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North Korea has increased efforts in recent years to prevent outside information from entering the country.

But international activists say technology and outside forces will one day lead to the end of state censorship.

North Korea is one of the most disconnected nations in the world. The country has a ban on foreign media. Most people do not have access to the Internet. The Transitional Justice Working Group reports that the government has even executed citizens for sharing media from South Korea. The group researches human rights abuses in North Korea.

North Korea is following a similar method to other authoritarian governments, observers in Cuba and Myanmar say. Cuban and Burmese leaders of organizations that have fought censorship in their own countries recently met in Seoul to share their experiences with Koreans doing similar work.

Cuba

In Cuba, as in North Korea, there is a growing demand for foreign movies and television programs. This has made the business of illegally bringing in outside information increasingly profitable.

Rafael Duval is with Cubanet, an independent news organization that fights government restrictions in Cuba.

Cubanet uses devices such as USB drives and DVDs to spread a weekly collection of foreign videos and other materials. The collection is called "El Paquete" "the package" in English. Cubanet delivers the materials through the black market a system through which things are bought and sold illegally.

Duval says it is the job of some Cuban officials to prevent foreign media from entering the country. But many of them accept illegal payments in exchange for not reporting the sharing of media. And many officials often use foreign media themselves, he adds.

Another project helps Cubans who have email accounts find out information from the Internet. About 25 percent of Cubans have access to email.

The project, called Apretaste, connects Cubans with volunteers in places like the U.S. state of Florida. Cubans can email questions to the volunteers. The volunteers then send them the Internet search results. The organization responds to more than 100,000 requests for information each month.

Myanmar

Myanmar is another country where the free exchange of information has increased. Before the countrys democratic reforms in 2011, the military government closely controlled the Internet.

But its loose border with Thailand, along with a rise in satellite television receivers in the country, brought change. This change made it easy for exiled opposition groups to get around the governments restrictions on media.

North Koreas growing black market

The North Korean economy has grown in recent years, even with international sanctions placed on the country because of its continued missile tests.

In the past year, the countrys gross domestic product rose 3.9 percent. The Bank of Korea in Seoul says the increase was driven in part by the exports of coal and other minerals.

But there is also a private market in the country that is driving economic growth. The communist government lets it operate, but does not officially approve of it.

A recent study says that most North Koreans now earn about 75 percent of their money from the black market. The study was done by the Beyond Parallel project at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, D.C.

The illegal export of North Korean fish, shoes, cigarettes and cooking oil has given has given people new buying power. This power makes it possible for them to bring in outside information and technology.

Nat Kretchun is deputy director of the Open Technology Fund. The project is supported by Radio Free Asia, or RFA. RFA and VOA are each part of the U.S. government-supported Broadcasting Board of Governors.

Kretchun says technology like televisions and DVD players are now ubiquitous -- or seemingly everywhere -- in North Korea.

The number of legal North Korean mobile phone users has also grown in recent years. Many North Korean cell phones were able to spread unapproved media and information. But recent changes to the phones operating systems added censorship and surveillance technology.

Kretchun says the technology blocks unapproved media files from being used on North Korean phones.

However, activists are developing technology of their own in response to government actions.

Kim Seung-chul is a North Korean who fled to South Korea. He created North Korea Reform Radio, which sends anti-government messages to the North.

Kim feels the South Korean government should offer more support to groups working to get into North Koreas closed information environment.

The South Korean government, conservatives, veterans and famous people have a lot of money, but they do not use the money for this. They get angry about North Koreas situation, but they do not act, Kim said.

Im Pete Musto. And I'm Ashley Thompson.

Brian Padden and Youmi Kim reported this story for VOA News. Pete Musto adapted it for Learning English. Ashley Thompson was the editor.

We want to hear from you. How long do you think it will be before North Korea becomes more open? Write to us in the Comments Section or on our Facebook page.

________________________________________________________________

censorship n. the system or practice of examining books, movies, or letters in order to remove things that are considered to be offensive, immoral, harmful to society

authoritarian adj. not allowing personal freedom

black market n. a system through which things are bought and sold illegally

account(s) n. an arrangement in which a person uses the Internet or e-mail services of a particular company

sanction(s) n. an action that is taken or an order that is given to force a country to obey international laws by limiting or stopping trade with that country, by not allowing economic aid for that country

gross domestic product n. the total value of the goods and services produced by the people of a nation during a year not including the value of income earned in foreign countries

communist adj. used to describes a person or people who believe in a way of organizing a society in which the government owns the things that are used to make and transport products and there is no privately owned property

ubiquitous adj. seeming to be seen everywhere

surveillance n. the act of carefully watching someone or something especially in order to prevent or detect a crime

veteran(s) n. someone who fought in a war as a soldier or sailor

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Activists Say Censorship in North Korea Will Not Last - VOA Learning English

An Apple spokeswoman declined to comment about the removals, which appear to affect only users in Apples China app store generally those who have indicated a billing address in mainland China.

This is not the first time that Apple has removed apps at the request of the Chinese government, but it is a new reminder of how deeply beholden the tech giant has become to Beijing at a moment when the leadership has been pushing to tighten its control over the internet.

The removals signal a new push by China to control the internet. In the past, the Great Firewall has used technology to disrupt VPNs, and Beijing has shut down Chinese VPNs and even aimed a huge cyberattack at a well-known foreign site hosting code that circumvented the filters.

But they also mark the first time China has successfully used its influence with a major foreign tech platform, like Apple, to push back against the software makers.

While internet crackdowns often peak every five years, ahead of a key Chinese Communist Party congress, this years efforts cover fresh ground, a likely indication that stricter controls of things like VPNs will persist after the congress this autumn. Earlier this month, China also began a partial block of the Facebook-owned messaging app WhatsApp.

Greater China is Apples largest market outside the United States. That has left the company more vulnerable than almost any other American technology firm to a Chinese campaign to ween itself off foreign technology and tighten control over foreign tech companies operating there.

In response, Apple has made a number of moves to ensure that it stays on Beijings good side. Last year, the company complied with what it said was a request from the Chinese authorities to remove from its China app store news apps created by The New York Times.

This month, the company said it would open its first data center in China to comply with a new law that pushes foreign firms to store more of their data in China.

Apple has operated its app store in China for many years with only the occasional run-in with the government. The VPN crackdown and Beijings move in December to target news sites indicates that Chinas internet regulators have taken a deeper interest, and are exerting more control, over what is available on Apples China app store.

Carolyn Zhang contributed research from Shanghai.

More here:
Apple Removes Apps From China Store That Help Internet Users Evade Censorship - New York Times

In a system that sets much store by retaining the power to censor films in the name of certifying them, random attempts by petitioners seeking cuts or even a ban often add to the pre-release anxieties of filmmakers. While rejecting the petition filed by a person claiming to be the daughter of the late Sanjay Gandhi to set aside the certificate granted to Indu Sarkar, a film directed by Madhur Bhandarkar, the Supreme Court has rightly banked on a well-established principle that freedom of expression cannot be curtailed without a valid reason. It has reiterated that the film is nothing but artistic expression within the parameters of law and that there is no warrant or justification to curtail it. Earlier, the Central Board of Film Certification, which under its present director, Pahlaj Nihalani, has not exactly distinguished itself, had granted a certificate to the film after suggesting 14 cuts. The Revision Committee had reduced the number of cuts, leaving nothing to be adjudicated as far as the suitability of the film for exhibition is concerned. Yet, a single individual managed to create some uncertainty over the release of the film by approaching the courts. The film relates to events set during the 1975-77 Emergency and, going by the directors disclaimer, its factual content is limited to 30%. Apart from the expression of concern by some Congress functionaries, there was little to suggest that anyone would take seriously the claim that the partys leaders may be convincingly shown in a bad light.

Recent experience suggests that the CBFC does not always see itself as a certifying authority, but rather plays the censor quite merrily. In the case ofUdta Punjablast year, it was seeking to be the guardian of Punjabs honour against the depiction of the high prevalence of drug addiction in the State. The Bombay High Court had to remind the CBFC that certification, and not censorship, is its primary role and that its power to order changes and cuts must be exercised in accordance with constitutional principles. More recently, the CBFC sought to play the moral censor with regard to Lipstick Under My Burkha, a film it thought was too lady-oriented to be given a certificate, presumably because it depicts their fantasies. The Film Certification Appellate Tribunal had to intervene to secure the release of the film, with an A certificate. These instances demonstrate that challenges to freedom come from both within the systemic framework and outside. It is a matter of satisfaction that the courts prefer to protect the right to free expression rather than entertain excuses such as maintenance of law and order and public tranquillity, or someones sense of hurt or the fear of someone being portrayed in a bad light. It is disconcerting, nonetheless, that the battle for free expression is having to be fought so often these days.

Read more from the original source:
Cinema & censorship - The Hindu

By East Stratcom

Speaking at the third Russia-China media forum in Moscow recently, Sputnik and RTs Editor in Chief proposed that Russian and Chinese media should work together to tackle fake news. She did not go further into detail on how that should be done. But as an example she deployed a reoccurring disinformation theme that of the White Helmets allegedly manipulating and staging situations in Syria.

As proof she referred to the fact that the father of the little boy Omran, whose photo was spread over the world last year, had been on Syrian state controlled TV, pledging support for Assad and against the White Helmets. The New York Times looks into that story in some more detail, including pointing out the limitations to free speech facing Syrians appearing on state TV.

Meanwhile, as reported by the Financial Times, the Chinese microblog service Sina Weibo (similar to Twitter) has blocked any mention of Vladimir Putin on accounts with more than one thousand followers. President Putin is the first foreign leader to enjoy such online protection.

And in Russia, the Duma passed legislation that curbs technologies that make it possible to circumvent online censorship in Russia. The legislation also imposes new restrictions on instant messages, requiring service administrators to establish the identity of all users and restricting the communication of certain individuals, as reported by Meduza.

By East Stratcom

View post:
Fake news, criticism and censorship - StopFake.org

Nicols Maduro's regime has cracked down on the free press.

Photo by Marcos Salgado / Shutterstock.com

Alejandro Marcano stared into the camera and read the days news to millions of Venezuelan viewers on Globovisins 24-hour network. Suddenly, the studios windows erupted in a rain of glass. Gunshots ricocheted through the room. A militant colectivo that supported the government circled the lot and threw tear gas into the building. Marcano realized he had two choices: sprint through the gunshots or die of asphyxiation.

On that terrifying morning of January 1, 2009, Marcano chose to run and barely escaped the brazen attack on the TV station. But his career as a journalist in his homeland was over; nearly four months later, Marcano left Caracas for Miami.

His story is far from unusual. As Nicols Maduros repressive regime tries to consolidate power despite rising protests, independent journalists face even more danger than the average Venezuelan. Amid government crackdowns and violent threats, more than 100 reporters have fled to Miami in recent years, according to Sonia Osorio, resident of the Association of Venezuelan Journalists Abroad (APEVEX).

Many like Marcano have now set up shop in South Florida, where they fight from abroad to keep telling the story of their countrys desperate struggle. We need to be participants of history so this doesnt happen again in another country, Marcano says in Spanish.

From the moment he seized power in 1999, Hugo Chvez faced accusations that his Bolivarian Revolution violently stifled dissent. But it wasnt until 2002 that Chvez really began to crack down on the media. As the press reported ever more critically on his governments power grab, Chvez threatened to revoke broadcasting licenses from TV and radio stations. After suppressing a coup in 2002, Chvez blamed adversarial media and launched an all-out assault on the free press.

Technically, Venezuelas 1999 constitution guarantees freedom of expression. But in 2004, Chvez pushed through a law forbidding stories that incite or promote hatred, foment citizens anxiety or alter public order, or disrespect authorities. News organizations could comply or shut their doors. Meanwhile, the government began revoking broadcast licenses and acquiring media outlets, eventually controlling 13 television networks, more than 65 radio stations, one news agency, eight newspapers, and a magazine.

After Chvez died in 2013 and his acolyte Maduro took power, violence against journalists became commonplace. Instituto de Prensa y Sociedad, a Venezuelan organization that fights for freedom of speech and the press, reports 279 journalists have been attacked for their work between March and June of this year alone. Five journalists have been killed since the Bolivarian Revolution.

Marcano lived through that bloody history firsthand. A native of Carpano, an eastern coastal city of 200,000, the TV reporter joined Globovisin, a station that had long been a critical check on the government, in 1995. But after Chvez grabbed power, the network began practicing a degree of self-censorship.

The directors started putting on lighter programming, Marcano says. They started lowering the tone.

Still, Globovisin didnt stop critiquing the regime. Thats why the colectivo attacked the station in 2009 an assault that Marcano and his colleagues were certain was authorized by Chvezs government.

Alejandro Marcano, left, now reports on Venezuela from Miami

Courtesy of Alejandro Marcano

In recent years, journalists who buck the party line can face violent backlash. Orian Brito, an online and TV reporter, was visiting Miami in January of 2012 when he found a photo of children back in Caracas armed with heavy machine guns. He discovered the children were given the weapons by colectivos, with support of the government, and published his findings in Reportero 24, an online paper. Suddenly he faced the worst week of his life.

First, a state TV network, Venezolana de Televisin, began attacking him and airing his personal information. His bank accounts, Facebook and Twitter accounts, email, and phones were all hacked. His family received threats and was interrogated about where Brito got his information and photos.

Brito decided he couldnt risk returning to Venezuela. My family told me, Dont come back,? he says in Spanish. ?Dont come, because theres no guarantees. Something happens to you, and who responds? Who cares??

Other reporters say their families became targets when the government didnt like their work. Miguel Mundo was a reporter at Las Noticias de Cojedes, a Caracas newspaper, when he began writing about ties between a group of narcotraffickers and the government. After several stories, Mundos paper was bombed with Molotov cocktails. Then, in January 2012, Mundos wife was kidnapped from a gas station, beaten, and tortured until Mundo agreed to leave the paper. A few weeks later, he and his wife hopped a late-night flight to Miami with their children and applied for asylum.

There are still many professional Venezuelan journalists that maintain the will and the disposition to keep working amid everything thats happening in Venezuela, Mundo says in Spanish. Meanwhile the regime does everything to try to violate and force the journalists that try to do an ethical job in the country.

As mass protests have shaken Venezuela this year, the reporters who remain say the threat of violence is omnipresent. Miguelangel Caballero, a freelance journalist, says all journalists there take a risk.

Your life and physical integrity are in danger before the attacks of the government, the security officials, and the paramilitaries, called collectivos, that attack and rob the professionals of the press, Caballero says in Spanish.

Jos Ral Gerere, a 21-year-old journalist, has been producing stories through social media channels while working as a salesman at a mall. Gerere says it isnt always easy to get accurate information with all the commotion of the protests.

It is complicated and difficult, but in spite of everything, one must be extremely firm in the face of constant criticism, threats, or whatever they wish to do, Gerere says in Spanish.

Back in Miami, the journalists who have left say they feel an obligation to keep reporting. APEVEX, founded by Osorio and two other colleagues in 2013, helps reporters like Brito get back on their feet when they arrive. Osorio says they have 50 official members in Miami today.

Some have found work at ex-pat publications, like Mundo, who became a reporter at El Venezolano in Orlando. But that paper recently closed, so hes looking for work in Miami.

I came here a little reluctant to work in journalism, says Mundo in Spanish. I was stressed with what had just happened.

As for Marcano, hes made a new career in Miami out of reporting on the daily crisis unfolding in Caracas on Mart Noticias, the U.S.-government funded station that broadcasts into Cuba.

On a recent Thursday at the Mart studios in Doral, Marcano stands in a dressing room in a lilac button-down, patting the sweat from his shaved head under vanity lights. The makeup artist makes casual conversation with the two interviewees getting prepped for their time on camera.

How long have you been here? he asks. Theyre both from Venezuela. In this dressing room, Miami becomes a cemetery for the lives and professions left behind.

Once in the studio, Marcano can barely stay still as he directs his crew at lightning speed. He recounts stories before the recording begins, making his guests comfortable under the glare of a dozen white lights and three cameras.

The producer counts down in his earpiece, loud enough to emanate throughout the quiet room: Three, two, one. Marcano does the sign of the cross before he begins recounting the latest protests and crackdowns in his homeland.

Bienvenidos a Venezuela en crisis, he says.

More here:
Dozens of Venezuelan Journalists Flee Censorship and Violence to Report in Miami - Miami New Times