Archive for the ‘Censorship’ Category

This is censorship: John Brittas on RS notice over article slamming Amit Shah – The Federal

Seeking an explanation from a member of parliament for critiquing the government is nothing but an effort to silence free speech in the country, says CPI(M) MP John Brittas, who was summoned by the Rajya Sabha chairman over an opinion piece written by him for a national daily.

Brittas was served a summons over the piece he wrote for The Indian Express after a BJP leader complained to Vice-President Jagdeep Dhankhar, calling it seditious conduct. The piece was critical of Home Minister Amit Shah.

Brittas met Dhankhar, who is also the chairman of the Rajya Sabha, in person and explained his position. Now, he has been asked to give the explanation in writing.

Also read: Case filed against Kerala Story; says it promotes Muslim hatred, defames state

The article was published in February, and I came to know that a BJP leader had filed a complaint with the Rajya Sabha chairmans office, pleading that a sedition case be slapped on me. I received a notice from the Rajya Sabha secretariat last week, instructing me to meet Dhankhar. I was really perplexed at getting such a notice, as I have not heard of such a practice. Although I verbally explained the circumstances that led me to write the article, I was again asked to submit a written statement. Then, I demanded a copy of the complaint, as I have to prepare a detailed reply for it. We do not know about the ramifications, as this is the first time such an incident has taken place in our country, Brittas told The Federal.

This is censorship

I was using my democratic right and my standing as a member of the parliament to write that article in response to the Union home ministers attempt to sow discord among communities in a state like Kerala, which is renowned for its social cohesion and communal harmony. It was composed responsibly and with good intentions. I was reminding Amit Shah of his constitutional responsibilities. The responsibility of the Opposition is to be critical of those in power. A free and independent media must also do it.

Also read: Sansad Ratna Awards 2023: Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury, John Brittas among nominees

This is censorship. They are using every office available to them to crush any opposition and are targeting the entire media of the country, too, by taking me on. Now, the media will think twice before publishing anything critical of the Union government. In that sense, this is not against John Brittas the person or the MP, but against free press itself.

I was reminding the Union home minister that his remark was against Section 153 A of the IPC. I continue to hold that viewpoint. The IPC must be a concern for those in positions of power. When commenting on communities, people, or regions, leaders and ministers must exercise responsibility. Why did the Union home minister deem Karnataka safe and Kerala unsafe? Brittas argued.

What Amit Shah said

Speaking at a BJP meeting in Mangalore, bordering Kasaragod in northern Kerala, in February, Home Minister Amit Shah made an indirect jab at the Left Front government of Kerala by asserting that the BJP in Karnataka had protected the state from anti-nationals. Kerala is in your neighbourhood. I dont want to say anything more, Shah told the gathering.

Also read: Karnataka: Amit Shahs use of Kerala as bad example draws criticism

In his opinion piece titled Perils of Propaganda published in The Indian Express, Brittas came down heavily on Shah for his remarks against Kerala.

Shahs periodic outbursts targeting Kerala are proof of his desperation as well as his attempt to turn India into a Hindu Rashtra and rewind this country to a past with the Manu Smriti replacing the Constitution. Kerala has tirelessly resisted his partys designs. It is an irony that his party colleagues have launched a contrived outreach scheme to lure Muslims and Christians into their fold. Incidentally, Shah had earlier threatened to pull down the Left government in Kerala, read his article.

Brittas has been a journalist for decades and is one of the prominent voices of the Left in the Rajya Sabha.

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This is censorship: John Brittas on RS notice over article slamming Amit Shah - The Federal

Texas Textbook Censorship Latest Part of National Book Banning … – Dallas Observer

The effort to restrict books in Republican-led Texas is snowballing out of the school library and into the classroom.

House Bill 1804 by Galveston state Rep. Terri Leo-Wilson, which was left pending in committee last week, would let the State Board of Education veto certain textbooks that discuss gender identity, as well as sexual orientation and activity, according to The Texas Tribune.

Anything deemed to encourage lifestyles that deviate from generally accepted standards of society could be rejected. Officials could also spurn textbooks that don't frame U.S. history in a positive way.

Historians and literary advocates are decrying the bill as the latest attack on academic freedom. Michael Phillips, a North Texas-based historian and author, blasted the bill as dangerous.

Phillips and other critics fear that a clampdown on true history could have catastrophic consequences for the states youth.

Erasure of LGBTQ+ Identities

The potential erasure of LGBTQ+ people in textbooks could increase suicidal behavior for an already at-risk group, Phillips said. It may magnify the feelings of young LGBTQ+ and nonbinary students that they dont fit in.

Phillips pointed out that the effort to restrict textbooks has precedent: Starting in the late 1800s, groups like the United Daughters of the Confederacy began pushing to vet textbooks to ensure that there werent any claims that slavery led to the Civil War, he said. Many books indeed minimized slavery, whitewashing it as a matter of states rights.

They wanted to make sure that Reconstruction was depicted as a misguided tragedy in which white Southerners were stripped of their rights, and the freedmen who were unprepared for citizenship were given control and that Reconstruction was a time of lawlessness, he said. They didn't want the textbooks to say anything positive about the enfranchisement of Black people.

While conducting research for his book White Metropolis, Phillips said he read 100 years worth of Dallas-approved textbooks that legitimized popular prejudices. He believes that theres a direct line from what was taught back then to the citys resistance to racial justice.

He worries about what the teaching of events like the civil rights movement would look like if the bill were to become law.

There's so many things that will not make any sense, he said. We will leave kids not able to comprehend the world they live in, and it will create a vacuum of knowledge and into that vacuum of knowledge is poured all the prejudices, biases, hatreds that society provides. I mean, it's a dangerous thing.

The public schools will produce children who are going to be ignorant of so much of what they need to know in order to thrive in this society and make it better. Dr. Michael Phillips

In a statement to the Observer, Leo-Wilson said that the states standards, the Texas Essential Knowledge and Skills, are required to be taught and are quite extensive in the coverage of topics like slavery.

What HB 1804 requires is that when acts of civil disobedience are covered in materials it is noted when those movements have used illegal means to accomplish their purpose. Kidnapping and burning down innocents [sic] private property are covered as such, the statement continued. HB 1804 allows an elected body, by majority vote, to determine suitability. Currently, publishers have free reign and parents/teachers have no recourse or way to object.Texas Leading the Nation in Book Bans

The 2022 fall semester marked an escalation in censorship and book bans throughout the United States, both in school libraries and in classrooms, according to the literary and free speech organization PEN America. Unsurprisingly, Texas led the way.

PEN America found that from July to December of last year, Texas had the greatest number with 438 bans. Florida came in second, clocking 357 bans.

Texas and Florida were also at the front of the pack when it came to banning books during the 2021 2022 school year, noted Kasey Meehan, Freedom to Read project director at PEN America. The advocacy group has tracked Texas legislative cycle, and there are several bills that represent a ramping up of the states efforts to suppress content, ideas and identities in public schools, she said.

There are many ways that we see a coordinated effort to restrict the freedom to read, the freedom to learn and the freedom to express, Meehan said.

For his part, Phillips is terrified that, if ultimately signed into law, HB 1804 would lead to a widespread brain drainand affect Texans for decades to come. The university system is going to become a joke, and we will not draw the top researchers here, he said. The public schools will produce children who are going to be ignorant of so much of what they need to know in order to thrive in this society and make it better. It's an absolute tragedy.

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Texas Textbook Censorship Latest Part of National Book Banning ... - Dallas Observer

EDITORIAL Compromise is still censorship | Observer-Tribune … – New Jersey Hills

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EDITORIAL Compromise is still censorship | Observer-Tribune ... - New Jersey Hills

Don’t give up on Myanmar – Index on Censorship

There is a common misconception, even held by media editors, that Myanmar is just a military country now and thats the end of its story. And yet this couldnt be further from the truth, says Oliver Slow. The journalist, who lived in Myanmar between 2012 and 2020, tells Index that people in Myanmar have got a taste of democracy.

They want to at least have a free choice in their matters, they dont want to be controlled by this very violent military, they want to have leaders who they have chosen for themselves, he says.

Slow is talking to Index in light of his newly released book Return of the Junta: Why Myanmars military must go back to the barracks, an excerpt of which is featured below. For Slow, getting across this message is one of his hopes for the book.As he says, he wants everyone to not give up on Myanmar, to understand that there is a vibrant future there.

Return of the Junta blends first-hand accounts with wider research into the background of the military. The result is an accessible, informed read on the 2021 coup dtat, and ultimately on this very complex country. While there are lighter moments in the book, it is not a sugar-coated retelling. Struggle for basic rights nay survival is a constant and unifying thread.

Early on Slow writes about how doctors have been a primary target of repression, persecuted in large part because they were central to the civil disobedience movement that formed in the immediate aftermath of the coup.

That angered the regime and they decided essentially that they would punish doctors in many ways, Slow tells Index. I remember from the time some pretty horrendous videos of soldiers just beating doctors in the streets. He says that when a third wave of Covid hit a few months after the coup the authorities would call doctors out to what they described as bad cases of Covid only to then arrest them.

Slow saysit speaks to the violence of the Myanmar military that doctors were specifically targeted and showstheir lack of respect for international norms.

Such violence against doctors not only punishes them, it punishes the population more broadly. Two years on hospitals are in a parlous state in Myanmar. Doctors have fled.

There is this feeling that they dont want to work for any institution which aligns with the military, says Slow. A friend of Slows who recently visited a hospital in central Yangon described the conditions as horrendous.

Slow who wouldnt return to Myanmar right now because it would be too risky finds it tougher and tougher to communicate with people there. Most of my contacts have left because theyre journalists. Instead Slow relies on secure messaging apps to reach people on the ground.

According to Slow the main resistance is in the form of armed militia in the border areas. Many of the people in these militia were university students in 2021 and were enraged over the disappearance of their promising future. He says these militia are making some advances.

Of course its not just in the border regions that protest exists. On the anniversary of the coup this year Twitter was filled with images of a silent protest streets of towns and cities across Myanmar were empty as people stayed at home to make a statement.There are also flash protests, very short protests where peoplewalk through the streets, do a photo, it goes on social media, theyre usually wearing a mask (for obvious reasons) and then they disband.

These anecdotes, combined with rising discontent over the military, give Slow hope.

Can the military ever rule again in that country with any legitimacy? Its a resounding no. Whether that means the resistance will win is a different matter as the military has made itself powerful over 50-60 years.The resistance is up against a pretty monumental machine, he says before adding:

But I do see a time at some point in the futurewhere the military will be defeated or removed from power.

Despite the increased investment, even in pre-coup Myanmar life was still incredibly difficult for most teachers, especially those living in rural areas.

Myat Kyaw Thein is a secondary school teacher close to the town of Monywa, in central Myanmar.

We have so many things to worry about as teachers, especially our safety and salary, said Myat Kyaw Thein, who told me in an interview conducted before the coup that he earned the equivalent of about US$150 per month. Its not enough, especially when you compare it with other countries in Southeast Asia. No wonder so many people leave teaching to go to better paying jobs.

Its a rotten salary, but whenever we raise it with authorities, they tell us its because of the low budget for education. Well, if you want to improve the education in this country, then increase the budget, he said.

A similar story was told by a teacher in a remote village of Myanmars Nagaland. The teacher had worked at a school in her local village for more than ten years, and although the resources had improved in recent years, life was still difficult for her and her colleagues. She told me they often used their own money to provide things such as pens and books for their students.

Its difficult for us because we dont have much salary, and sometimes have to use our familys [money], she said. But then we want [the students] to be happy and to come to school. Thats why we provide these things for them.

Even before the coup, it was clear that those tasked with overhauling Myanmars education system had an unenviable task ahead of them, including bringing together the dozens of different stakeholders national and foreign involved in such a monumental task and forming a cohesive strategy that pleases everyone.

Even what some may regard as the successes of the past decade in terms of reforms to education did not please everyone. For example, a recognition by the government about the need to switch from a teacher to a child-centred approach was a welcome step for those hoping to encourage more critical thinking, but parents who have only ever been exposed to the former their entire lives were understandably sceptical.

When a parent passes a school and doesnt hear students chanting in unison what the teacher has written on the board, they think, Whats going on in there? They arent learning, said an educator involved in the reforms.

Since the coup, however, much of the progress made over the last decade or so in Myanmars education sector has gone swiftly into reverse. With many teachers refusing to work under this junta, and parents not wanting to send their children to schools either due to legitimate security concerns or because they dont want them taught under this regime the SAC has resorted to many of the tactics of past military juntas to try and portray an image of normalcy in schools and universities.

Like in 1962 and 1988 it has closed universities and fired teachers not supportive of the coup. Thousands of teachers have been sacked, and hundreds jailed, for participating in the civil disobedience movement against the junta. To fill these teaching ranks, the military-controlled education ministry has encouraged applicants with lower qualifications to apply for jobs, and even been accused of dressing up army wives and female members of pro-military organizations in teachers uniforms and transporting them to schools. Like under the SLORC government [the military State Law and Order Restoration Council that ruled the country between 1988 and 1997], teachers have been sent on month-long refresher courses where they are urged to pay attention to the preservation of Myanmar culture and traditions as well as speak and behave respectfully and to be disciplined, almost certainly euphemisms to discourage teachers from imbibing any form of revolutionary thinking into their students.

Before the coup, despite some bumps, the general trajectory of the education system in Myanmar was on a positive path. The changes were also made largely free of the militarys sphere of influence, an indication of the potential Myanmar has as a whole if the Tatmadaws own interests are not directly threatened.

Like almost everything in Myanmar, however, the 2021 coup has created considerable concerns about what happens next. If the current situation continues, and the military manages to maintain an albeit loose grip on power, it is the next generation of young people in Myanmar, and others beyond that, who will be the ones to suffer the most, through a lack of investment, or care, in their education, a lack of capabilities to think critically and problem solve, and a lack of skills to prepare them for the working world. This could well manifest, as it has in the past, of creating a general feeling among the population that Myanmars remarkable diversity is something to be feared, not celebrated.

Return of the Junta was published by Bloomsbury in January 2023. Click here for more information on the book.

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Don't give up on Myanmar - Index on Censorship

Is wokeism in colleges forcing conservatives to self-censor? – Deseret News

In the world of on-campus activities, there arent many things that cause a news firestorm. For an organization like the Buckley Institute that focuses on intellectual diversity at Yale, news trucks only arrive when a speaker has been protested or shouted down. What brought journalists to Yale in November 2022 was the decision by federal appellate Judges James Ho of the 5th Circuit Court and Elizabeth Branch of the 11th Circuit Court to boycott future Yale Law students for prestigious clerk positions until Yale did something to address the intolerance on campus.

Earlier that March, over 100 students had protested and shouted down a panel on free speech that featured both a noted conservative and a prominent liberal. Police were called. But even after some of the disrupters left the room, they continued to shout and bang on the classroom walls, making it difficult for the event to proceed.

The previous fall, Yale Law administrators had pressured a Native American student to apologize for a party invitation, even warning it could hurt his career prospects. And who could forget how two Yale faculty ended up resigning as heads of a residential college after students demanded they lose their jobs simply for suggesting that college students could maturely handle a Halloween costume they found offensive?

At the invitation of the Buckley Institute, Ho and Branch gave an overflow crowd a chance to hear why a boycott was necessary and how they hoped Yale would improve quickly. But what really stood out was a comment from one Yale undergraduate who questioned whether it was really fair for life-tenured judges with total job security to ask students to put their futures on the line to stand up for free speech. Sometimes, she said, its better for me to just sit back, bite my tongue, and then in four years, Ill be able to say whatever I want.

That conservative students at one of the worlds preeminent universities self-censor during classroom discussion is, sadly, not a surprise. Seventy years ago, William F. Buckley Jr., for whom the Buckley Institute is named, wrote God and Man at Yale about his own experience with the campus orthodoxy. In 2011, I founded the Buckley Institute to address the still rampant monoculture at Yale.

As an undergraduate, I observed a lack of conservative or even heterodox viewpoints on campus. Yale celebrated diversity but not diversity of thought. In the basement of one of Yales residential colleges, a few friends and I launched what would become the Buckley Institute as a simple speaker series to bring intellectual diversity to campus.

One of our signature efforts, our annual college survey, shows that this problem is not unique to Yale. In 2022, 63% of college students surveyed nationwide said they often feel intimidated in sharing opinions different than those of their classmates; 58% because of their professors. Both records since we began asking this question in 2015, those two numbers represent a 13% and 8% increase from the previous years, respectively.

Tasha Dambacher, a sophomore majoring in history, feels this acutely. After all, she was the one who questioned Ho and Branch about the practicality of speaking up. She worries that sharing conservative views could negatively impact her grade in a class, graduate school applications or even future job prospects.

The pressure to self-censor can creep up in unexpected places. Aron Ravin, a junior, recalled a discussion seminar on The Iliad where the professor compared the violence in Homers epic poem to the killing of George Floyd and school shootings. Student groups had been calling for defunding the Yale Police Department, which Ravin called one of the few things that made students on campus feel safe in New Haven. Sick of the oppressive campus orthodoxy, he chose to speak up in defense of the police and pointed out that Homers work, published almost 3,000 years ago, had nothing to do with contemporary politics. Ravin hoped that doing so would embolden similarly-minded classmates who were afraid to share their perspectives.

Though conservatives are more worried about being canceled, progressive students are also concerned. Liberals (64%) were only 2% less likely than conservative students (66%) to report being intimidated from sharing an opinion in class because of their fellow students. Neither age, nor race, nor public or private university enrollment brought the share of those intimidated by classmates below 53%.

Yales religious students too feel the pressure. Though there isnt generally a feeling of hostility toward religious individuals, Ryan Gapski, the Buckley Institutes current student president, commented that theres a sense among students that religious perspectives shouldnt be lent as much credence as secular ones. Another religious Yale undergraduate, Marcos Barrios, expressed a similar sentiment and commented that, as a religious person, there is a certain level of caution you have before you speak on hot button issues.

Yale is welcoming to religious students, Barrios continued. Theyre just less welcoming when a persons religion means they have different views on the values the university professes.

Beyond expressing their views in the classroom, religious students at Yale also have trouble dealing with the administration regarding religious housing needs. The growing frustration even led to a recent rally. Gapski agreed that the administration was definitely a part of the problem here. Religious students had significant challenges in securing religious accommodations for housing as many dormitories have mixed-gender floors and communal bathrooms. The university did ultimately agree to offer a single-gender housing option after weeks of protest.

Some students sense that the Yale administration is more willing to accommodate the religious needs of its student body when those needs dont conflict with progressive orthodoxy. I believe its much harder, Barrios said, when the university doesnt agree with the students reasons.

If it seems like shout-downs are increasingly normal on college campuses these days, its probably because college students are more supportive of them than before.

Our 2022 survey found 44% of college students, the highest percentage on record, believe it is acceptable to shout down or disrupt speakers on campus. A record 41% believe it is justifiable to use violence to stop hate speech.

Alarmingly, students who are afraid to speak up support the very things that make them timid in the first place. With 63% of students afraid of their classmates and 44% supporting shout-downs, there is a cross section of students who fear social cancellation but still support censorship anyway. Among students, 43% believe political opinions they find offensive should be reported to administrators. And nearly two-thirds believe new university faculty and any new employees at any company should be compelled to sign a diversity, equity and inclusion statement.

Indeed, many current college students have turned away entirely from the principles that make America so uniquely welcoming to free speech in the first place. For the first time in the eight-year history of the survey, a plurality of students dont believe that hate speech is protected by the First Amendment. A slim plurality of college students (33% to 31%) would prefer to live under a socialist system than a capitalist one. As Milton Friedman famously argued in Capitalism and Freedom, a free marketplace of ideas and a free marketplace of goods go hand in hand.

There can be social costs to speaking up, no doubt. Ravin decided early on to speak out and share his conservative perspectives: in the classroom, in the Yale Daily News and in various conservative outlets.

He related that one fellow student began harassing him over an op-ed he wrote and demanded Ravin issue an apology. The student then said Ravin would bear his grief unless Ravin donated to a fundraiser for black, transgender, homeless youth.

Dambacher told Judges Ho and Branch that shes seen conservative friends sniggered at as they walk across campus. Yale is a small community, she explained later. Once one person says something about you, everyone knows, so it can sometimes be safer to keep a low-profile.

The question that came to me over a decade ago was what to do about the lack of intellectual diversity on campus. During my time as an undergraduate, this was clearly an issue with regard to the faculty. Ten years later, Yale hasnt changed much. A 2017 survey by the Yale Daily News found that 75% of Yale faculty identified as liberal versus 8% who identified as conservative. In 2020, the Yale Daily News reported that less than 3% of faculty political donations went to Republicans.

The administration isnt much help either. Ostensibly, Yale supports free speech and expression on campus. Yale President Peter Salovey focused his second freshman address in August 2014 on free speech at Yale and stressed in his most recent freshman address that faculty and students must be open to engaging with diverse ideas, whether conventional or unconventional, of the left or of the right. The Woodward Report which calls for the right to think the unthinkable, discuss the unmentionable and challenge the unchallengeable remains the universitys official free speech policy.

Yet, for all Saloveys words, Yale administrators seem unwilling to enforce the universitys own policies or take substantive steps to improve free speech on campus. No students were punished after the free speech panel was disrupted last March. And to add insult to injury, Yale gave graduation awards to two students who took leading roles in bullying a Yale professor during the Halloween costume controversy. Dambacher, the sophomore, commented that Yale administrators are a part of the problem. They are often willing to humor attempts from other students attempting to censor speech, and will not affirm the importance of intellectual diversity or free speech.

Indeed, an overweening bureaucracy is often the source of the free speech problems. The Halloween costume debacle began with an email from a paternalistic administrator. And it was a diversity director and an associate dean who warned the Native American law student of consequences over a party invite.

To be fair to Yale and the many university and college administrators around the country, they are in a tough position with regards to cancel culture in their own right. As Ravin put it, most of the administration wants to be supportive. The problem is that the administration also wants to support the DEI (diversity equality and inclusion)-driven progressives, the very people who shut down speech.

This is where organizations like the Buckley Institute can make a difference. By providing a counterweight in favor of free speech, the Buckley Institute gives supportive university administrators breathing space to do the right thing. If only the cancellers speak up, administrators who support free speech can do little to oppose them.

The most important work is directly with the students, though. The Buckley Institute brings diverse perspectives to campus on an almost weekly basis through our speaker series, Firing Line debates and seminars. Our annual Disinvitation Dinner introduces individuals who have been disinvited from other campuses to an audience that isnt too afraid to hear them. Last fall, we distributed 1,600 copies of Yales free speech principles to every incoming freshman, better equipping them to support free speech on campus.

But most important of all, what the Buckley Institute and similar organizations on other campuses provide is an environment where undergraduates can freely challenge ideas and be challenged. At Buckley, students learn that there are perspectives outside of the campus orthodoxy, even if they wont be exposed to them in the classroom.

There are many proposals about what to do to rescue the increasingly illiberal college campus. Some focus on tackling the DEI bureaucracies that have chilled speech for faculty and student alike. And Yales bureaucracy, which has at times included more than one administrator for every undergraduate, could definitely use reform.

But if Americas undergraduates want censorship, then these efforts will have little meaningful effect. If Americas undergraduates arent taught the value of free speech, all the legislation in the world will have little impact on the problems American universities are facing.

Educating the next generation about the importance of free speech is essential. Bringing speakers with diverse viewpoints, as the Buckley Institute does, is the only way to build a caucus in favor of a robust free speech culture on campus. Demonstrating that diverse viewpoints arent dangerous viewpoints will create a student body welcoming to ideas that challenge rather than conform.

As our polling shows, students at Yale and across the country are afraid to speak up in class. Unless we do something, the problem will only get worse.

Lauren Noble is founder and executive director of the Buckley Institute.

This story appears in the May issue of Deseret Magazine. Learn more about how to subscribe.

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Is wokeism in colleges forcing conservatives to self-censor? - Deseret News