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Rising Israeli cinema star Nadav Lapid launched a blistering attack on alleged censorship in his country with Cannes entry Aheds Knee on Wednesday, telling AFP that his countrymen remain diseased and blinded by politics.

The 46-year-old director won the top prize at the Berlin film festival in 2019 for Synonyms, a loosely autobiographical story about a young man trying to shed his Israeli identity when he moves to Paris.

His latest, in competition for the Palme dOr at Cannes, is also based on a real-life event: a call Lapid received from an Israeli official, inviting him to present a film in a remote desert village, but also asking him to sign a form promising to stick to certain approved subjects.

Speaking at Cannes, Lapid told AFP his biggest concern was how such moves forced artists to censor themselves.

The sad thing in Israel is you dont have to put tanks in front of the Israeli Film Fund, you dont have to arrest a director and throw him in jail like in Russia. Its effective just to say, Enough politics, guys, lets talk about family.

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What bothers me is not the censorship of the state, but when censorship becomes part of your soul, your mind. Censorship from within. It accompanies you like a shadow, he said.

Lapid said he actually welcomed what he claimed was the worsening censorship under recent right-wing governments over issues such as the treatment of Palestinians since it meant artists were finally tasting the same repression as other parts of society.

(From L) Israeli actor Yehonatan Vilozny, Israeli actress Naama Preis, Israeli actor Yonatan Kugler, producer Judith Lou Levy, Israeli actress Nur Fibak, Israeli director Nadav Lapid, Israeli actor Avshalom Pollak and Israeli producer Yoram Honig pose as they arrive for the screening of the film HaBerech (Aheds Knee) at the 74th edition of the Cannes Film Festival in Cannes, southern France, on July 7, 2021. (John MACDOUGALL / AFP)

It was a country that was so oppressive to a part of its population but at the same time, filmmakers had total liberty, he said. It became a kind of joke.

Now, he said, the authorities had shown their true colors.

They say: We dominate the country, why dont we also dominate the cinema? Maybe its a good thing. I dont think filmmakers should be protected As a filmmaker theres a limit to how long you can stand on a hill and see the valleys burning. Now, the fire also gets to us Lets burn!

He was dismissive of the idea that anything might change with the end of Benjamin Netanyahus 12-year stint as prime minister last month.

I dont think theres any reason to think that the issues that really matter in Israeli society will change because of this new political constellation, Lapid told AFP. This disease is still there people are still totally blind. The Israeli soul is still living this endless state of victimization.

But Aheds Knee is also a warning that constantly fighting the system can also backfire.

I dont think Im making right or left-wing films. Theyre full of contradictions, he said. At the end of the film, you see how opposing the state is the only possible choice, but on the other hand, in the end, you have exactly the same diseases that you are fighting against.

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Israel entry at Cannes confronts censorship of the soul - The Times of Israel

For many African writers, censorship can entail a lived experience as well as a current threat, even for those who emigrated to the United States.

Ghirmai Negash danced close to the flame of censorship several times before arriving at Ohio University. So re-examining the impact of censorship on the work and lives of African writers was an apropos culmination to his year as president of the African Literature Association, both as a conference topic and as a moment of introspection about his own journey.

A life of exile

"I consciously started reflecting and writing on issues of censorship and freedom of expression during my exile years in Europe in the 1980-90s," said Negash, now professor of English and director of African Studies at Ohio University. He was born and raised in Eritrea, a land with a long and complicated history of colonization and oppression.

Negashbelongsto the generation of Ethiopian and Eritrean studentswhofought against the feudal rule of Emperor Haile Selassie and later the Soviet Union-backed military dictatorship of Colonial Mengistu Haile Mariam.

Before ending up in exile Ihad been an activist, writer, and also composer of many song lyrics and poetry, he said.I left Eritrea in 1981,in the midst ofthe independence war. Like thousands of others who fled to Europe and the United States from the region then, I was physically escaping from the general situation of war and violence and not necessarily thinking about writing. On the other hand, even as a STEM student in high school and my early university years at the University of Addis Ababa, I have always been drawn to thearts and engaged with writing poetry and essays.

But independence brought no solace.

The post-independence state of Eritrea also, unfortunately, turned into one of the most oppressive countries in the world under President Isaias Afwerki and his inner circle, who have ruled the country since its independence in 1991."

Now Eritrea, a country in eastern Africa bordered by Ethiopia, Sudan and the Red Sea, is a presidential republic that doesn't hold elections and a perennial contender for the worst record on human rights and freedom of the press.

A moment of hope

Yet it was home for Negash, and it would draw him back several times, especially as the country fought and secured its independence from Ethiopia.

"In 1992, I visited Eritrea from the Netherlands. There was all around a sense of euphoria and excitement that a new era of freedom and hope was ushering in and some good things would happen. To be honest, I was hopeful, too, but also aware that it wasnt going to be easy, Negash said. "So when they asked me to give a lecture on the new-found freedom which I hesitantly accepted I decided to speak about the new openings and prospects for the political economy of culture, and especially the arts, but also the dangers and risks that could undermine that hard-won freedom."

His talk was titled The Freedom of the Writer, and it became a touchstone for conversations about censorship.

It has appeared and reappeared in several editions, including in The Freedom of the Writer (Red Press, 2006), a collection of essays by Negash in the Tigrinya language, and in Uncensored Voices (PEN Eritre/PEN International Publication). His talk can be read at The Freedom of the Writer at Warscapes. (Listen to Negash give this talk on YouTube.)

Interestingly, Negash delivered his talk on freedom at the Officers Club in Asmara, Eritrea, to an audience of Eritrean writers, journalists, and intellectuals, where he channeled Albert Camus' 1957 Nobel Prize speech:

History's amphitheater has always contained the martyr and the lion. The former relied on eternal consolation and the latter on raw historical meat. But until now, the artist was always on the sidelines. He used to sing purposely, for his own sake, or at best to encourage the martyr and make the lion forget his appetite, but now the artist is in the amphitheater."

"By the time Camus gave that speech," Negash said in his talk, "World War II had long ended in 1945, after causing the loss of millions of people and the destruction of a vast amount of property; but it was also a period when new confrontations were looming, at a global scale. It was a moment when dark political and ideological clouds were haunting Europe, first slowly sowing the seeds of enmity, and eventually leading to the so-called Cold War between Russia and America, and their satellites. In general, the growing tension also brought an increased restriction, constriction, and violation of fundamental democratic and human rights of peoples and, in particular, adversely affected the plight of writers."

Negash's 1992 talk looked back at decades of colonial rule in Eritrea, but it also looked ahead at the predictable and inevitable crackdown on freedom of expression that would come in a country with so little experience as an independent state. It was, he wrote, also a country with no school of journalism, few printing presses and a shortage of paper.

Fast forward to 2001: Notes from an Exiled Researcher

"I went back to Eritrea in 2001 to teach at the University of Asmara. My colleagues and I were able to do some good work, including establishing a Department of Eritrean Languages and Literature, which I founded and led for four years," Negash said.

"But the situation in the country had dramatically deteriorated by then. Political figures were jailed; private newspapers banned, and journalists arrested (some ran away). And eventually the University of Asmara, the only national university in the country, was shut down by order of the president.

"I had to leave the country fearing for my own safety and came to the United States to work and raise a family."

Negash wrote in Notes from an Exiled Researcher, that "the trajectory of my academic life ... my vision, ideas, and pedagogy are inescapably connected, formed, and at times wholly informed by my migratory experience.

"Before traveling to Eritrea in 1992, I had other plans to research, but after the visit I made a commitment to myself to work on Eritrean literature. Entering the Ph.D. program in Leiden University, I embarked on an ambitious and largely unchartered area of Eritrean literature, to study the 100 years of oral and written history of Tigrinya literature in Eritrea."

A History of Tigrinya Literature in Eritrea: The Oral and the Written 1890-1991 became his contribution to the cultural empowerment of the Eritreans and peoples of the African continent.

A theme of censorship

Negash wrapped up his presidency of the African Literature Association this summer with a conference focused on censorship,while re-affirming the organizations central mission to actively support the African peoples in their struggle for liberation.

"To be clear, I did not initiate the idea of having a conference on censorship. However, it did resonate with me," he said."Censorship is specific and contextual in a number of ways. As many writers, including myself, who have experienced censorship firsthand know, its power is based on two mainstays. The first is the cultivation of 'self-censorship' from and within citizens and writers. The second is the imposition of restriction and suppression of freedom by the state. This second official form of censorship is contingent on and feeds and reinforces the first."

Negash notes that the conference presentations broadly focused on three lines of inquiry: (1) experiences of actual cases of censorship; 2) different strategies used by writers and activists working under regimes of censorship (political, social, cultural); 3) traditional and new technologies of censorships and evolving forms of resistance.

And now?

Does the weight of censorship still bear upon Negash's shoulders?

"I can only be ambivalent about this question you raise. Yes and no! Of course, I feel I have more freedom now living in the West and being able to pursue a decent life of scholarship and personal freedom, he said. "At the same time, I cannot say I feel entirely free because I am deeply concerned about the most disturbing abuses and violations of human rights in Eritrea and across Africa generally. Moreover, although living and working in the West is freer and easier in many ways, it is accurate to say I experience that the liberating structures and effects of the West, even within academia, do impose visible and invisible constraints, sometimes in profound ways.

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Ghirmai Negash talks about censorship and liberation, the life of an African writer - Ohio University

Free speech on American college campuses has been in a free fall for years. From high schools through law schools, free speech has gone from being considered a right that defines our society to being dismissed as a threat. According to polling, the result is arguably one of the most anti-free-speech generations in our history. The danger is more acute because it has reached law schools where future judges and lawyers may replicate the same intolerance in our legal system.

A recent controversy at Duke Law School highlights this danger. Law & Contemporary Problems is a faculty-run journal that recently decided to do a balanced symposium on Sex and the Law including transgender issues and asked Professor Kathleen Stock of the University of Sussex (who has criticized transgender positions) to participate.

Protests erupted over allowing such intellectual diversity.

The new set of student editors demanded that Stock be removed from the symposium. The faculty board issued a statement explaining the importance of freedom of speech and academic freedom, particularly on a journal that serves as a forum for debates on contemporary issues. Students resigned rather than associate with a journal offering both sides of such issues.

Some legal columnists echoed calls to ban those with opposing views. The legal site Above The Law (ATL) published an article denouncing the faculty for supporting free speech. ATL editor Joe Patrice ran a factually inaccurate tirade against Duke for using academic freedom as a shield for professors to opine and behave in ways that marginalize others.

The ATL criticism of Duke was illustrative of the new anti-free-speech movement that is now taking hold in law schools and legal publications. Academic freedom and free speech are denounced as tools to marginalize others. Patrice sums up why both the student editors and the Duke faculty must be condemned: A vigorous and open exchange of ideas is valuable only to the extent it improves the academic mission of improving the human condition. Is Trans skepticism within that field? It shouldnt be, but here we are. In other words, you are entitled to free speech so long as you cannot be accused of marginalizing others.

While calling for professors like Stock to be barred from the publication for marginalizing others, ATL editors and other writers often stigmatize and denounce whole groups as requiring containment and condemnation. Elie Mystal, who writes for ATL and isThe Nations justice correspondent,for example, lashed out at white society and how he strives to maintain a whiteness-free life.On MSNBC, Mystal declared, without any contradiction from the host, that You dont communicate to [Trump supporters], you beat them. You do not negotiate with these people, you destroy them.

In such campaigns, there is little time or patience with trivialities like free speech.

Mystal was celebrated for his declaration: I have no intention of waiting around for them to try to kill me before I demand protection from their free speech.

Dangerous thoughts are ill-defined beyond being rejected by these writers. Under this approach, free speech becomes like pornography under the famous test of Supreme Court Justice Potter Stewart: I shall not today attempt further to define the kinds of material and perhaps I could never succeed in intelligibly doing so. ButI know it when I see it.

Of course, free speech demands bright lines so that professors are not chilled in what they write or say. However, that is precisely the point. Whether Patrice and others can block the publication of Stock is immaterial. The fact is that most students and faculty do not want to be the subject of such a public campaign. Academics are notoriously risk-averse. They need conferences and publications to advance their careers.

The threat is to lose everything that academics need to be active intellectuals. This is the one-year anniversary of the move to force a criminology professor named Mike Adams off the faculty of the University of North Carolina (Wilmington). Adams was a conservative faculty member with controversial writings who had to go to court to stop prior efforts to remove him. He then tweeted a condemnation of North Carolina Gov. Roy Cooper (D) for his pandemic rules, tweeting that he haddined with six men at a six-seat table and felt like a free man who was not living in the slave state of North Carolina before adding: Massa Cooper, let my people go. It was a stupid and offensive tweet. However, we have seen extreme comments on the left including calls to gas or kill or torture conservatives be tolerated or even celebrated at universities.

Celebrities, faculty and students demanded that Adams be fired. After weeks of public pummeling, Adams relented and took a settlement to resign. He then killed himself a few days before his final day as a professor.

Law schools have seen repeated disruptions of conservative speakers with the support or acquiescence of faculty. CUNY law school Dean Mary Lu Bilek insisted that law students preventing a conservative law professor from speaking was itself free speech. She also insisted that a law student threatening to set a mans Israel Defense Forces sweatshirt on fire was simply expressing her opinion.Recently Bilek actually canceled herself and resigned after she made a single analogy to acting like a slaveholder as a self-criticism for failing to achieve equity and reparations for black faculty and students.

Last year, the acting Northwestern law school dean declared publicly: I am James Speta and I am a racist. He was followed by Emily Mullin, executive director of major gifts, who announced: I am a racist and a gatekeeper of white supremacy. I will work to be better.Such public declarations can fuel demands for more mandatory demonstrations by others or intolerance for those who dissent. At Rutgers this year, the student government ordered all groups to hold critical race theory and diversity programs as a condition for receiving funds. At the University of North Carolina, student Sagar Sharma, who is a student of color, faced a recall election as the first-year class co-president for simply stating that he did not consider an argument between two fellow students to be racist.

Faculty and editors are now actively supporting modern versions of book-burning with blacklists and bans for those with opposing political views. Columbia Journalism School Dean Steve Coll has denounced the weaponization of free speech, which appears to be the use of free speech by those on the right. So the dean of one of the premier journalism schools now supports censorship.

Free speech advocates are facing a generational shift that is now being reflected in our law schools, where free speech principles were once a touchstone of the rule of law. As millions of students are taught that free speech is a threat and that China is "right about censorship, these figures are shaping a new society in their own intolerant images.

For now, the Duke symposium will include the offending article but the resignations and condemnations show why this small degree of diversity in viewpoint is increasingly rare on our campuses.

This is a single (and close) victory for free speech, but make no mistake about it: We are losing the war.

Jonathan Turley is the Shapiro Professor of Public Interest Law at George Washington University. You can find his updates on Twitter @JonathanTurley.

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The rise of a generation of censors: Law schools the latest battlement over free speech | TheHill - The Hill

When Becky Pringle took the virtual stage at the National Education Associations annual representative assembly last week to deliver her first keynote speech as the largest teachers unions president, she had a lot of ground to cover.

Her members had just endured a grueling year of pandemic teaching, during which teachers stress levels spiked and morale plummeted. The union is now supporting efforts to resume full-time, in-person instruction in the fall, after months in which teachers unions were blamed for keeping schoolhouse doors closed.

Also, a national fervor over how teachers talk about racism and the countrys painful past has recently taken root in statehouses across the country, and the NEA has begun taking steps to defend its members. And on top of that, in the wake of the Black Lives Matter protests last summer, the nations schools are grappling with how to dismantle deep-seated inequities between white students and students of color.

In this moment, as we reflect on the obvious challenges and the often hidden or yet to be discovered opportunities, we must continue to imagine the possibilities, Pringle told thousands of delegates in her speech. We, the NEA, will lead a movement that unites not just our members, but the entire nation to reclaim public education as a common good, and then transform it into something it was never designed to bea racially and socially just and equitable system that prepares every student, every one, to succeed in a diverse and interdependent world.

Pringle recently spoke to Education Week about the unions efforts to rethink school policing, the debate around critical race theory in the classroom, and resuming in-person instruction in the fall. This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

The NEA board of directors proposed a new business item that will explore the role of law enforcement in education, which was approved by delegates. How do you feel about armed police officers in schools?

It was a comprehensive new business item that centered the safety of all of our students and centered race equity and economic equity. We know that our Black and brown communities are over-policed, which means our schools are over-policed. And we know that we have to create a safe environment thats conducive to teaching and learning.

So we are planning, through that new business item, to work on ensuring that all educatorsfrom teachers to support staff to [school resource officers] to our bus driversare trained in restorative practices, which helps to not only center equity and safety, but also to value and respect all of the cultures that come into our classroom and work with the community and our students to ensure that when they come into our schools, they feel safe, they feel valued, they feel respected. We have a lot of work ahead to do all of those things so that our kids have a safe place where they can learn and grow and thrive.

An Education Week survey found that nearly a quarter of district leaders, principals, and teachers dont believe that systemic racism exists. What do you make of that?

Well, as with anything else, when we talk about it, then we learn more. Thats why we are focused on honesty and education because all of us need to do that continuous learning. We know that not everyone sees the systemic racism that exists within all of our social systems. So you will hear me talk about the structural racism across systems, not just the education system, because everything impacts our students ability to learn.

Were talking about housing, and you know the history of redlining. Were talking about the economic system, and you know the economic injustice in this country. We know that our Black and brown and Indigenous communities dont have that kind of access to health care that others do, more privileged people do. All of those systems impact our students ability to learn. And so those are the kinds of things that we are trying to make sure that all of our educatorsand not just our educators, the entire community because we need everyone helpingcontinue to learn about, that structural racism thats built into all of our social systems. They compound on each other in ways that impact and limit access and opportunity for our kids. And so we just have to continuously make sure that everyoneeducators, parents, community, all of themhave that information so that we can do better for our kids.

Now, more than 25 states have proposed efforts to restrict how teachers talk about race in the classroom. What do you see as the NEAs role in those debates?

Were going to continue to talk about honesty and education. And heres why. We know that, first of all, our students are amazing, and theyre smart. And we know how important it is to make sure they have the knowledge, skills, and ability to be those critical thinkers, to be able to come together and collectively solve so many of our societal problems. For that to happen, they have to have access to all of that information. They have to not only know the history of this country, but they also need to have the chance to develop their critical thinking skills in a way that they can come together to try to solve those problems.

If we dont allow them to have those difficult conversations about race and racism in this country, then they wont be prepared to do that. And so well continue to do that. Of course, we will continue to work with our educators and make sure that they have the ability to lift up their voices and to fight for their right to be honest in the education that they teach. Well continue to work to make sure they have those rights. We will continue to assess the legislation thats proposed, as well as the laws that have passed, which are very different in different states, to ensure that its not limiting that right. For us, it is about saying no to censorship, and yes to teaching the truth. And thats what were going to continue to do.

Youve said before that the union is considering legal action over the restrictions. Could you expand on what that would look like?

Were considering all possibilities. Were in the process of making sure that we clearly understand the depth and breadth of the laws. They look very, very different. Its not only about the laws themselves, but also about the laws in those specific states that impact the curriculum in those states. Its a state-by-state analysis, and were in the process of doing that. And were going to just leave every avenue open, because we will defend our educators right to teach the truth. We will do that.

In hindsight, do you feel like the union could have or should have come out stronger against this movement earlier?

We have been fighting against this since it started. We have supported our locals and state affiliates who are on the front lines of the attack in speaking up. And this is not new. We know that this is an attempt to not only stoke fear and division, but to draw attention away from the fact that the politicians pushing these laws have failed our schools. They have not, for decades, provided the kind of resources we need so that we can have those safe and equitable schools.

Were not confused by that. We know whats behind these laws, and we know why theyre doing it. And weve been fighting that for certainly as long as I have been a leader within NEA. Every time they attempt to bring up some other way to divide us, and to stoke fear and to take [away] that light shining on them and what their failures have been, we will be there to call it out, to speak up, and to fight back.

As we look toward the next school year, given that COVID-19 is still circulating and some states have prohibited mask mandates, are you concerned about the ability to have safe in-person instruction?

Im not. I have worked really hard to ensure that we are ready for the fall to welcome back all of our students. The [U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention], I believe, will be issuing new guidelines shortly, and we have continuously said that we are following the science. We are looking at the guidelines that the CDC is using and working together to ensure that their students and educators are safe.

We dont know what the new strains will bring. But weve learned so much this year, and were continuing to learn. We were so appreciative of the president prioritizing educators to be vaccinated. The vast majority of our teachers and other staff are vaccinated, so they feel safer to go back to school.

And with the additional funding for [COVID-19] testing, well be able to stay open and isolate cases quickly. And we will avoid any shutdowns in the future.

Would you support vaccination mandates for teachers or students?

The majority of our teachers are vaccinated. [An NEA survey done in May found that 86 percent of members have had at least one shot, and only 9 percent dont plan to get vaccinated.] And the ones who arent, weve really worked hard to educate them and provide them with the resources. What we learned early on was that [the vaccination process] was confusing, and they werent able to get access. And so we worked on that. We did see a gap in [the vaccination rates of] white teachers and Black teachers. Weve targeted that, and with our recent survey [results], weve closed that gap, which is phenomenal. But its working directly with those communities to try to bring down that hesitancy and make sure they have access and opportunity.

Im not concerned about the mandates for the teachers, honestly. With [the vaccination rate] being so high now, for the most part, were just talking about folks who cant because of a medical condition.

With the students, our position at the NEA has always been that the more people, including students, who are in that education environment are vaccinatednot just for COVID, but all of those vaccinationsthe more healthy the entire community will be. And that continues to be our position. As with everything else, it is early to do that. [Only those 12 and older are currently able to be vaccinated.] We have to wait, follow the science. Theyre hard at work doing that testing [for youth vaccination] and just observing it, toogiving it time to see if there are any adverse impacts. And thats what we did in the past [with other vaccines], and then we talked about whether or not mandates were appropriate. At this point, we just dont know yet.

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Teachers' Union President: Say 'No to Censorship, and Yes to Teaching the Truth' - Education Week

TikTok has been called out for alleged bias against its Black users, after one TikToker the Black influencer and comedian Ziggi Tyler (@ziggityler) shared videos about updating his bio on the app earlier this week.

In a screen recording posted to the app, Tyler demonstrates that it gives him an inappropriate content warning when he includes selected words in his bio for the Creator Marketplace, which is TikToks official platform for brand and creator collaborations. Among the blocked words that he tests are Black Lives Matter, Black people, Black success, and pro-Black.

As Tyler notes: Anything Black-related is inappropriate content. However, when he includes phrases such as pro-white, and even white supremacy, the bio isnt flagged. The app also doesnt appear to block declarations such as I am a neo nazi or I am anti Semitic (sic).

White people can get on here and call me the N-word, and make videos about violent extremism, says Tyler in another video. But I cant do anything. We cant do anything.

Tyler, who has more than 370,000 followers on TikTok, is now redirecting those fans to his Instagram and YouTube content, saying that hes done with TikToks alleged bias against Black people and other people of colour.

Responding to Tylers claims in a statement via Forbes, the platform states that the content moderation flaw is down to a faulty AI, rather than the apps policy. Our TikTok Creator Marketplace protections, which flag phrases typically associated with hate speech, were erroneously set to flag phrases without respect to word order, says a TikTok spokesperson.

Giving an example of how the protections could lead to the apparent censorship of Black voices, they note that Tyler also included the word audience in his bio, and that the AI would pick out the letters die in combination with the word Black, interpreting it as an anti-Black phrase.

We recognize and apologize for how frustrating this was to experience, the spokesperson adds.

This isnt the first time TikTok has been accused of censoring its Black creators, however. In May 2020, users also protested what they claimed was the unfair censorship and unbalanced promotion of Black creators, in a platform-wide boycott.

The same month, TikTok admitted that a technical glitch discouraged users from taking part in the conversation surrounding BLM and George Floyd, and misrepresented the outpouring of solidarity from other users and activists.

More recently, in June this year, Black users refused to create dances to Megan Thee Stallions song Thot Shit, in order to draw attention to the widespread co-opting of their content by white creators, and the work they contribute to the app that often goes unacknowledged.

Watch Ziggi Tyler share examples of the platforms alleged bias in the video below.

Read more here:
TikTok responds to claims that its algorithm censors BLM-related content - Dazed