see, genius: On the day of the protest, the reported number of COVID-19 cases in Michigan were 26,000 with 1,766 fatalities. Barely 24 hours later, on Thursday, the reported number had grown to 29,119, and 2,091 were dead. The almost 10 percent death rate is alarming. Florida, whose governor is Howdy Dooody, has 22,889 cases and only 632 deaths. Michigan has problems right now greater than a temporary ban on motorboat use.

Still, Chris Cillizza has questions:

So what caused all of this uproar?

He might've answered this question himself. The half protest, half Trump rally" was organized by the far-right Michigan Conservative Coalition and the Betsy DeVos-backed Michigan Freedom Fund. You'll notice that DeVos and her 17 yachts were not present at the coronavirus Lollapalooza. I don't care for it when conservatives claim George Soros is the puppet master behind every protest movement they don't like, so we're not doing that here. I'm sure most of the people attending Wednesday's protest were generally frustrated, angry, and even afraid for their futures. But it's admittedly suspicious that almost everyone present blamed Gov. Gretchen Whitmer for their troubles. They covered Donald Trump's misogynistic classic Lock Her Up!" while waving Trump/Pence rally signs.

But enough about Chris Cillizza, let's get to the Fox News Corona-Palooza!

We don't want to promote conspiracy theories, but it's a safe assumption that Laura Ingraham wouldn't tweet her support for OperationGridlock" if she thought brothers from Detroit were descending on the capital.

Hey, let's take a quick trip in the Twittermobile back to the year 2014. What did freedom fighter Ingraham think about the Ferguson protests"? Well actually, she didn't even consider them "protests." They were RIOTS, because people were breaking the law and that's just not done.

It is possible that Ingraham isn't racist, she's just strongly pro-shopping. Anything that stands in the way of consumerism is SELFISH, but spreading an infectious disease that could kill (mostly brown) people is how you spell SELFLESS. It's not like the Michigan protestors took a knee or anything really serious.

Fox News host Harris Faulkner couldn't decide whether to attack Whitmer as a tyrant or condemn her as your typical soft-on-crime liberal. The governor drove these innocent people to protest, but yet somehow also failed to put the smackdown on lawless protestors.

Huh? The governor should've come up with a safe" method for these idiots to protest the stay-at-home order they were violating? If Whitmer could come up with ways to have public gatherings without spreading COVID all over, she should share those with Washington Gov. Jay Inslee so my play can finally go on.

By Thursday, Harris was back to praising the protestors as defenders of liberty. She aired a clip of Whitmer patiently explaining to these dummies that their protest was a threat to public safety.

Lord have mercy. She has to talk to people like they're in fifth grade and she's the school principal.

Great, now we've all got detention. Faulkner's guest on Outnumbered Overtime" was former Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee, who's normally the Dennis Miller of Shecky Greens, but this time Faulkner delivered the punch lines.

Ha! No, lady, it's something else. Dear God, are we going to wind up with another Tea Party, by which we mean a big-money-funded movement" that the media will cover almost exclusively for the next five years?

Jesus! You'll notice that Fox News never compared Black Lives Matter protestors to American revolutionaries. Huckabee, in fact, once claimed BLM's actions would appall" Martin Luther King Jr., but they merely protested police violence. The shooting deaths of unarmed black people pale next to the lunacy" of shopping restrictions during a pandemic.

Huckabee went so far as to quote Howard Beale from the movie, Network: We're mad as hell and we're not gonna take it anymore." This rhetoric is not just offensively hypocritical. It's going to get people killed.

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Fox News Throwing New Tea Party For Michigan's Operation Gridlock Idiots - Wonkette

African American Leaders at Forefront of Earth Day Live, A Digital Mobilization to Demand Action on COVID and Climate – Milwaukee Community Journal

Guests Include Stacey Abrams, Rev. William J. Barber II, Sharon Carpenter and Mustafa Santiago Ali

Nationwide, online This Earth Day, a generation of young people will come together online, via live stream, to call for a just recovery from COVID-19 in line with science and justice. Leaders of the youth climate movement will share their vision of how we can move through this time of upheaval and emerge better prepared to make the massive economic, social and policy changes needed to recover from COVID-19 and confront climate destruction.

African American youth and climate activists are at the forefront of this innovative action, planned after shelter-in-place orders forced the US Youth Climate Strike movement to change their plans for a massive national direct action on the 50th anniversary of Earth Day.

Earth Day Live is a three day livestream and online mobilization that aims to engage people across the U.S. in collective action to protect their climate and communities. From April 22 to April 24, the livestream will include trainings, performances, and appearances to keep people engaged, informed, and inspired. Speakers from the African American community will include:

A number of sessions will focus on issues impacting African American communities and solutions brought forward by those communities, including:

April 22, 1:30 PM EST: A story sharing session on barriers that young people of color face to entering the climate movement, led by young people of color.

April 22, 3:05 PM EST: Hip Hop performance from Frontline Detroit and Michigan Environmental Justice Coalition

April 24th, 8:35 AM EST: Two of the largest youth movements turning out voters are March for Our Lives and the Future Coalition. This panel will explore the intersection between the movement for gun violence prevention and climate justice with Thandiwe Abdullah of Black Lives Matter LA.

April 23, 7:00 PM EST: Remembering and Uplifting What Our People Have Known For Centuries, for Young Black, Indigenous, and People of Color. People of the Global South (Africa, Latin America, Asia, and the Pacific Islands) are on the frontlines of the climate crisis. This interactive workshop will create space for young people of color to come together and support each other to heal from the ways the climate crisis is impacting us and our people back home. RSVP/Registration is required.

To record or join a session, visit earthdaylive2020.org to register.

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African American Leaders at Forefront of Earth Day Live, A Digital Mobilization to Demand Action on COVID and Climate - Milwaukee Community Journal

Black Lives Matter: It must be said – The Daily Princetonian

Montecruz Foto/Flickr

Today marks the 15th anniversary of my mothers death. I was six years old, but the faces of the first responders rushing up the stairs to my parents bedroom have never grown fuzzy in my mind. I never got the chance to thank those men, but now, more than ever, I wish I had.

In the midst of COVID-19, paramedics, first responders, nurses, and doctors are saving lives and putting themselves at risk in the name of humanity. My mother was a surgeon. Each time I watch a video of New York City erupting into applause at 7 p.m., I wish she could hear it. Around the world, the strength of medical professionals and the essential employees continuing to work is nothing short of remarkable.

Institutional failings, however, cast a shadow over the individual bravery of these women and men. As more and more cities collect data on racial disparities in COVID-19 infection and mortality rates, it has become apparent that COVID-19 is taking a staggering number of black lives. In Louisiana, black residents make up 32 percent of the population, yet account for 70 percent of the states deaths. Cities such as Chicago and D.C. and states such as Illinois and Michigan report similar tallies.

As the virus cuts short many black lives, two realities become essential to remember. First, COVID-19 did not create the systemic challenges that increase black peoples vulnerability to the disease. But now that these widespread inequalities have been brought (yet again) to mainstream attention, widespread affirmation of black life must follow.

Precarity plagues Black American life, as inadequate access to healthcare and healthy food and increased exposure to trauma and pollution take their toll. These systematic factors lead black Americans to suffer from higher rates of hypertension, asthma, diabetes, obesity many of the preconditions that increase susceptibility to the virus.

U.S. Surgeon General Jerome Adams raised the racial issues of COVID-19 by speaking out about his own struggles with high blood pressure and heart and respiratory ailments. Discussing the disparities before they were front page news, he said, I represent that legacy of growing up poor and black in America.

These disparities do not surprise black people. Black Americans were not able to forget about these institutional barriers to health and prosperity while the rest of the country did COVID-19 is simply a newsworthy exacerbation of everyday reality. It has taken a pandemic and the disproportionate death rate of Black Americans for white people and leaders to even acknowledge the material conditions created by factors such as segregation and inadequate funding.

President Trump, the nations doctor Anthony Fauci, and Boston mayor Marty Walsh have offered statements attesting to the crisiss disproportionate effect on black lives. Fauci, who is committed to trying to return the country to normal by November, seemed resigned to the issue of Black death, stating, Its very sad. There is nothing to do about it right now

Fauci is wrong. Throwing ones hands up is not an adequate response. The need for systemic overhauls addressing the inequality of access and care is clear, and those overhauls will not come without a committed effort to reaffirm the value of Black life.

There is so much to be done. Insisting that we are literally counted, as Julia and Shannon Chaffers 22 did in a recent column calling on officials to collect data on racial demographics, is one way to start, one way for Black people to assert their voices in this time where the historical and societal devaluation of Black lives is again evident. Yet solely collecting and analyzing data does no justice to the humanity of those who have lost their lives.

My mom passed away from melanoma. With radiant skin darker than mine, her chances of developing skin cancer were low. Her death was an anomaly as was much of her life. She went to Yale when she was 16 and became one of the first black woman surgical residents at Brigham and Womens Hospital. She was also one of the first surgeons to take maternity leave. In one sense, she fought marginalization in all aspects of her life, running up against the intersecting walls of racism and sexism in education, the medical field, and our white neighborhood. Yet, defying the odds even in death allowed her a certain kind of dignity. She is not reduced to a statistic, as statistics do not represent her story.

The black people who have died from COVID-19 deserve dignity and visibility as individuals, not only as numbers. Ronda Hatch of Chicago, Lawrence Riley of Milwaukee, and Leilani Jordan of Washington D.C. are among the thousands of black people who have died. They were mothers, fathers, daughters, sons, sisters, and brothers. Undoubtably some were poor, some LGBTQ+, some undocumented. The data matters. Hopefully it helps us address the institutional difficulties many of them faced. But their lives as lived matter even more. We may not be able to capture all of their stories, but by reviving the conviction of the Black Lives Matter movement, we can approach reports on the disproportionate toll of black people dying with a sense of regard for the person lost and the community grieving them.

In addition to statistics, we must invest in black life. Any action insisting Black people matter is necessary because it directly contradicts the logic of white supremacy that allowed Black communities to become so drastically underserved in the first place.

Supporting ones community by providing grocery services to those affected by limited food pantry hours like Melody McCurtis and Danell Cross are doing in Milwaukee is another way of rejecting the pervasive myth of the dispensability of black life. We need more individuals and institutions to reject this myth.

The first person I had to say goodbye to was the first person who knew me in this world. Ten years after my mom passed, a classmate of mine, Casey Dunne, died. Less than two years later, during my first week at Princeton, one of my best friends, McCrae Williams, died. I think of them all each day. Their deaths were all statistical outliers, due to rare ailments or freak accidents. Lying outside the realm of statistical possibility, Ive often asked why them?

No one could give me an answer. For years, I thought this made it all worse. As I think of the thousands of Black people mourning loved ones now, I doubt pointing to institutional disregard and devaluation provides them with any solace. But by addressing and changing those systemic patterns, we can help prevent others from enduring the same treatment.

Death has punctuated many eras of my life. Ive spent lots of my life grieving. It is a lonely process only now made lonelier that ceremonies commemorating it are not possible, and neither are the daily routines of work and school that carry us through it. Despite the heartbreak felt in the worldwide diffusion of death, we cannot diffuse responsibility as to why certain people are dying at disproportionately higher rates than others.

We must call the disparity what it is institutional racism and double down on our efforts to express to the families and communities disproportionately affected that their lives matter, despite the overwhelming evidence that American society does not agree. Black lives matter today as I mourn my mother, and families and communities mourn the over 130,930 people lost to COVID-19 worldwide. Black lives matter always.

Rachel Kennedy is a junior from Dedham, Mass. She can be reached at rk19@princeton.edu.

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Black Lives Matter: It must be said - The Daily Princetonian

For Black Men, Fear That Masks to Protect from Covid-19 Will Invite Racial Profiling – The New York Times

The coronavirus pandemic arrived after years of raw video footage of unarmed African-Americans being shot or beaten by police officers gave rise to the Black Lives Matter movement. A 2019 study by the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences found that African-Americans, and black men in particular, were much more likely than their white peers to be killed by the police.

It is unclear how many profiling incidents there have been since the C.D.C. issued its recommendation earlier this month. Melanye Price, a political-science professor at Prairie View A&M University, a historically black university in Texas, said the pandemic and the C.D.C.s mask recommendation, however well-intentioned, could put African-Americans at greater risk.

I think in the end we are asking a lot from people who are asked to be safe by putting these masks or bandannas on, Ms. Price said. If somebody called the police on them, they could lose their life over policing before the coronavirus could ever get to them.

Kevin Gaines, the Julian Bond professor of civil rights and social justice at the University of Virginia, said the recent episodes of racial profiling were not surprising.

Black people are profiled by police on a regular basis, Mr. Gaines said. And actually, the problem, at least recently, has become even larger than that.

Some black men modify how they dress in order to appear less threatening to others, Mr. Gaines said, adding that the behavior is a product of a segregated society. Many whites are just uncomfortable encountering many black people, pandemic or no pandemic, masks or no masks, and those fears may manifest in ways that lead to profiling, he said.

You would think, Mr. Gaines said, that people would understand, with the context of the pandemic, why the masks are needed and why its important for everyone.

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For Black Men, Fear That Masks to Protect from Covid-19 Will Invite Racial Profiling - The New York Times