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The fatal shooting of Justine Damond has created shock both in her homeland of Australia and across the U.S. While some members of the far-right have insisted that anti-racism groups have been silent since the shooting of the Australian white woman, diverse rallies including prominent black activists and families/friends of police brutality victims have proven that anti-racism groups are not only showing up for Justine Damond theyre setting race aside to do it. Shaun King, an avid police brutality and Black Lives Matter writer for New York Daily News implied that it doesnt surprise him that black activists protested in Minneapolis, because people are bothered by injustice and when they see this, it wasnt racial. Cathy Jones, who organized a vigil near the crime scene the day after Damonds death, claimed that its never been about race. Its been about police accountability. Even John Thompson, best friend of Philando Castille, said at a solidarity gathering, Its not about race. Its not about white. Its not about black. Its about the police chief killing us. As uncertainty continues and rage builds, people have put race on the back burner to justify their support for Damond and to get more people to acknowledge police brutality. This is courteous, and fighting for Justine is vital but race shouldnt have to be excluded from the picture for people to rally.

Though many have factored race out of the reasons behind the shooting of Justine Damond, this doesnt mean race can automatically be eliminated as a factor in previous police shootings of people of color. Damonds case showed people that police brutality can affect both blacks and whites, but it doesnt erase the fact that police brutality impacts blacks disproportionately: black Americans are nearly 2.5 times likelier than white Americans to be fatally shot by police officers. There are more white victims of police shootings than black victims, but this is due to the largeness of the white population in the U.S. There are almost 160 million more white people than black people in the United States (2016). White people make up 62% of the population in the U.S., but only 49% of the population of those fatally shot by police officers. Meanwhile, black people make up 13% of the U.S. population, but 24% of the population fatally shot by police officers. These ratios, according to the Washington Post, prove that black people are 2.5 times likelier than white Americans to be shot. Does this mean that cases like the shooting of Justine Damond arent a problem? Of course not. We need to highlight any case where someone is unfairly killed by police. Still, the racial disparity in the likeliness of being killed by police is a sign of racial bias.

People have set race aside out of respect for the Damond family, but reiterating police brutalitys disproportionate impact on black lives is not disrespectful. Its just telling the truth. Police brutality against all needs to end, and a large part of ending this brutality means focusing on the black communities that are the likeliest subjects of it. Ending police brutality for whites means encouraging officers not to be so trigger-happy. Ending police brutality for blacks takes an added level of consideration. It means ending a predetermined view of black people as criminals. By setting race aside, we are limiting our room for improvement. When we consider police brutality just a human issue, we allow law enforcement to ignore the data that has proven that police brutality and profiling has horribly impacted black communities and we allow officers to not improve their relationship with those communities. We leave room for police departments to approach improving their tactics in a shallow sense that wont adhere to the specific needs of communities of color.

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/i-mourn-justine-damond-just-like-i-mourned-michael_us_5974f440e4b0f1feb89b447a

The traffic stop has become an example of a cop encounter that has increasingly turned deadly for black Americans. According to a 2011 Bureau of Justice study, 13% of black drivers were stopped by police in 2011 compared to 10% of white drivers. The same study states that 84% of white drivers stopped by police believed they were stopped for a legitimate reason compared to the mere 68% of black drivers stopped by police that believed this. Black drivers stopped by police are also more likely to be searched by police than white drivers. Studies over the next five years within large cities have only confirmed these racial disparities. A San Francisco report showed that in 2015, 13.3 percent of black people were searched following traffic stops, compared to just 1.7 percent of white people. The report also documents that SFPD officers exhibit racial bias in their arrests, citing instances of officers using racial slurs, acting in a sexually inappropriate manner towards Black women, and committing acts of violence against Black people. The Department of Justices investigation of the Ferguson Police Department, released in 2015, proved, among other violations, that FPD repeatedly engages in unconstitutional stops and arrests in violation of the Fourth Amendment, and that this misconduct disproportionately impacts African-Americans. Data from other big cities only falls in line with this disproportionate policing: a 2015 New York Times analysis found that since 2010, Greensboro officers searched black drivers more than twice as much as whites, and a 2016 report found that in Chicago, black and Hispanic drivers are four times as likely to be searched than white drivers. With so many high-profile fatal police shootings occurring after traffic stops, the racial aspect of traffic stop demeanor among officers cant just be swept under the rug.

https://www.thenation.com/article/what-happened-to-sandra-bland/

Police brutality has various causes and racial effects. These may make police brutality difficult to describe but this doesnt mean that they can be disregarded. Fighting against police brutality is about ensuring the safety of all races, but its also about ensuring that no one race is brutalized more than another.

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Solidarity With Justine Damond Shouldn't Belittle The Fight For Black Lives - HuffPost

Silent protest parade in New York against the East St. Louis riots, 1917.

The only sounds were those of muffled drums, the shuffling of feet and the gentle sobs of some of the estimated 20,000 onlookers. The women and children wore all white. The men dressed in black.

On the afternoon of Saturday, July 28, 1917, nearly 10,000 African-Americans marched down Fifth Avenue, in silence, to protest racial violence and white supremacy in the United States.

New York City, and the nation, had never before witnessed such a remarkable scene.

The Silent Protest Parade, as it came to be known, was the first mass African-American demonstration of its kind and marked a watershed moment in the history of the civil rights movement. As I have written in my book Torchbearers of Democracy, African-Americans during the World War I era challenged racism both abroad and at home. In taking to the streets to dramatize the brutal treatment of black people, the participants of the Silent Protest Parade indicted the United States as an unjust nation.

This charge remains true today.

One hundred years later, as black people continue to insist that Black Lives Matter, the Silent Protest Parade offers a vivid reminder about the power of courageous leadership, grassroots mobilization, direct action and their collective necessity in the fight to end racial oppression in our current troubled times.

One of the great accomplishments of the Black Lives Matter movement has been to demonstrate the continuum of racist violence against black people throughout American history and also the history of resistance against it. But as we continue to grapple with the hyper-visibility of black death, it is perhaps easy to forget just how truly horrific racial violence against black people was a century ago.

Prior to the Silent Protest Parade, mob violence and the lynching of African-Americans had grown even more gruesome. In Waco, a mob of 10,000 white Texans attended the May 15, 1916, lynching of a black farmer, Jesse Washington. One year later, on May 22, 1917, a black woodcutter, Ell Persons, died at the hands of over 5,000 vengeance-seeking whites in Memphis. Both men were burned and mutilated, their charred body parts distributed and displayed as souvenirs.

Even by these grisly standards, East St. Louis later that same summer was shocking. Simmering labor tensions between white and black workers exploded on the evening of July 2, 1917.

For 24 hours, white mobs indiscriminately stabbed, shot and lynched anyone with black skin. Men, women, children, the elderly, the disabled no one was spared. Homes were torched and occupants shot down as they attempted to flee. White militia men stood idly by as the carnage unfolded. Some actively participated. The death toll likely ran as high as 200 people.

The citys surviving 6,000 black residents became refugees.

East St. Louis was an American pogrom. The fearless African-American anti-lynching activist Ida B. Wells traveled to the still smoldering city on July 4 and collected firsthand accounts of the aftermath. She described what she saw as an awful orgy of human butchery.

The devastation of East St. Louis was compounded by the fact that America was at war. On April 2, President Woodrow Wilson had thrown the United States into the maelstrom of World War I. He did so by asserting Americas singularly unique place on the global stage and his goal to make the world safe for democracy. In the eyes of black people, East St. Louis exposed the hypocrisy of Wilsons vision and America itself.

The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People quickly responded to the massacre. Founded in 1909, the NAACP had yet to establish itself as a truly representative organization for African-Americans across the country. With the exception of W.E.B. Du Bois, one of the NAACPs co-founders and editor of The Crisis magazine, the national leadership was all white. Branches were overwhelmingly located in the North, despite the majority of African-Americans residing below the Mason-Dixon line. As a result, the NAACP had largely failed to respond with a sense of urgency to the everyday horrors endured by the masses of black folk.

James Weldon Johnson changed things. Lawyer, diplomat, novelist, poet and songwriter, Johnson was a true African-American renaissance man. In 1916, Johnson joined the NAACP as a field secretary and made an immediate impact. In addition to growing the organizations southern membership, Johnson recognized the importance of expanding the influence of the NAACPs existing branches beyond the black elite.

Johnson raised the idea of a silent protest march at an executive committee meeting of the NAACP Harlem branch shortly after the East St. Louis riot. Johnson also insisted that the protest include the citys entire black community. Planning quickly got underway, spearheaded by Johnson and local black clergymen.

By noon on July 28, several thousand African-Americans had begun to assemble at 59th Street. Crowds gathered along Fifth Avenue. Anxious New York City police officers lined the streets, aware of what was about to take place but, with clubs at the ready, prepared for trouble.

At approximately 1 p.m., the protest parade commenced. Four men carrying drums began to slowly, solemnly play. A group of black clergymen and NAACP officials made up the front line. W.E.B. Du Bois, who had recently returned from conducting an NAACP investigation in East St. Louis, and James Weldon Johnson marched side by side.

The parade was a stunning spectacle. At the front, women and children wearing all-white gowns symbolized the innocence of African-Americans in the face of the nations guilt. The men, bringing up the rear and dressed in dark suits, conveyed both a mournful dignity and stern determination to stand up for their rights as citizens.

They carried signs and banners shaming America for its treatment of black people. Some read, Your hands are full of blood, Thou Shalt Not Kill, Mothers, do lynchers go to heaven? Others highlighted the wartime context and the hollowness of Americas ideals: We have fought for the liberty of white Americans in six wars; our reward was East St. Louis, Patriotism and loyalty presuppose protection and liberty, Make America safe for Democracy.

Throughout the parade, the marchers remained silent. The New York Times described the protest as one of the most quiet and orderly demonstrations ever witnessed. The silence was finally broken with cheers when the parade concluded at Madison Square.

The Silent Protest Parade marked the beginning of a new epoch in the long black freedom struggle. While adhering to a certain politics of respectability, a strategy employed by African-Americans that focused on countering racist stereotypes through dignified appearance and behavior, the protest, within its context, constituted a radical claiming of the public sphere and a powerful affirmation of black humanity. It declared that a New Negro had arrived and launched a black public protest tradition that would be seen in the parades of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, the civil rights demonstrations of the 1960s and the Black Lives Matter marches of today.

The Silent Protest Parade reminds us that the fight against racist violence and the killing of black people remains just as relevant now as it did 100 years ago. Black death, whether at the hands of a Baton Rouge police officer or white supremacist in Charleston, is a specter that continues to haunt this nation. The expendability of black bodies is American tradition, and history speaks to the long endurance of this violent legacy.

But history also offers inspiration, purpose and vision.

Ida B. Wells, James Weldon Johnson and other freedom fighters of their generation should serve as models for activists today. That the Silent Protest Parade attracted black people from all walks of life and backgrounds attests to the need for organizations like the NAACP, following its recent national convention, to remember and embrace its origins. And, in building and sustaining the current movement, we can take lessons from past struggles and work strategically and creatively to apply them to the present.

Because, at their core, the demands of black people in 2017 remain the same as one of the signs raised to the sky on that July afternoon in 1917:

Give me a chance to live.

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100 years ago African-Americans marched down 5th Avenue to declare that black lives matter - The Conversation US

The protest was organised after viral footage appeared to show a police officer trying to restrain Rashan Charles in a shop in Dalston before he tragically died later in hospital

BINS have been set on fire near a police station in London during a protest over the death of a black man who tragically died after an altercation with cops on Saturday.

Up to 150 people, many holding Black Lives Matter banners, brought traffic to a standstill outside the cop station in Stoke Newington, North London, in a vigil for tragic Rashan Charles.

PA:Press Association

London 999 / Twitter

Unverified footage on social media appeared to show at least one officer attempting to restrain Charles on the floor of a shopin Kingsland Road, Dalston, on Saturday at 1.45am.

The 20-year-old died later in hospital.

The vigil was organised by Stand Up To Racism and campaigners say they are enormously concerned and angered over his death.

The crowd, which was made up of people from different races and ages, listened to speeches about alleged police brutality as uniformed officers looked on.

Metropolitan Police said Mr Charles was seen trying to swallow an object and that an officer sought to prevent the man from harming himself.

The police watchdog, the Independent Police Complaints Commission (IPCC), is investigating.

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In a statement, Chief Superintendent Simon Laurence, the Borough commander for Hackney, said: "All police officers understand that they will be asked to account for their actions and they would not want it any other way.

"I understand his death has had an impact on some members of the local community."

He also said he had earlier met with community representatives and wanted to continue to hear about community concerns.

The IPCC tweeted: "For those following #justiceforrash #justiceforrashman - We are making good progress, building a full picture of what happened and why.

"We know people have concerns, but our independent investigation will be thorough, rigorous & when appropriate its findings will be published."

The crowd marched peacefully from the police station, behind a line of uniformed officers, to the shop where the incident happened.

Dalston resident Joyce Folks, 67, joined the walk to the shop as it passed by. She said: "I am here as a mother, grandmother and great-grandmother and it is as all those things that when I saw that video, I cried for that boy.

"My condolences are with the family. We are out here in numbers because it is the only way we can show that we care. It is a sign of community spirit. This needs to be peaceful."

The crowd walked back to the station, but a few people that stayed behind threw bottles and sticks at police at around 8.15pm.

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Hundreds join Black Lives Matter protest over death of man, 20, who died after being chased by cops in east London - The Sun

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Posted: Jul 24, 2017 12:01 AM

Last week, a blonde, white woman from Australia was shot and killed by a Minneapolis police officer. Justine Ruszczyk, 40, was engaged to be married in a month. So far, it looks like the officer erred in shooting Ruszczyk, who had merely called 911 to report hearing a sexual assault. Officer Mohamed Noor, who is a Somali-American, responded to the scene with another officer, and apparently panicked when he heard noises, thinking he was being ambushed. It does not appear that Ruszczyk behaved in a threatening manner toward him, although unfortunately the officers did not have their body cameras or squad camera on to verify this.

Since Ruszczyk was a white woman, it is highly unlikely Noor shot her because he is racist. He most likely shot her because he became afraid for his life and overreacted. An erroneous reaction, which sadly can happen because people are flawed. Maybe Noor has aggressive tendencies. Maybe he didnt pay attention during law enforcement training. Maybe he was high on drugs. The internal investigation should reveal some answers. But the key lesson here? Police officers can make mistakes that are not due to racism.

Black Lives Matter claims that law enforcement killed several blacks in recent years because the officers were racist. However, some of the officers implicated were black or Hispanic. Furthermore, there has been virtually no evidence provided showing the officers have a history of racism. Many of the officers have been prosecuted and found not guilty by a jury. In most of these cases, the jury thought the officers were legitimately afraid for their lives.

Last years fatal police shooting of Philando Castile, who was black, shares some similarities to the shooting of Ruszczyk. Minnesota police officer Jeronimo Yanez pulled Castile over while driving because he looked like a robbery suspect. Castile informed Yanez that he had a gun. Castile apparently reached for his license and registration, but Yanez thought he was reaching for his gun and shot him.

Yanez may have made a mistake by failing to perform a felony traffic stop, where the suspect is brought out of the car at gunpoint. Yanez was prosecuted and ultimately acquitted by a jury.

Based on the shooting of Ruszczyk, it is clear that officers can make fatal mistakes that have nothing to do with racism. Its been years since the Jim Crow era ended. This is no longer even the era of police officers like Mark Fuhrman, who investigated the O.J. Simpson murder case. Fuhrman admitted using a racial epithet toward blacks in the 1980s. Instead today, Americans are inundated with the promotion of diversity and multiculturalism. Theyre taught that its acceptable to look down on whites, but not other races or ethnicities. Young police officers have grown up with this mentality taught in school, not a racist mentality. During police training, theyre given racial sensitivity classes and taught to go out of their way to avoid the appearance of racism.

So it makes no sense that Yanez shot Castile because he was racist. Black Lives Matter ignores similar wrongful deaths like that of Ruszczyk because they go against their mantra. They dont want to allow for the possibility that something other than racism was responsible for the deaths of certain blacks by law enforcement. The radical group perpetuates these false accusations of racism in order to keep blacks and other minorities voting for Democrats. Barack Obama could have stopped this as the first black president, pointing to himself as proof that the U.S. has progressed far in the elimination of racism, but instead he stoked the fires.

Does anyone really believe that young black and Hispanic officers, as well as the white officers who serve alongside them every day, target black suspects because theyre racist? Watch an episode of COPS; it usually features a white officer and a minority officer jovially working together as partners.

The answer isnt rioting and labeling police officers as white supremacists. The answer is ensuring the police are properly trained, that they turn on their body cams when required and follow correct procedures. All the racism training in the world isnt going to fix fatal mistakes that were due to one of those factors.

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Hey Black Lives Matter, a Blonde Woman was Mistakenly Killed by Police - Townhall

Photo: Mark Mulligan, Houston Chronicle

Activist Shere Dore speaks at a press conference, Tuesday, Feb. 16, 2016, in Houston. Black Lives Matter activists are calling for a formal apology from Harris County Sheriff Ron Hickman and District Attorney Devon Anderson for the comments they made regarding the Black Lives Matter movement after the death of Deputy Darron Goforth.

Activist Shere Dore speaks at a press conference, Tuesday, Feb. 16, 2016, in Houston. Black Lives Matter activists are calling for a formal apology from Harris County Sheriff Ron Hickman and District Attorney

Shere Dore was taken in on a warrant while on her way to the courthouse.

Shere Dore was taken in on a warrant while on her way to the courthouse.

Black Lives Matter activist accused of punching police horse returns to court

A Black Lives Matter activist accused of punching a police horse is free on $20,000 bail after spending two weeks in jail because she was arrested on her way to court.

Shere Dore, 41, appeared Thursday in state District Judge Jim Wallace's court after making bail late Tuesday.

Dore was a passenger in a car pulled over for an expired inspection sticker in her Fort Bend County neighborhood on July 6. She was on her way to a routine court hearing in downtown Houston.

She was arrested for a warrant because of an old speeding ticket and was able to pay the fine and fees within days.

However, because she missed court, she was held in the Harris County jail without bail until a judge could rule on whether she could have another bail.

(Story continues below ...)

Defendants in Harris County who are arrested while free on bail are generally denied a second chance at bail.

Her attorney, Brian Harrison, said a judge set her bail and she was released Tuesday evening. Dore did not speak in court or after her appearance Thursday.

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Black Lives Matter activist accused of punching police horse ...