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Shortly after Alabamas state board of education passed a resolution last August to ban public schools from teaching or purchasing materials that impute fault, blame, or cause students to feel guilt or anguish about the legacy of slavery or ongoing racial injustice, members of the Birmingham, Alabama, school board pushed back by passing a resolution of their own.

The sharply worded statement, A Resolution to Advance Equity for All Students, emphasized that city educators will continue to be proactive in dismantling the pillars of unequal justice, bigotry and oppression and affirmed that the city of Birmingham will provide resources and professional development to educators who teach about, celebrate, uphold, and affirm the lives of all races and that support critical dialogue among students, staff and community members about the impact of bias and racism both within and outside of school house doors.

Terri Michal, a member of Birminghams school board from 2017 to 2021, told Truthout that the resolution makes clear that Birmingham will do what is right to give all children what they need to excel. Were working to ensure that equity is not a dirty word, she says.

Birmingham is not the only locale that is standing up to efforts to ban everything the right deems as critical race theory, as well as efforts to ban school-based diversity, equity and inclusion programs, which attempt to present to students an accurate history of the United States and contend with and change the many ways that racial and gender injustice have structured classrooms across the country.

Deborah Menkart, codirector of the Zinn Education Project (ZEP), a national organization working to inject accurate accounts of U.S. and world history into classrooms across the country, says that demand for ZEP materials has continually increased since the projects 2008 founding. The right wing would not be going on the attack if there was nothing to attack, she told Truthout.

Teachers download lessons from the ZEP website. These lessons, Menkart explains, go beyond what is found in traditional textbooks and examine all subjects art, history, literature, math, music, science with an eye toward omissions and distortions. Probing questions are asked: Who is included in the historical account? Who does the narrative benefit? Why are female mathematicians or scientists, or queer people or people of color so often left out of the accounts we read or hear discussed?

Students are not just learning facts, Menkart says. Theyre learning about the choices that are made in the telling of history. They also get a sense of the role they can play in shaping the future. In this way, were equipping youth with a sense of hope, giving them the tools to think strategically so that they can address the gravity of the situations were facing.

Demand for lessons, she continues, comes from every corner of the country, not just urban centers, and she quickly ticks off curricula requests from teachers in Taylor, South Carolina; Holland, Michigan; Oklahoma City, Oklahoma; and Columbia, Missouri. The most common requests, according to Menkart, are for materials covering the Reconstruction era, redlining, the environmental crisis and the color line that was imposed during the colonial era.

When children begin to think critically, they begin to understand that it is not that their parents and neighbors have not worked hard enough to get ahead, but that something systemic has held people of color, women, the poor and the disabled back, she says. The right wing says that this makes white, able-bodied children feel guilty, but when students learn that some white people have challenged injustice, it complicates the narrative and prompts them to question their assumptions.

Denisha Jones, coeditor of the book Black Lives Matter at School: An Uprising for Educational Justice, and a member of the steering committee of the National Black Lives Matter at School coalition, notes the importance of educational efforts that recognize resistance to the status quo and that support inclusive historical accounts. About 60 percent of the population will not go to college and they will probably never learn this information if it is not taught in middle and high school, she told Truthout. For many people, programs that promote diversity, equity and inclusion are their first encounter with material about race, class, gender, gender identity or ableism. This can spur them to a new place of understanding and inquiry.

Jones acknowledges that many school-based diversity, equity and inclusion programs initiatives are little more than window dressing, created to deflect criticism and give the visual appearance of racial, ethnic, gender and disability inclusivity. Still, she says, meaningful diversity, equity and inclusion programs are possible, especially if they are led by teachers and staff who are committed to helping children develop a positive racial identity.

Children need a solid foundation on which to build ideas about race, gender and self, Jones says. Helping kids feel good about themselves will enable them to function in a global world. If kids encounter silence about race, religion, disability or gender differences, this silence gets internalized and their identity formation can be negatively impacted.

One solution, Jones says, is for there to be mandatory Black and ethnic studies classes integrated into the curricula of every K-12 school. But this goes beyond curricula, she says. Other concrete changes in the ways schools operate are necessary to protect vulnerable students from feelings of inadequacy or ennui: ending zero-tolerance policies that suspend or expel students for misbehaving; increasing the number of available school counselors; and removing police officers from school buildings.

Jones also wants to address the racism at the heart of the attacks on school-based diversity, equity and inclusion programs and on anything deemed by the right to be Critical Race Theory. The idea that the right wing is promoting, that we have to bring in all sides of every issue, is funny to me, she says. What is the other side of Black Lives Matter? Is it that Black lives dont matter? We need to examine that.

Research backs up this assertion.

According to child psychologist Jacob Ham, It is hard for kids to learn when they feel unsafe or threatened, or feel as if they dont matter or fit in. But if they feel supported and connected, they enter into what Ham calls learning brain, a state in which they are open to new ideas and new information, are able to handle ambiguity, and feel confident enough to share concerns or ask for clarifications.

A Stanford University study confirms Hams conclusions and underscores the importance of diverse representation in curricular materials. According to the researchers who carried out the study, both students of color and white students benefited from taking even one ethnic studies course, finding that the class enhanced their sense of belonging, upped graduation rates and made them more likely to enroll in college.

Emily Ladau, author of Demystifying Disability: What to Know, What to Say, and How to be an Ally, agrees that kids need to see themselves in course materials. In addition, she says that they need to be encouraged to ask questions respectfully about people who are different from them, including those with genetic and acquired disabilities. Disability is not a niche issue, she told Truthout. There are more than 1 billion disabled people in the world. That means that schools have disabled students, disabled faculty and disabled staff and almost everyone has disabled family member. But you should not have to have a personal connection to disability to recognize that an inclusive environment benefits everyone.

Furthermore, Ladau argues, since disability cuts across all other identities, it should be incorporated into all aspects of learning, from pre-K classes to teacher training programs.

Many people, however, dont want this. Indeed, as the past year has shown, backlash against curricula that deal with diversity, inclusivity or equity is on the rise. There is pushback against any conversation about how we can be more inclusive because this requires us to admit that we have not been doing everything possible to be equitable and incorporate everyone, regardless of their gender, race, sexuality or disability, Ladau says. If we cant admit this, there cant be progress.

Jennifer Lima, a school board member in North Kingstown, Rhode Island, since 2020 and the founder of Toward an Anti-Racist Kingstown, has seen this phenomenon up close. Lima has been pushing the North Kingstown school board to approve an educational audit of the nine schools in the district. Basically, we need to know what we are doing well and what we are doing poorly when it comes to diversity, equity and inclusion, she told Truthout. How are we doing when it comes to retaining teachers and students of color? Is dress code enforcement done equally for all students? How about access to advanced placement classes? Which holidays are acknowledged? Do disabled, queer and trans students and staff face discrimination?

Lima believes that an honest reckoning will require outside auditors, with focus groups for everyone connected to public education in North Kingstown. Weve received two estimates from outside reviewers and know that a thorough investigation will take about six months. The local right wing sees this as unnecessary. They also argue that it can be done in-house, and they are really, really loud about this, she says. I disagree with them, and feel strongly that a neutral third party needs to come in. The administration cant interview people and expect truthful answers. Our goal as a school system should be to serve every student equitably and we cant formulate a strategy to improve what we do until we know exactly where we are.

The school board is expected to vote on hiring an outside auditor sometime this spring.

But even if the audit gets approved, educators in North Kingstown and in every other part of the U.S. will likely still face pushback from some parents and astroturf groups (organizations that are funded by deep-pocketed donors whose money enables the groups to maintain a visible presence despite having few actual grassroots supporters). Some prominent astroturf groups in this arena include Moms for Liberty, No Left Turn in Education and Parents Defending Education, which oppose school-based diversity, equity and inclusion programs. And while many educators will continue to reach out to the Zinn Education Project and other progressive educators, and will continue to teach materials that are culturally and historically accurate, their work will be made more difficult by people who oppose anti-racism initiatives and broader equity efforts.

This is where progressive can play a role.

Cassie Schwerner, executive director of the Morningside Center for Teaching Social Responsibility, a New York City organization that promotes school-based social and emotional learning, told Truthout that teachers and progressive educational groups need vocal supporters. We live in a global economy and a world that gets more and more interconnected every day, Schwerner says. We need to learn about each other. No one should grow up without a deep sense of curiosity or the ability to think critically, whether it is about Jim Crow, slavery, disability, or trans access to bathrooms or gym classes. As progressives, we have to defend the teaching of critical thinking and the promotion of classroom equity.

Schwerner then pivots and asks an important question: What do we want schools to be and who do we want them to serve? None of us know exactly how to fight the right wing, but we know that we need to stop pretending that racism, sexism, homophobia and ableism dont exist. We know we need to create a culture where we can have hard, even uncomfortable, conversations.

Furthermore, Schwerner says, we need to challenge the zero-sum mentality that says that if some kids have a positive racial identity, other kids will have a negative racial identity. I know this sounds Pollyanna-ish, but schools need to help students feel cherished because, in truth, we all benefit when children grow up feeling safe, secure and valued.

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Despite Right-Wing Backlash, Racial Justice Education Is Still on the Rise - Truthout

Don Letts knew what Jamaica sounded like before he knew what it looked like. The film director, DJ and musician was born in London to Jamaican parents in 1956 and grew up listening to reggae. We had our soundtrack, he told me over video call. But there was no visual accompaniment. When I was a child, the only thing youd ever see of Jamaica was a postcard with some dude riding a donkey on a beach in a straw hat, or somebody limbo dancing.

This lack of authentic cultural references affected how Letts understood himself. Im first-generation British-born black, a child of the Windrush generation, he said as he spoke from his studio, a shed in the garden of his home in Kensal Rise, north-west London. He wore a khaki sweatshirt, a rasta cap and a gold chain around his neck, and spoke as he does on his BBC Radio 6 Music show Culture Clash Radio with warmth and charisma. That British-born black rolls off the tongue now, but back then it was confusing. I described myself as being of a lost tribe, neither here nor there.

All that changed with the release of The Harder They Come, the Jamaican crime film directed by Perry Henzell, which Letts saw upon its release in 1972. I remember walking out of the cinema having been taken by the power of a film to inform, inspire and entertain, he said. The film offered, for the first time, a visual representation of the country he was from, and that had influenced so much of his cultural life, but which he had never seen.

It also set Letts in pursuit of what would become his profession. Returning home from the cinema, he wondered whether he could be a filmmaker too. But in the Seventies, for a young black man, that was a ridiculous idea, he said. Film was an old white boys network. Fast-forward five years and, with the explosion of punk rock and its DIY sensibility, Letts saw his opportunity. My white mates are picking up guitars, man. I wanted to pick up something too. So I picked up a Super 8 camera.

At the time, Letts ran Acme Attractions, a clothing shop on Kings Road, London that was a hang-out spot for members of the Clash and the Sex Pistols, and artists such as Patti Smith, Chrissie Hynde and Bob Marley, who became a good friend. His filmography began with the Clash: he shot the music videos for tracks including White Riot and London Calling. He would go on to make videos for the British Jamaican group Musical Youth whose 1982 song Pass the Dutchie was a UK number one and sold over five million copies worldwide the Pretenders, Elvis Costello and Marley, and is renowned for spearheading music-video direction for black artists in the UK.

He now finds himself in front of the camera for the first time. Rebel Dread, which will be released in cinemas on 4 March, tells Lettss story through evocative archive footage, much of it his own. It details the threat of racism and police violence that he grew up with in Brixton, and tracks his career as a videographer, band manager and musician in the group Big Audio Dynamite. He alongside his brother Desmond Coy and contemporaries Norman Jay, Jeannette Lee, John Lydon and Mick Jones appear as talking heads.

Letts is often credited with marrying Londons punk and reggae scenes in the Seventies through his resident DJ sets at the Roxy in Covent Garden, London. White people from the suburbs would come to the nightclub expecting to hear punk, he said, and in between these raucous, punk-rock guitar live things theyd hear Don Letts playing dub reggae. During the course of our call he referred to himself in the third person several times, though never with arrogance. He remains aware of, but modest about, his place in the history books.

It was Trojan Records, the British ska, reggae and dub label launched in 1968 that sowed the seeds for the UKs love affair with Jamaican music, he said. People of my generation would have been hip to that stuff before Don Letts dropped a record on the deck. The people that I turned on to reggae in 1977 were all the white people that didnt interact with black people. Id like to take it on my shoulders, folks, but I never claimed it was all me.

Still, Letts in establishing the Roxys sound was at the heart of the culture clash. Thrilling archive footage in Rebel Dread shows the filmmaker and his rasta brethren dancing alongside punks who are in heavy eyeliner and bondage wear. Shane MacGowan is there, smoking by the bar. Letts remembers the Pogues frontman asking for a beer and two spliffs, which is, he said, the perfect example of cultural exchange.

Rebel Dread was finished more than two years ago, its release delayed because of the pandemic. With all thats happened in the interim, Letts feels as though he has changed since the film was made. Black Lives Matter made me examine what Ive been doing for the 66 years Ive been on this Earth, he said. I wanted to know if Id been tap dancing for the man or doing my bit. I quickly realised, whether it be in the films I made, or music videos or songs, the argument an underlying anti-racist message has never been far away.

But Don Letts doesnt spend his life on a soapbox. There is party music too. I just keep reminding people: you cant spend your life on the dance floor. Eventually the musics gonna stop and you have to go out and face reality. And guess what? There are some great tunes for that too.

[See also: The chaotic life and bruising songs of Mark Lanegan]

The co-existence of Londons punk and rasta movements was a testament to the power of culture to bring people together, Letts said. In both subcultures he sees a celebration of individuality and freedom, which, he observed, are themes the tabloids and the politicians are still determined to destroy. In the 21st century, he added, the only counter-culture is over-the-counter culture. The advent of technology has shifted many of these movements online, where they are less visible to outsiders.

Letts, who is a father, also wondered whether the rebelliousness of his generation had made things difficult for the next. Because of music, old aint what it used to be. I certainly havent become my parents, which is problematic for young people: how do you rebel against somebody like me? You cant out-tattoo, out-hairdo, out-style my generation. Ive got young kids and theyre trying to impress their dad and thats kinda cool, but We havent left a lot of stones unturned for them.

He is speaking partly in jest, because he realises, too, that todays young people have their own difficulties. Recently a friend asked him why teenagers today look so crap? And I said, because its more important that they get their heads together than their hair-dos. Its tough. I do empathise. Its hard to be a rebel when youre living with your mum.

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Don Letts: Black Lives Matter protests made me question if I'd been tap dancing for the man - The New Statesman

Rep. Cori Bush, D-Mo., was seemingly unhappy on Tuesday night after President Biden announced his support for funding police departments.

In his first State of the Union address, Biden told Congress: The answer is not to defund the police, its to fund the police. Fund them. Fund them.

Fund them with resources and training they need to protect our communities, the president continued.

While his message received loud praise in the audience, with a standing ovation from both his party and Republicans, Democrats like Bush said Biden has the wrong idea.

With all due respect, Mr. President. You didnt mention saving Black lives once in this speech, Bush tweeted. All our country has done is given more funding to police. The result? 2021 set a record for fatal police shootings."

Defund the police. Invest in our communities.

A flagship Black Lives Matter account shared a tweet suggesting it also wasn't happy with the presidents stance on the issue, using a screenshot of Rep. Maxine Waters's face, from at some point in the night, to deliver its message by meme.

Other Democrats, however, including New York City Mayor Eric Adams, as well as leaders in other liberal cities, have called for increased police budgets to combat crime.

Rep. Ritchie Torres, D-N.Y., told MSNBC that the defund-police movement is dead in New York City and good riddance, adding, Any elected official whos advocating for the abolition and/or even the defunding of police is out of touch with reality and should not be taken seriously.

Similarly, Rep. Val Demings, D-Fla., the former chief of the Orlando Police Department, used Bidens remarks as a moment to support funding law enforcement, even touting her new legislation that would do just that.

She tweeted: Public safety is the foundation on which we build great communities, and then included a link to her bill, which would provide grants to help municipalities with deescalation, domestic violence and officer safety training, among other things.

Story continues

Republicans are seemingly using this opportunity to lump Democrats together and criticize them for jumping ship on the idea of defunding.

Republican strategist Rick Wilson tweeted: Biden guts the Defund the police stupidity.

Meanwhile, Rep. Lauren Boebert, R-Colo., said: Is the entire Democratic Party going to act like they didnt just defund and demonize the police for the last 2 years? #SOTU.

Hundreds of police officers gather for the funeral of fallen NYPD officer Wilbert Mora at St. Patrick's Cathedral in New York on Feb. 2. (Eren Abdullahogullari/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)

During his address, Biden opened his remarks on policing in America with a story about how he visited the NYPD days after funerals were held for two of its officers, Wilbert Mora and Jason Rivera, who were fatally shot in January after a man opened fire on them with a stolen gun.

Rising crime in some major U.S. cities has led Democratic leaders to reverse course or take a stance against defunding police departments.

But Biden also aimed to appease critics of police when he touched on two controversial arrest tactics that have gained notoriety following the deaths of several Black Americans.

Thats why the Justice Department required body cameras, banned chokeholds and restricted no-knock warrants for its officers, he said.

No-knock warrants came under fire in 2020 when officers in Louisville, Ky., stormed, unannounced, into the apartment of Breonna Taylor, a Black woman and paramedic, fatally shooting her after her boyfriend fired on them, thinking they were intruders.

More recently, several Minneapolis police officers are once again under a microscope after a SWAT team conducted a no-knock warrant at an apartment downtown, shooting and killing Amir Locke, a 22-year-old Black man.

A rally for Amir Locke on Feb. 5 in Minneapolis. Locke was a 22-year-old Black man shot by Minneapolis police executing a search warrant. (Christian Monterrosa File/AP)

Bodycam footage from the Feb. 2 incident captured police storming in, then announcing their presence and seeing Locke, who was noticeably shaken from being suddenly woken up. Officers were following up on a tip involving a murder case, but Lockes name was not mentioned in the warrant, according to the Minneapolis police chief.

Civil rights attorney Benjamin Crump, who is representing Locke's parents, said during a February press conference, The blood of Amir Locke, the blood of Breonna Taylor, should hopefully call for a ban on no-knock warrants all over the country, President Biden.

Civil rights attorney Benjamin Crump at a news conference with the families of Amir Locke and others at the Minnesota State Capitol in St. Paul on Feb. 10. (Kerem Yucel/AFP via Getty Images)

On Tuesday, Rep. Ilhan Omar, D-Minn., introduced a bill that would limit no-knock warrants, naming it after Locke.

Hours before Bidens address, she unveiled the legislation, called the Amir Locke End Deadly No-Knock Warrants Act. It would enact "strict limitations on the use of no-knock warrants in drug-related investigations."

The bill directly affects federal agencies but would open up grant funding for state and local law enforcement.

As for Biden, he also touted his American Rescue Plan, which he said provided more than $250 million to cities, states and counties for hiring more police officers and investing in proven strategies.

So lets not abandon our streets. Or choose between safety and equal justice, he said.

Lets come together to protect our communities, restore trust and hold law enforcement accountable.

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Rep. Cori Bush to Biden: 'You didn't mention saving Black lives once in this speech' - Yahoo News

Rachel Rydalch Shelton

Black Lives Matter mural displayed at the City County buidling in downtown Salt Lake City on Nov. 24, 2021. (Photo by Rachel Rydalch | The Daily Utah Chronicle.

I often find myself roaming the streets of downtown Salt Lake City, trying to escape my stuffy apartment, but these are no longer the streets of my childhood, the ones I grew up on. They are forever changed by the Black Lives Matter protests that rocked the city during the summer of 2020. I find myself wondering how these protests and the images they left have seeped into the cold concrete and coarse asphalt. What remains?

Passing by the Salt Lake Countys District Attorneys office on 500 South, one cannot miss the pools of red that saturate the road. The gallons of paint and handprints that covered the street and much of the buildings entrance are gone now, but even after multiple attempts by the city to paint over it, it still cuts through to the surface ensuring we never forget.

This faded, yet persistent quality almost adds to the pieces initial meaning. It still declares that there is blood on the hands of the SLCPD and District Attorney Sim Gill, though the city may try its hardest to paint over the tragedies faced in Utah and absolve the perpetrators of the murder of Bernardo Palacios-Carbajal, and others nationwide.

The aftermath of the pieces inception is important to understand. Protesters who poured the paint were identified by law enforcement and arrested. Gill then formally drew up felony charges against the group, 8 of which were found guilty, in a move that garnered international attention. Even in its faded splotches of red, this potent piece on many levels decries the racial injustice that plagues our city and state. The pools of paint are unrelenting in their silent screams for justice and accountability.

In a move by city officials to show support for the Black Lives Matter protests, Mayor Erin Mendenhall commissioned eight artists to paint a mural outside the Salt Lake City City-County Building. The brightly colored mural, according to Mayor Mendenhalls Deseret News interview, make[s] it clear that Salt Lake City believes Black Lives Matter and is committed to real change in our community. Were taking this symbolic step as a city to boldly acknowledge this movement and commit to our role in it.

But how symbolic was the gesture? The now-fading mural was the target of many white supremacist groups who tried and failed to deface it. These attempts were not deterred by city officials or the SLCPD, but rather armed Black Lives Matter protesters. Former Black Lives Matter director Lex Scott posted TikToks and live-streamed such instances almost daily.

Additionally, Mayor Mendenhall was called to cut the police budget and allocate the funds to other social programs by Black Lives Matter activists and many in the SLC community. While money was moved from the police budget in 2020, funds were reallocated in 2021 for diversity and inclusion trainings as well as social workers, a far cry from the demands for complete reform. According to a KSL interview, officer pay was increased in 2021 in order to attract quality officers, a move that feels, again, far from what protestors were fighting for.

The beautiful mural Mendenhall commissioned and the message behind it is powerful and necessary, dont get me wrong, but it is an undercut made hollow by the inaction behind it. The initial display of solidarity has faded and drifted from the public consciousness, much like the mural itself. The once vibrant colors of the mural have been dissipated by time and broken promises.

Out of all the remnants left from the protests last summer, the murals on 300 West and 800 South remain seared into my consciousness. Whether it is the brightly colored faces or the stories they hold, the site with these impactful murals will not easily be forgotten.

The murals not only gave space to and humanize those murdered by the police but also created a site of mourning for them. Unlike the other pieces of protest art left behind, these murals are more than just acts of defiance or solidarity. These murals provide a space for the community to come together to mourn and grieve the loss of life.

The site mourns the loss of 17 people, both local and from around the country, in individual murals. In front of the murals there are often flowers and other tokens of memory left by loved ones and community members. Looking at each mural and seeing these marks of mourning is sobering and grounds police brutality in its reality one that tears a community apart and leaves them in a constant state of grief.

The public art and protest materials that litter Salt Lake City will fade, but it is this intention of deep, inescapable grief behind each one that will continue to stay with us.

[emailprotected]

@Drew_Reyno

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What Remains: Returning to the Protest Art Left in Salt Lake - Daily Utah Chronicle

Content warning: This video contains mentions and imagery of anti-Black violence. Please watch with discretion.

The Block Museum of Art at Northwestern has opened its latest exhibit, A Site of Struggle: American Art against Anti-Black Violence. Featuring artwork from the post-Reconstruction era to the conception of the Black Lives Matter movement in 2013, the exhibit serves to contextualize modern-day violence and display how various artists have used art to protest, process, mourn and memorialize anti-Black violence.

Email: [emailprotected]

Twitter: @KatrinaPham_

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The Block Museum's A Site of Struggle exhibit displays how artists have engaged with anti-Black violence - Daily Northwestern