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[He provided] Russians with Austrian military secrets. He also doctored or destroyed the intelligence reports which his own agents were sending in from Russia with the result that the Austrians, at the outbreak of the war, were completely misinformed as to Russias mobilization intentions.

U.S. Senator Joseph McCarthy (R-WI) spoke these words in the 1950s in the midst of the second Red Scare. He would go on to assert that there were somewhere between 50 and over 200 known communists in the State Department despite offering no evidence. McCarthyism, as it would come to be known, would stifle much of the gains made by the working class since the Great Depression.

Just like the first Red Scare, which occurred three decades earlier in response to domestic labor activism and the Bolshevik Revolution abroad, McCarthy was utilizing the fear of communism, which he referred to as a well-placed fear, to combat democratic populism illustrated in the labor and civil rights movements. A half century later, the mass mobilization of individuals in Occupy, Black Lives Matter, Yellow Vests, #MeToo, Eco-Justice, Democracy Spring, and more, coupled with the populist rejection of neoliberalism expressed in the Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders campaigns, helped foster a Third Red Scare. Although the playbook is the same, this Red Scare differed in that it treated Russia, not communism itself, as the boogeyman. Trumps populist campaign, which co-opted economic anxiety for electoral victory, followed by his unexpected presidency, primed the American liberal class for a Third Red Scare.

Starting in 2016, the corporate media published false stories about how the Russians had obtained compromising content on Trump, altered the 2016 election with social media ads, made Trump into a Manchurian candidate, hacked a Vermont power-grid, and more. The Russia hysteria continued through his presidency with the press inflating the number of intelligence agencies investigating Trump from 4 to 17; The New York Times falsely reporting that Maria Butina was a Russian spy who traded sex for favorable policy; theWall Street Journalmaking the baseless claim that international intelligence serviceswere withholding intelligencefrom the U.S. because Trump had been compromised; and CNNfabricating the notion that Trump was in constant contact with Russians known to U.S. intelligence. Buzzfeed went further, printing the origin of much of these unsubstantiated stories, an opposition research dossier paid for by Republicans and the Hillary Clinton campaign, the Steele Dossier, from British Intelligence Office Christopher Steele. The speculative reporting continued with minimal retractions and suspensions. In fact, many of the discredited articles are still online. In addition to the press, the Third Red Scare was perpetuated by members of the intelligence community and Democratic Party such as United States Navy senior chief petty officer and media commentator Malcolm Nance, NSA employee John Schindler, former U.S. Senator Hillary Clinton (D-NY), and House of Representatives minority leader Adam Schiff (D-CA). These crest of the speculative red scare wave broke when the Mueller Report revealed that much of the Russia hysteria was baseless. Nonetheless, the Democratic Party, assuming that the Third Red Scare was responsible for their electoral victories in 2018, shrouded their impeachment of Trump in Russian hysteria.

In 2020, Democrats have viewed Bernie Sanders and his supporters as the only thing standing in their way from electorally removing Trump and reestablishing their neoliberal hegemony. However, it would be challenging to completely discredit Sanders considering that he was the most popular candidate in 2016 and 2020, was polling best among voters of color, and captivated the coveted youth vote with a message of replacing the current system with democratic socialism. Therefore, a comprehensive, multifaceted attack was implemented by Democratic leadership and their corporate media enablers. In addition to a months-long blackout of his campaign and repeated manipulation of graphics and math regarding his support, the media and party establishment turned the Third Red Scare on Sanders and his supporters. For example, two days before Sanders landslide victory in the Nevada caucus, The New York Times ran an article titled Lawmakers are Warned That Russia is Meddling to Re-elect Trump. A day later they ran an article titled Russia is said to be Interfering to Aid Sanders in Democratic Primaries. On the same day, the Washington Post ran an article, with a headline, Bernie Sanders Briefed by U.S. officials that Russia is Trying to Help his Presidential Campaign, which obfuscated the not insignificant/crucial detail that the briefing offered no evidence. On the day of the Nevada primary, The New York Times published an op-ed titled, Same Goal, Different Playbook: Why Russia Would Support Trump and Sanders. The 24-hour news networks echoed the newspapers Russian hysteria with a guest on CNNs State of the Union claiming that the real winner in Nevada was Russian president Vladimir Putin. As it turned out, the articles content was based on anonymous sources making baseless claims.

However, despite the lack of evidence, red-baiting against Sanders persisted. In addition to newspapers such as USA Today, and The New York Times doing it, Dan Pfeiffer on NBCs Meet the Press and Rahm Emmanuel on ABCs This Week claimed that Putin was aiding Sanders in the primary to ensure a Trump victory in the general election; The Daily Beast opined that Russia was helping Sanders because Biden was the Kremlins most feared candidate; CNN Host Michael Smerconish compared Sanders candidacy to the spread of the coronavirus; now disgraced MSNBC commentator Chris Matthews likened Sanders win in Nevada to the Nazis invasion of France and suggested that if the Reds had won the Cold War, Sanders might have been found cheering on hypothetical executions in Central Park; NBC news anchor Chuck Todd cited a comparison of Sanders supporters to a digital brownshirt brigade; and not to be outdone, former adviser to the Clinton campaigns, and MSNBC contributor James Carville claimed that Sanders was a communist aided by Putin. Just as the Red Scare helped prevent the electoral success of Eugene Debs and Henry Wallace, it is safe to assume it stifled Sanders campaign.

In addition, the Third Red Scare has been instrumental in protecting Joe Bidens neoliberal candidacy from legitimate critiques. For example, in 2020, after hearing stories from other accusers, Tara Reade, a former staffer to Biden, accused the former vice-president of sexual assaulting her in the 1990s. In response, the very same Democratic Party that rightly rallied around Dr. Christine Blasey Ford had little interest in Reades story. Furthermore, not only did Times Up, the non-profit representing victims of sexual harassment after the 2018 public campaign against media mogul Harvey Weinstein, refuse to represent Reade because she was accusing Biden, it turns out that the managing director of Times Ups public relations firm is Anita Dunn, who is also the top adviser to Bidens presidential campaign. Worse, party leadership and loyalists in the media dismissed her story because they argued that, wait for it that it was a Russian conspiracy.

The Third Red Scare has served to marginalize legitimate critiques of the neoliberal establishment and hamstring the agenda of progressives. The reality is that Sanders agenda is not even radical. In fact, it is in line with Franklin Delano Roosevelts Second Bill of Rights proposal (constitutional right to employment, food, clothing, leisure, fair income, freedom from unfair competition and monopolies for farmers, housing, medical care, social security, and education). So, like FDR, Sanders is more of a New Deal Democrat, not a socialist or communist, simply as a matter of historical fact. Furthermore, the U.S. is unique in its derision for socialism. Most of the rest of the world has socialist policies and parties. Nonetheless, the seemingly endless propagation of the Russian interference and Red Scare narratives continue to inflict damage upon and hamper democratic populist politicians and movements. The time has come to discard this canard, putting it where it belongs once and for all into the dustbin of history.

Dr. Nolan Higdonis an author and lecturer of history and media studies at California State University, East Bay. Higdon sits on the boards of the Action Coalition for Media Education andNorthwest Alliance For Alternative Media And Education. His most recent publication isUnited States of Distractionwith Mickey Huff. He is co-host of the Along the Line podcast, and a longtime contributor to Project Censoreds annual book,Censored. In addition, he has been a guest commentator forThe New York Times,San Francisco Chronicle, and numerous television news outlets.

Mickey Huffis director of Project Censored, president of the Media Freedom Foundation, coeditor of the annualCensoredbook series from Seven Stories Press (since 2009), co-author ofUnited States of Distraction(City Lights, 2019), and professor of social science and history at Diablo Valley College where he co-chairs the history area, and lectures in communications at California State University, East Bay. He is also the executive producer and co-host of the weekly syndicated Pacifica Radio program, The Project Censored Show, founded in 2010.

Emil Marmol is a PhD candidate at the University of Toronto/Ontario Institute for Studies in Education (OISE). As an interdisciplinary scholar with experience in professional film and radio production, he has published on critical media literacy, censorship, Cuban society, the impact of neoliberalism on higher education, repression of Latinx in education, standardized testing, labor struggles, and film. He is currently writing his doctoral thesis as an autoethnography/testimonio about growing up as the son of Latino immigrants in Orange County, California. His most recent publication is inCensored 2020: Though the Looking Glass, chapter 8, Fake News:The TrojanHorse for Silencing Alternative News and Reestablishing Corporate NewsDominance.

Learn more atwww.projectcensored.org

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The Third Red Scare: Neoliberal's Effective Framing of 21st Century Populist and Progressive Movement - CounterPunch

Its been six days since Bernie Sanders disbanded hiscampaignfor presidency, planning toremainon the ballot to push the Democratic Party platform further left. People are already painting broad strokes about the campaigns failures, even though it was partially done in bybad luck, including a literal pandemic.

With the rise of the novel coronavirus, reality has endorsed Sanders and his policies, as Keeanga Yahmatta-Taylorput it. Now we wait to see if the Democratic Party will accept reality during its convention this summer.

Sanderss Not Me, Us message has already taken root, both in movement spaces and electorally.

As Sanders said during hisannouncement, While this campaign is coming to an end,our movement is not. Sanders has evidently taken that message to heart, jumping right into pushing the same progressive agenda he advocated for in his presidential campaign.

On Friday, Sandersnow fully back in his role as a Vermont Senatorannouncedan emergency Medicare for All bill with Representative Pramila Jayapal, Democrat of Washington. This was within forty-eight hours of his campaign suspension.

Already, there have been countlessthink pieceson the impact of his campaign, what he should or should not have done, and where the progressive movement will go from here. Days after Sanders suspended his campaign,Jacobinpublished thepieceMass Politics, Not Movementism, Is the Future of the Left, which said Sanderss defeat has the potential to be one of the most productive defeats the left has endured in decades, if we learn the right lessons from it.

If the lesson of Sanderss dropout is that socialists need to place more stock in the presidential election as a way to broaden the left coalition, I think we have a lot more disappointment coming.

Before we get left unity under a presidential candidate, we might want to ensure everyone has access to voting, considering our countrys constantracist voter suppression, most recently seen in Wisconsin. Meanwhile, the Democratic Partys answer to Trumps win in 2016 was to turn their primary into a circus.

When the partys main response to us has been totellus were too dumb to see the truth, and themainstream mediamakes no attempts to hide their bias against Sanders, its hard to expect people to keep believing their vote matters.

There has to be a middle ground where we can acknowledge the necessity of pushing for electoral gains, while also acknowledging that people power will ultimately be more significant in the long run.

As Astra Taylor recentlywroteforIn These Times, Leftists have long talked about inside and outside strategies as though they were in opposition, but the Sanders campaign made the argument that they can and must be united, difficult though this process may be. The energy and radicalism of the streets needs to be brought to bear on electoral politics and into the halls of power. That remains the needle the left has to thread.

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Sanderss mantra Not Me, Us was a legitimate attempt to disrupt politics as usual. Before and after his late 2019 heart attack,Buzzfeed Newss Ruby Cramerfollowedthe Sanders campaign, which showed that Sanders had doubts all along about its ability to win. His real goal was for us to stop believing in candidates and start believing in ourselves.

Just think of the movements that have begun or grown since 2016: the Sunrise Movement, student debt forgiveness, the immigrant justice movement with groups like Cosecha, the push for Medicare For All, the Me Too Movement, the teacher labor movement . . . the list goes on.

It would be impossible to claim that these movements could have grown without three things: Occupy Wall Streets mass mobilization of people worldwide and mainstream introduction to many of the ideas that become cornerstones of Sanderss platform; the template of the Black Lives Matter Movement in the first half of the 2010s, showing what can be accomplished by taking to the streets and changing society; and the Sanders campaign, which was an incubator for some of the same people now working full time on these movements.

Leaving our hopes for the 2020 election with Joe Biden shows how much work there is to do to further these movements, considering Bidens platform and track record, whichincludesallegations of sexual assault and misconduct.

There is still plenty of reason to be optimistic about the ability of social movements to bring about real change, especially given the opportunities created by the disruption of the pandemic.

After Sanders suspended his campaign, some groupsincluding theU.S. Youth Climate Strikeannounced that they would not endorse Biden, but on April 13, Sanders himself announced hisendorsementof Biden. Sanders hadalready committedto endorsing the eventual nominee, but his official endorsement hasnt automatically translated to some of his followers. Briahna Joy Gray, who up until last week served as Sanderss press secretary,announcedshe would not endorse Biden until his platform movedfurther left.

Sanderss Not Me, Us message has already taken root, both in movement spaces and electorally. Hundreds of people who have historically been left out of politicspeople of color, queer and trans folks, immigrantsare nowrunningand successfully winning campaigns at local, state, and federal levels. And there is still plenty of reason to be optimistic about the ability of social movements to bring about real change, especially given the opportunities created by the disruption of the pandemic.

You know what has given me hope? On an unseasonably warm day this past January, Iwrote abouta group of youth climate organizers in New Hampshire. They invited me to have dinner with them at a raucous house that hosted some of the young activists, who had traveled from as far as California and as close as Rhode Island, to knock doors for the Sunrise Movement, and ultimately for Sanders.

They played games and invited me in. They sang songs around a table until nearly 1 a.m. It was one of the few progressive spaces Ive been in since 2016 where the dominant mood was hope, not exhaustion or fear.

Thats our future. We just have to keep fighting. Bernie Sanders certainly will.

Read the rest here:
Bernies Campaign Suspension Shows How Far We Have to Go - Common Dreams

Donald Trump and Harry Jackson in the Oval OfficePhoto: YouTube screenshot/NBC News

Donald Trump invited a virulently anti-LGBTQ pastor to deliver an Easter blessing from the White House this past Friday.

Bishop Harry Jackson has gotten national media attention since 2012 for his opposition to LGBTQ rights and extreme statements, which include saying that LGBTQ people are folks who cannot reproduce who want to recruit your kids and said that the movement for marriage equality proved that the U.S. was just like during the times of Hitler.

Related: Bishop Harry Jackson says gays want to recruit your kids

Jackson once said that marriage equality is a Satanic plot to destroy our seed and told his fellow Christians to steal back the rainbow. We cant let the gays have it.

In 2018, he said that Black Lives Matter will fail because there are lesbians in its leadership.

We cant have social justice, we need biblical justice, Jackson said. It matters that Black Lives Matter has, at the head, a few lesbians who are against the patriarchal society.

And blogger Joe Jervis found a few of Jacksons greatest hits from Twitter.

The list could go on Jackson has spent the better part of a decade speaking in mainstream media and at conservative Christian events making extreme statements about LGBTQ people.

But apparently his statements werent too extreme for the Trump administration. On Friday, he delivered the Easter Blessing from the White House, standing three feet away from Trump for social distancing. Trump introduced him as a highly respected gentleman.

Jackson thanked Trump and Pence for their efforts to protect our nation from coronavirus.

Youve included the churches in your relief efforts, Jackson told Trump, referring to the CARES Act Congress passed late last month. Many churches would have had to close down had it not been for your insightful leadership. So thank you both.

He then read from the Bible and prayed with Trump and Mike Pence. Trump called his blessing beautiful.

Read this article:
Donald Trump invited a pastor who said gays want to recruit your kids to deliver Easter blessing - LGBTQ Nation

I live in New Orleans. In 2005, the aftermath of a once-in-a-century hurricane provided an opportunity to think anew about how to design an education system and rebuild a city.

The current hurricanethe coronavirusgives us a chance to think anew as a social impact sector and as a nation about the future we want to pass along. This is our once in a 100-year opportunity. But just because we have a once-in-a-lifetime chance, it does not mean we will necessarily seize it. In our fixation on grades and achievement, we have too often left out the most important part of what it takes to build a better future for our children.

Now again, I worry that this part, which too often gets taken out, is just the part that we need the most.

That part is a holistic approach to investing in education. It is the argument that what happens outside of the school matters as much as what happens within. It is the statement that health and food matter. That economic opportunities matter. And that black lives matter, too.

For nearly the past decade, defending this part has been a constant part of my work. In 2014, as funding and enthusiasm for education technology was booming, I had been trying to string together a few yeses from foundations for the nonprofit venture fund I was launching, Camelback Ventures.

A coffee meeting led to information about a funding opportunity. Youll receive an email, said my coffee date. A few months later the email arrived. A couple months after that, our proposal was up for approval. The program officer had this advice for me: To get the deal done, they advised, take that part out.

The program officer said that although they agreed with me, all those issues would be a distraction for the foundation to get this deal done.

I did not argue. I, too, wanted to get the deal done. It had been nearly 15 months since I had had a paycheck.

Six year later, I still believe in that part I was told to take out. It is why even though we took a few lines out of our proposal, we did not remove those ideas from our work. It is why Camelback has invested in companies like Tiny Docs (media to advance health and wellness for families), Raheem (tech to create a world without police violence), MadeBOS (tech to create career pathing for retail workers) and Liberate (meditation app for people of color).

In the midst of the current pandemic, we all are asking ourselves, Now what? I don't know what the future holds. But heres what I do know:

We cannot educate through the fact that 11 million go to bed hungry. We cant ignore that there are 3,800 areas with high levels of lead in the water. We cant forget that five children are murdered daily by someone responsible for their care. And we must own up to the fact that we have a system where those who make all other work possibleespecially teachersare underpaid.

Just as we are asking schools to figure out distance learning, those of us who lead fellowship and accelerators must do that same. In the short term, Zoom and Mural will serve as tools for team meetings and virtual summits. In the long run, there is an opportunity to use frontier technologies like augmented and virtual reality to create immersive experiences that can scale.

If youre a social entrepreneur who has built a product or program to solve an issue, you will have to engage in the policy, advocacy and work of getting in the way to help it flourish. If you are a social justice warrior who is an expert agitator, you too will need to figure out how to productize and even scale your work to make sure it has impact.

For Camelback, these ideas are not a radical change. We have long believed that this work is important. Before the pandemic, we heard phrases such as education plus and systems change to describe the idea that it was more than good schools with great teachers and technology that would lead to better outcomes. Whatever it is called, leaders of color have thought in these ways for years. And now that the vocabulary has caught up to us, we must make sure that the vocabulary does not leave us behind.

In the next 12 months, we cannot let this exogenous shock decimate organizations led by people of color. Our organizations were under-capitalized in the good times and therefore are the most vulnerable now.

That means funding organizations must innovate, too. Providing general operating grants, maintaining funding levels, and then increasing them is a start. But if our country can provide a stimulus plan to companies that lack liquidity because they spent precious capital to buy back stocks, then it can provide support for entrepreneurs of color who launched their organizations by cashing out their 401(k)s. Heres how:

Invest in research & development: The Big Four tech companies have spent over $600 billion on R&D in the last decade. It is the only way we will get to new policies, ideas and models. The emergent recovery funds from foundations should be R&D funds. This is not the time to simply double down on your portfolio. This means foundations must bet on new ideas, including from black, indigenous and people of color.

Add constituencies to governing boards: Lets practice co-determination. In countries such as Germany, corporations must have a percentage of the board be employees. This has aligned interest, provided stable governance and created value. Money should not be used as a tool for control, but rather for collaboration. Foundation boards should add board members who have lived experience on the issues they support.

Invest in an equity ombudsperson: Equity ombudspeople arent chief diversity officers but instead independent, contracted professionals, appointed for an unimpeachable timeframe such as at least two years. They identify systemic issues and handle internal and external complaints related to issues of equity, with a focus on race, gender and ability. Ombudspeople build trust with communities and hold donors accountable. If youre not ready for this yet, start with this new funder collaborative.

Now, more than ever, we can no longer leave critical parts out. Those parts are the lives of individuals, families and communities to whom we are all inextricably linked. Those parts are the work of anti-racism. A massive investment in leaders of color and designing for equity is the first step. All the parts we leave out of this redesign will be the ones well be fixing until the next crisis blooms.

Originally posted here:
As We Rebuild, Heres the Part We Cant Afford to Take Out - EdSurge

Editor's note: The following interview was conducted by phone on Martin Luther King Jr. Day, January 20, 2020. Eight weeks later, on March 17, New York Live Arts announced the cancellation of the premiere of Bill T. Jones/Arnie Zane Company's Deep Blue Sea, originally scheduled to run April 1425 at the Park Avenue Armory. We have decided to share excerpts from that conversation with Jones, though the premiere of Deep Blue Sea has not yet been rescheduled.

Deep Blue Sea is a massive undertaking. A host of recognized creatives in architecture, design and music are working with Bill T. Jones to fill the Park Avenue Armory's 55,000-square-foot drill hallamong the largest rooms in New York City. "It is my honor to be commissioned by the Armory," says Jones, who also performs in the work, ending a 15-year hiatus from the stage. "But the Armory is a motherf***er. There is no space like it. Where do you rehearse?" The answer has largely been "away from the city," hosted by Bethany Arts Community, MASS MoCA and others; each residency has been a chance to experiment with building a cast of 100 people. "Working people. Family people. Not a bunch of cool dancers from Brooklyn," he says. "Well, some are cool dancers from Brooklyn. They can be between ages 16 and 70. I was going to say 65 but then realized I am already 68, so that's not very fair."

It's good to reconnectwe last spoke in 2011.

Right. Life goes on.

It seems auspicious that today is Martin Luther King Jr. Day, as his speech "I Have a Dream" is among the source material you've referenced for Deep Blue Sea. How does it appear in the work?

I perform it backwards, with the words in retrograde, so it sounds like a bit of Dada poetry. I suppose it's too late for a spoiler alert now. That speech, though, is an American icon and, for me and for a lot of people, it's as important as the United States Constitution. I grew up in a Martin Luther Kingloving household. My parents were very religious people, and I always thought I agreed wholeheartedly with this notion that we shall overcome. Now it's very much an open question.

"Will we overcome?"

Don't you ask the same question?

At times.

Right. And why is that? There is a very sticky and potentially explosive conversation that, along with the election, is going to ask us, "Are we really still this beacon, this light on a hill, this conglomerate of disparate groups and stakeholders that we call American democracy?" This work deals with that ambiguity.

Your sources also include Moby-Dick. Where does Melville intersect with Dr. King?

Well, in Moby-Dick there was a little black boy on the boat whose name is Pip. He is an unlikely character among the macho, cantankerous and combative population of the Pequod, which Melville has artfully used as a metaphor for modern society. He is the least powerful person on the boat, and this is what attracted me to him. The fact is, I turned an accusing eye on myself: I remembered so much about the book, but I didn't remember this character! And I suppose reading the book in the wake of Black Lives Matter, #MeToo, trans rights, all those things: We look at the under-observed in our society with newfound respect nowat least some of us do. Martin Luther King and Pip come together in that poetic, though tenuous and metaphorical, association.

Is this a first time for you collaborating on production design with an architect?

Hm. Yes, it is. And Liz Diller says, "I don't do dcor; I'm involved in dramaturgy."

So much of her and her partners' work is about movement. The High Line isn't really a building at all, but a path; The Shed has movable components; The Juilliard School renovation is about circulation and space

What you say about movement in their work is very true. Is Deep Blue Sea an architectural project? Yes, it is, and no, it is not.

You once said to me that "creation, when you're in the heat of it, is a near-sacred thing that you don't really control. It controls you." Do you still feel that way, or do you feel more in control now? Do you even want more control?

I don't think it's changed much. I don't think that I have the ultimate agency, particularly when you're working with persons who come from very distant disciplines like architecture, and they are very accomplished artists who have strong senses of their own voices. I am not more free. Am I more diplomatic? I don't know. Am I better at working through problems? Not really, but I do have people around me who are, like Janet Wong, my associate who is an extremely politic and kind person, and yet she's very strong. Whereas I might scream, she has other ways of getting what she wants.

What besides dance interests you today?

I'm reading the work of Octavia Butler, who is in some ways the grande dame of Afro-Futurism, before it even had a name. Now, of course, it's a visual art movement; there is a version that is coming literally from Africa. We are now in the postBlack Panther era, and the black community is not the only community that is interested in speculative space. Native American people, Asian people, queer people, are all in some ways using speculative fiction.

Along with their main objectives, it seems social movements like Black Lives Matter and #MeToo aim to remind us we have physical bodies, as opposed to just virtual identities. Is that another association for you as a choreographer?

I appreciate your framing of the question, but some of us have lived our whole lives, our whole creative lives [pauses] If you are a black man of my description, and you're working in the white avant-garde, you know these things deep in your bones. Maybe there was no language or no appetite for discussing them as there is now, but it's not like it was a revelation for many of us. I would say to you as a writer, when you say "we," who are you talking about? Who is the "we" that makes aesthetic judgments and defines art movements?

You said earlier that the idea of "we" was a central question of Deep Blue Sea.

That is a central question of my life right now. Because I have been the cool black guy in a room full of cool white people. There was a time when I could count on one hand, Ralph Lemon, Bebe Miller, Blondell Cummings, Ishmael Houston-Jones: There were only a handful of us. Why was that? Let's talk about our historyeven in the avant-garde. Let's talk about our history in light of what we have discovered about our society. On that note, I think I have to go because I have to be upstairs in one minute.

I appreciate your time.

Thank you. There is a lot more here we can be talking about. These are questions about the field that I think are crying out for serious attention.

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The Show That Would Have Been: Bill T. Jones Talks Deep Blue Sea - Dance Magazine