Archive for the ‘Communism’ Category

The Comintern: The Committee to Export Revolution – The Great Courses Daily News

By Vejas Liulevicius, Ph.D., University of Tennessee The Comintern was created to bring Communists of all countries together, in order to spread the influence of the Bolsheviks and promote Revolution across Europe. Comintern congresses were public celebrations as shown in Festival of the II Congress of Comintern on the Uritsky Square. (Image: Boris Kustodiyev/Public domain)The Advance of the Red Army

When the First World War ended with the Armistice on November 11, 1918, the Red Army invaded the newly independent Baltic states, Poland, and Ukraine, stretching to link up with an expected revolt in Germany.

These efforts continued and merged with the ongoing Russian Civil War, that confused a series of clashes between Lenins Bolsheviks and different sets of opponents. These opponents included Russian monarchists, socialist revolutionaries, anarchists, peasant partisans, and foreigners: some 200,000 soldiers from Britain, France, Japan, and the United States, and the Czech Legion.

Yet, by November 1920, the Bolsheviks had beaten their enemies. Created and perfected by Leon Trotsky, the Red Army proved the vital instrument for victory. The Bolsheviks knew they could rely on the Red Guards and Latvian Riflemen regiments, but these would not be enough. The order to form the mass army was given in January of 1918.

The Red Army grew to five million by the end of the Civil War. With its help, the state pursued a ruthless extractive economic policy named War Communism, which left a very deep stamp on their government. They centralized governmental control even more, nationalizing factories, and requisitioned food from farmers to feed the cities and the armies.

Learn more aboutthe Revolution of 1905.

To spread the message of global revolution, the Bolsheviks sponsored an entire institution tasked with that goal, the Comintern, which was short for Communist International, also known as the Third International. The founding congress started on March 2, 1919 in Moscow and the Comintern would be based there in the Kremlin.

This organization was in some ways a company to export revolution, by spreading propaganda and offering help to other communist parties springing up around the world. The fiction was that it was an independent, private organization. Its official language was German, the language of Marx, which was only replaced with Russian in 1924.

At first the Comintern was small, mostly a gathering of Russians with a sprinkling of nonRussian communists. But by the second congress the next year, delegates from 37 countries attended. At that meeting in Moscow in 1920, Lenin dictated the TwentyOne Points: the conditions for a party to be admitted to membership in the Comintern. Grigory Zinoviev was made the chairman of the Comintern and working with him were Karl Radek and Victor Serge.

This is a transcript from the video series The Rise of Communism: From Marx to Lenin. Watch it now, on The Great Courses Plus.

Radek was the classic internationalist: he spoke Polish, Russian, German, French (all in his idiosyncratic way) and was a dazzling and witty journalist and conversationalist. He was described as half professor, half bandit.

At the start of 1919, he had been sent to Berlin by the Bolsheviks to help organize the German Communist Party with his old comrade Rosa Luxemburg. And he was there during the Spartacus uprising in January 1919 and after the revolt was crushed, he was arrested in February. Only at the end of 1919 was he released to return to Moscow, and then went to work in the Comintern.

Victor Serge was a striking and insightful character. Born in Belgium to Russian exile parents, Serge came to Soviet Russia in 1919. In his book Memoirs of a Revolutionary, he relates how he lived through a dilemma, as he worked for the Communist regime. He spoke of doing double duty: to guard against external enemies of the revolution, but to remain within the party to combat abuses within.

He condemned the Cheka, and its arbitrary arrests. He condemned the emerging privileged nomenklatura of the party elite with privileges of its own, but he did not break with Lenin and the Bolsheviks.

He would argue in debates against dictatorial rule and against the suppression of free speech, but then he would submit to party discipline. He spoke of the atmosphere of terror as intolerable inhumanity, but then he tolerated it by remaining within the regime.

The role of being the heroic inner conscience within the regime is fraught with problems. But Serge concluded, Bolshevism was in my eyes tremendously and visibly right. It marked a new point of departure in history.

Learn more aboutthe relation of human social systems to evil behavior.

Many ardent radicals flocked to the Comintern. Other foreign communists became prominent in this movement, including an American, John Reed. His journalistic account of the Bolshevik seizure of power in Red October, Ten Days That Shook the World, became the basis for the Eisenstein film that mythologized the coup.

Reed, a war reporter, was thrilled by what he saw in Russia and crossed over from reporting to partisan support. He was among the founders of American communists, and he returned to Russia for the second Comintern congress. There he fell ill and died in October 1920 and was buried in a tomb set into the wall of the Kremlin, as an honored foreign communist.

The Chinese Communist Party, led by Sun Yat Sen, was organized in 1921. Vietnamese leader Ho Chi Minh was a founding member of the French Communist Party and came to Moscow to work in the Comintern. Sen Katayama helped found Japans Communist party in 1922. Later, Katayama moved to Moscow, and died there in 1933.

The Comintern sought not only active agents, but also sympathizers, to aid the communist cause. The Comintern sent agents with money and advice and expected to have its orders followed. The stage was all set for a world revolution, or so the Bolsheviks thought.

The Red Army grew to five million by the end of the Civil War. With its help, the state pursued a ruthless economic policy named War Communism. They centralized governmental control, and requisitioned food from farmers to feed the cities and the armies.

To spread the message of global revolution, the Bolsheviks sponsored an entire institution tasked with that goal: the Comintern, or the Third International.

Victor Serge was troubled by the evil and the corruption he saw in the Bolshevik movement, and protested against it while remaining within the party itself.

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The Comintern: The Committee to Export Revolution - The Great Courses Daily News

Turkey’s communists at the forefront of the struggle for women’s rights, against femicides – In Defense of Communism

Thousands of women took the streets in more than 16 cities in Turkey, on August 5, demonstrating under the slogan "We are not giving up our rights, implement the Istanbul Convention".

In Istanbul's Kadky district, women carried placards with the name of 350 murdered women and the slogan "She would be alive if the Istanbul Convention was implemented".In Izmir, protesters faced with police's violent response and 16 women werre detained.

The "Istanbul Convention", also known as the Convention of the Council of Europe "on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence", was signed in Istanbul in May 2011 and entered into force in August 2014. However, officials of Erdogan's ruling AKP party have implied that Turkey could withdraw from the international agreement, calling the signing of the "Istanbul Convention" a "mistake".

A total of 474 women were killed in 2019, as a result of femicides and gender-based violence, which is the highest rate in a decade. According to the campaign group "We will stop femicides", at least 36 women were murdered by men this July.

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Turkey's communists at the forefront of the struggle for women's rights, against femicides - In Defense of Communism

We Charge Genocide: Appeal to the UN still true today – Communist Party USA

The police killing of George Floyd on May 25 provoked demonstrations worldwide. The United Nations Human Rights Council on June 17 debated a draft resolution introduced by the African Group of nations that condemned structural racism endemic to the criminal justice system in the United States. The African nations were responding to a letter from the families of murder victims George Floyd, Philando Castile, Breonna Taylor, and Michael Brown; 600 human rights organizations had endorsed it.

Other U.S. appeals for relief from racist violence had arrived at the United Nations. The National Negro Congress and the NAACP delivered petitions in 1946 and 1947, respectively. Three years after the United Nations ratified its Genocide Convention, the New York-based Civil Rights Congress in 1951 submitted a petition to the United Nations. The title was: We Charge Genocide: The Crime of the Government against the Negro People.

To explore international ramifications of anti-racist struggle in the United States, we examine the substance and circumstances of We Charge Genocide and the recent appeal to the Human Rights Council.

Split up into groups

Prior to the Councils meeting, many of its independent experts, special rapporteurs, and members of its working groups divided into groups to release open letters denouncing U. S. racism. The UNs Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination produced one of its own.

The Council designated the June 17 session as an Urgent Debate, for only the fifth time since 2006. Opening the meeting, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet declared, Patience has run out Black lives matter. Philonise Floyd, brother of George Floyd, asked the Council through video to investigate anti-Black police violence in the United States. You watched my brother die, he is heard. You in the United Nations are your brothers and sisters keepers in America.

U.S. allies had their say, and after closed-door negotiations, the final resolutionapproved by consensus on June 19didnt mention the United States; it spoke instead of all nations, all regions, and around the world. The draft resolutions proposal to investigate anti-Black police violence in the United States disappeared and was replaced with plans for a report on systemic racism by police everywhere and for a yearlong study of police violence against peaceful protestors everywhere.

Secretary of State Mike Pompeo issued a statement denouncing the Councils consideration of the resolution as a new low. The United States was absent at the session, having departed the Council in 2018. The Councils platitudinous final resolution conveying generalities will likely contribute almost nothing to combating racism in the United States.

By contrast, the appeal represented by We Charge Genocide (WCG) took on enduring power from a narrative as comprehensive as it was riveting, from coherent ideological underpinnings, and from its sponsors collective experience in anti-racist struggle.

Lawyer William Patterson, head of the Civil Rights Congress, edited WCG. He had earlier led the International Labor Defense, the predecessor of the Congress. In that role he shepherded the campaign that, extending internationally, saved nine Black teenagers from execution in Alabama. These were the Scottsboro Nine.

Patterson in 1951 took copies of the just-published WCG to the UN General Assembly, then meeting in Paris. Meanwhile Paul Robeson, actor, singer, and Pan-Africanist, was delivering WCG to the United Nations Secretariat in New York. Back in New York, Patterson had to surrender his passport to U.S. officials. Robeson had already lost his.

A section of WCG labeled Evidence details lynchings, other killings, physical abuse, and police brutality occurring between 1945 and 1951. It takes up more than half of WCGs 238 pages. In his introduction, Patterson refers to a record of mass slayings on the basis of race. He calls upon the United Nations to act and to call the Government of the United States to account. WCG cites international law. The violent episodes recorded there are arranged to fit with specific articles of the Genocide Convention.

WCGs message and reception reflected turmoil stemming from U.S.-Soviet conflict, U.S. war with North Korea, a brand-new Peoples Republic of China, and vicious anti-Communism in the United States. William Patterson was a leader of the Communist Party USA. The Civil Rights Congress was affiliated with the Party.

The U.S. government saw to it that WCG never received a hearing at the United Nations. But elsewhere it circulated widely and exerted an impact, mostly through consciousness-raising. WCG was extensively covered in the [foreign] press, says one observer. African-American newspapers reported and commented on WCG after its release.

Coincides with battle of ideas

There would have been readers in socialist nations, in Black liberation circles, and among intellectuals and activists in the various national independence movements. Its arrival coincided with the worldwide battle of ideas of the postWorld War II years. (I discovered WCG in 1955 in the office of the Society for Minority Rights at my college.)

WCG depicts racist violence in the 20th century as resting on the plunder of bodies and land intrinsic to both slavery and the plantation economy. It suggested the perils of colonialism and of imperialism. Ultimately, WCG made intellectual tools available to activists resisting apartheid in South Africa, U.S. war in Vietnam, dirty wars in Latin America, U.S. intervention in the Middle East, and more.

For scholar David Helps, International solidarity was central to the worldview of the [Civil Rights Congress]. And movements for peace and for decolonization clearly shaped the tone and language of WCG. According to WCG, White supremacy at home makes for colored massacres abroad. WCG called for an international tribunal to judge U.S. crimes against humanity.

Teaching that racial violence occurs in both the U. S. South and North, WCG observes that as the Negro people spread to the north, east, and west seeking to escape the southern hell, the violence, impelled in the first instance by economic motives, followed them, its cause also economic. Indeed, Once the classic method of lynching was the rope. Now it is the policemans bullet.

WCG connects racial violence with capitalism. The authors show that exploitation and abuse of Black workerssharecroppers in the South and industrial employees in the Northenable their white oppressors to profit and to skimp on spending for social services, schooling, and health care. WCG points to bankers and public officials enriching themselves through chicanery and procedural manipulations. It lists corporate monopolies operating in the regions where killings take place

Further, the implementation of genocide is sufficiently expressedin depressed wages, in robbing millions of the vote and millions more of the land and in countless other political and economic facts, as to reveal definitively the existence of a conspiracy backed by reactionary interests. More: The lyncher and the atom bomber are linked.The tie binding both is economic profit and political control.

WCG anticipates unity between Blacks and those whites who also are oppressed. It argues that abysmal living conditions and even psychological damage represent a kind of violence. WCG presents data on health status, mortality, housing, and education demonstrating the oppression of Black people. This kind of violence impinging upon the daily lives of Blacks, the reader realizes, can endanger white people too. Patterson says as much in his introduction: We [Blacks] warn mankind that our fate is theirs.

WCG moves beyond simplistic solutions. From slavery times on, denunciations of anti-Black violence have centered on moral outrageas heard in the streets now and at the Human Rights Council. And anti-racist white people have denigrated the misinformation of other white people, as if that fix might be enough. William Patterson and colleagues, however, draw attention to the economic, political, and policing realities that sustain racial oppression and need to be changed.

WCG did contribute directly, serving as a resource for African-Americans advocating for reparations. Influenced by WCG, the National Black United Front adopted We Charge Genocide as the title of its own petition to the United Nations in 1996. And a Chicago organization defending Black youth against police violence also adopted the name for the petition it too presented at the United Nations in 2014.

WCG probably gave a boost to the U.S. civil rights movement. Foreign critics reading WCG could find documentation there for their own ideas about racist brutality in the United States. The work of the American propagandist is not at present a happy one, bemoaned analyst Walter Lippmann in 1957. A book reviewer noted that this Cold War criticismproved to be so effective in embarrassing the United Statesthat it deserved major credit for helping to facilitate the struggle for racial equality at home and the eventual passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

The U.S. governments amicus brief in the watershed Brown v. Board of Education case in 1954 declared that, racial discriminationhas an adverse effect upon our relations with other countries. Racial discrimination [has] furnished grist for the Communist propaganda mills.

Ultimately, WCG and the recent appeal to the United Nations are dissimilar enough as to make detailed comparison irrelevant. They differ in surrounding circumstances, breadth of vision, and in the organized preparation of the one and the improvised character of the other.

The families appeal clearly resulted from outrage at terrible violence. WCG shared that but also relied on analysis of institutionalized inequalities and of economic and social handicap. It derived from a culture of resistance that prioritized organization, reliance on allies, and learning from models of struggle.

The world of We Charge Genocide is gone. The case presented by U.S. families to the United Nations might not have been so easily dismissed, if the Soviet Bloc still existed. Or perhaps the U.S. Secretary of State wouldnt have so glibly discounted world opinion. But all is not lost. Anticipating the police killing of George Floyd, WCG observes that the killing of Negroes has become the police policy in the United States and that police policy is the most practical expression of government policy.

This statement leads to a question: what are a governments purposes as it decides what its police should do? WCG doesnt comment, although Patterson could have done so, having studied in the Soviet Union in 1928-29. Citing Marx, Lenin (State and Revolution) opines that the state is an organ of class domination, an organ of oppression of one class by another.

Published in Peoples World, July 30, 2020.Image: Ashitaka San, Creative Commons (BY-NC 2.0).

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We Charge Genocide: Appeal to the UN still true today - Communist Party USA

The Fall of Soviet Hungary and Soviet Bavaria – The Great Courses Daily News

By Vejas Liulevicius, Ph.D., University of TennesseeThis monument celebrates the leaders of the Hungarian Soviet Republic, which was one of the second Soviet republic after Russia. (Image: Bronks/Public domain)The Hungarian Communist Party

Hungary had been among the defeated powers of the First World War, and in the aftermath, its territory was radically truncated, facing occupation by French forces, Romanians, and Czechs. Hungarians reacted with fury, and the nationalist slogan was to be heard in the streetsNo, no, never.

No mainstream party in Hungary was willing to continue governing, so a power vacuum emerged. In dire straits, the socialists agreed to a fusion with the new Hungarian Communist Party, whose leader Bla Kun, was hauled right from jail to national office.

Kun was HungarianJewish by origin, from Transylvania, and had been a not very successful journalist and trade union official before the war. During the First World War, he had been drafted into the AustroHungarian army and was captured by the Russians in 1916. As a prisoner of war, he joined the Russian Bolsheviks and got to know Lenin, who dispatched him to his native country to agitate.

Kun suggested to Hungarians that alliance with and help from Soviet Russia could be their salvation, and even nationalist Hungarians could support the new state. Coming to power on March 21, 1919, the new regime pushed back the foreign armies, and undertook quick radical reforms in economics and culture.

Instead of trying to coopt the peasantry as Lenin had done, Kuns government proceeded immediately to collectivization. Noble estates were nationalized rather than being distributed to poor farmers, who became alienated from the new government in Budapest. Instead of the land reform they had hoped for, and private farms for themselves, they now faced the prospect of farming for the state. Food supply broke down.

This is a transcript from the video series The Rise of Communism: From Marx to Lenin. Watch it now, on The Great Courses Plus.

The government nationalized banks, safetydeposit boxes and their contents, apartment buildings, and all branches of trade. Culture and social life were also to be revolutionized, starting with a ban on alcohol. Titles were abolished, which shocked an older generation of Hungarians: one countess is said to have fainted when a bus conductor addressed her as citizeness.

Georg Lukcs, the philosopher, was Commissar for Education and Culture. The Commissar of the Interior and Commissar of War, Tibor Szamuely, established a repressive apparatus domestically. Newspapers were shut down, critics of the regime arrested, and brutal gangs of regime supporters who called themselves Lenin Boys terrorized the populace. But food shortages, inflation, and rampant corruption were so bad that even government officials criticized their own regime.

All these took their toll, and when Romanian and Czech armies moved on the capital Budapest again, the regime toppled after only 133 days, collapsing in early August 1919. Kun and his associates fled. Given his experience, he was invited to join the coworkers of the Comintern in Moscow.

In Hungary itself, a repressive national conservative regime took power and enacted counterrevolutionary or white terror of its own, taking an estimated 5,000 lives. Its leader was Admiral Mikls Horthy, who ruled as regent.

Learn more aboutthe revolutionary Russias.

To the west, in southern Germany, the Hungarian uprising inspired radicals in Munich, in Bavaria. That part of defeated Germany had also been aswirl with turmoil and violence. With the end of the war, seven centuries of Wittelsbach royal family rule came crashing down. A new socialist republic was declared by Kurt Eisner, but he was assassinated by a radical nationalist student. In the aftermath, Bavaria was declared to be a Soviet republic.

The new rulers included anarchists, writers, and poets. Locals nicknamed the government the regime of the coffeehouse anarchists. The new regime only had enough time to promise the end of capitalism through the printing of money. Its minister for foreign affairs demanded that Switzerland turn over locomotives to the new state, and when Switzerland refused, he declared war on the Swiss.

These men, however, were soon replaced by more serious and determined revolutionaries. They were led by Eugen Levin, an adherent of Lenin, who announced that the new Bavaria would be a springboard to revolution throughout Europe.

Learn more aboutthe relation of human social systems to evil behavior.

But the central government in Berlin had had enough, and it sent in the brutal Freikorps mercenaries, who had earlier crushed the Spartacus uprising and murdered Rosa Luxemburg. Blood flowed in the streets of Munich in May 1919, with the shooting of hostages and prisoners on both sides. The Freikorps killing spree was horrific.

Incidentally, an unknown German soldier named Adolf Hitler, was on the scene in Bavaria, observing how to mobilize masses and planning for the future.

So, the Communist dream of a Red Bridge to Europe was thwarted, and the Russian Communists were faced with the prospect that the Revolution had been deferred.

In the aftermath of the First World War, no mainstream party in Hungary was willing to continue governing, so a power vacuum emerged. The socialists agreed to a fusion with the new Hungarian Communist Party, whose leader Bla Kun became the leader of Soviet Hungary.

Bla Kun had been a journalist and trade union official before the war. As a Russian prisoner of war of the Austro-Hungarian War, he joined the Russian Bolsheviks and got to know Lenin, who dispatched him to his native country to agitate. Eventually, he became the leader of the Hungarian Communist Party and later the actual leader of Soviet Hungary.

Soviet Bavaria came into being after the First World War. A new socialist republic was declared by Kurt Eisner, but he was assassinated by a radical nationalist student. In the aftermath, Bavaria was declared to be a Soviet republic.

The government in Berlin sent in mercenaries to suppress the Republic. The Freikorps undertook a brutal campaign that ended the existence of Soviet Bavaria.

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The Fall of Soviet Hungary and Soviet Bavaria - The Great Courses Daily News

Why Is Communism Still a Respected Ideology? – National Review

Karl Marx monument in Chemnitz, Germany(Matthias Rietschel/Reuters)A memoir by a student of Communism reveals how socialists, time and again, erase the criminal traces of Communism to save the good reputation of their common ideals.

Marxs first crusade was not against capitalism but against soap. I guess every time he had to take a shower, he was too drunk to do it. Otherwise, he always lived off of other peoples money, he never worked, even when his own children were starving, and he drank enough to deform his liver along with his conscience. Surprise: The first Marxist was a shameless rascal, the type of person who would despise the working class.

Lenin was no different. He was always the spoilt child of the house, surrounded by women who took him for a genius and supported him financially all his life. He never worked, says one of the most influential and controversial Spanish journalists of the last half century, Federico Jimnez Losantos, author of A Memoir of Communism, a colossal work published in 2018 and not yet translated into English.

Jimnez Losantos attempts to answer the key question: One hundred years and one hundred million deaths later, why is Communism still a respected ideology?

Joe Biden wont like the answer: It is socialists who have taken it upon themselves to excuse Communisms crimes. For the first time, a book goes into great detail explaining the reasons for this historical complicity, which still stands, with the help of leftists everywhere, from the Democrats in America to the Social Democrats in Brussels. And it stands in spite of incontestable facts, as P. J. ORourke described them in Give War a Chance: Its impossible to get decent Chinese takeout in China, Cuban cigars are rationed in Cuba, and thats all you need to know about communism.

That Communism goes hand in hand with deceit is well known, especially now that we are suffering the consequences of a pandemic secretly exported worldwide by China, under the auspice of the WHO, which is as concerned about world health as Xi Jinping is about allowing the Chinese to go to Mass on Sundays. Its worth remembering: If China were a free country, its leaders would have raised the alarm in time, and the coronavirus would never have spread to the extent it has today. It is Communism that is to blame for this world crisis.

As Jimnez Losantos reminds us, the first lie about the Communist revolution is that it was a proletarian uprising against czarism. In October 1917, there was no czarism in Russia, but instead a democratic republic with the socialist [Alexander] Kerensky at the head of government, he writes. What Lenin overthrew was not a tyranny, but a democracy. As Jimnez Losantos notes: The only thing the masses really took was the palace cellar. To drink it dry. Perhaps because, really, the proletarians who were said to have been saved by Marx, Bakunin, or Lenin did not want to be saved, but to have their own houses, better wages and working conditions, work, life or accident insurance, in short: to be owners. The truth is that, to be a Communist, you first have to be a millionaire. It doesnt work the other way around.

Over more than 700 pages, Jimnez Losantos composes a politically incorrect profile of the Communist beast, supported by a very thorough bibliography. He knows what hes talking about: He used to be a Communist. But in 1976, at the age of 25, after reading The Gulag Archipelago and traveling to China, he broke up with Communism for good. The political powers that be drove him out of the two Spanish radio stations where hed worked and found success as an opinion leader perhaps they drove him out precisely because of his popularity. After that, in 2009, he started his own radio station and newspaper, EsRadio and Libertad Digital. From these perches, he defends the role of the United States, where he often spends his summers.

Two characteristics mark Federico Jimnez Losantoss personality: independence and the defense of freedom. He has forged his career by denouncing the powerful fighting terrorists, Communists, and lukewarm self-conscious right-wingers alike. The reappearance of Communism in Spain, by the hand of Spains current deputy prime minister, Pablo Iglesias, has pushed Jimnez Losantos to write this great work dedicated to the victims of this totalitarian ideology.

The most novel thing in A Memoir of Communism is its study of the moment in which socialists absolved the revolutionary Communists. December 1917 was the moment when perhaps the most important debate on the left in its entire history took place, he writes. Two months after Lenin seized power by force from the socialist Kerensky, a group of Russian socialists published, in the French newspaper LHumanit, an appeal against the Bolshevik regime; they described Bolshevism as violent, terrifying, and capable of making the very name of socialism hated. Their appeal was not successful. There is also no way to ignore Kerenskys terrible negligence in not condemning to the press Germanys financing of Lenin after the failed coup in July (a dress rehearsal for what would happen in October).

Shortly afterwards, in 1918, when Kerensky reappeared in London and Paris, his criticism of the Leninist coup and the terror unleashed against the opposition produced a phenomenon that would last until our times, namely the socialists and bourgeois Lefts insistence on denying the evidence of the Communist regimes illegality and brutality. Corollary: If you want to ruin the last hope, put it in the hands of a French socialist.

The key to this historical trap is provided in a speech by Kerensky himself: This regime, which calls itself socialist while following the worst methods of czarism, is the worst enemy of socialism, because the bourgeoisie exploits the example it gives and uses it to discredit our ideal.

Jimnez Losantoss thesis is unyielding on this point: With his words Kerensky shows that the Left is not worried about the crimes of which socialists themselves are victims. No, they are distraught that this sinister Leninism might spoil the reputation of their socialist ideal.

The contemporary Left often puts forth a surprising defense when faced with the string of Communisms failures throughout history: that no one has been able to get it right. Its about as reasonable as claiming that serial killers shoot their victims because no one has taught them to hunt ducks. It reminds me of those weekend do-it-yourself experts who, when they see you bend a nail for the tenth time while trying to hammer it into a plank, snatch the hammer from you, screaming, Give it to me, you useless idiot! And naturally they miss the nail and smash their finger. Speaking of the alleged Stalinist deviation from authentic Marxism-Leninism, Jimnez Losantos writes:

In every country where Communism has been applied, the result has been, and still is, crime and misery, but . . . because Communism has not been applied. The key is the but, which avoids condemnation. No one can tell us why we should keep insisting on an ever-failing recipe, and thats because the reason is unutterable: Life is just peachy on the side of Good!

In other words, do you know of any Communist leader who has not notably improved his own financial standing thanks to his Communist status? I dont.

It is not easy to understand Communism without taking a closer look at the personality of its leaders. Lenins driving force was hatred. Jimnez Losantos refers to what the founder of socialist realism, Russian writer Maxim Gorky, said regarding this: I know of no one who felt with the depth and strength of Lenin the hatred, disgust, and contempt for human misery, pain, and suffering. Jimnez Losantos adds that Lenin was indifferent to whether others lived or died, except in relation to The Cause, namely, himself. And then there is the matter of his bad character. Another of the things Lenin shared with Marx was the somatization of his failures, Jimnez Losantos writes. Both of them had outbursts of anger when someone disagreed with them or things didnt go the way they wanted. Sort of like Nancy Pelosis tearing up Trumps State of the Union speech on live TV.

Perhaps that same somatization explains Marxs visceral contempt for workers, something Marxist professors will never tell you at the university:

The self-employed, who in a quasi-service society like London made up a third of the employees, were erased from the chosen class, the proletariat. The peasants as Lenin and the Russian Communists also thought were for him an obsolete reactionary collective destined to disappear with the onset of industrialization.

In 1921, the images of hundreds of people dying in the streets, people sleepwalking or prostrate unable to move, the storming of cemeteries and cannibalism, elicited a feeling of horror among society . . . in those capable of feeling horror. This was not the case with Lenin, who despised the sensitive and who, in the midde of the famine in July 1921, ordered a campaign of intense propaganda among the rural population explaining to them the economic and political importance of paying taxes on time and in full. Often we arrive at the same place: A big problem for the Left is that those that die of starvation cannot continue to pay taxes.

However, the balance of victims is difficult. Jimnez Losantos reaches a conclusion:

The terrible figures of Communist humanicide can only be discovered in the mathematical coldness of statistics: In 1924 there should be 17 million more in Russia but, after Lenins stint, they are not there. In addition to the deceased that Communism kills off, there are also those that Communism does not allow to live, to be born, to grow old, or to become ill without dying.

As for the murderous record of Chinese Communism, he reasons: The only difference between Mao and Lenin and Stalin is that the Chinese were more numerous than the Russians, and by doing the same as them, Mao was able to kill a great many more.

Among the Communist massacres, the particular violence against Christians stands out. The antagonism between Communism and Christianity is unconditional, despite the absurd attempts at reconciliation by the left-wing advocates of liberation theology. In Christianity, each life is unique and invested with a special dignity; each person is a child of God, created to be free. In Communism, the individual has no value and freedom is forbidden. For Lenin and his infinite children, property and freedom are one and the same thing, says Jimnez Losantos. You cannot take away someones property without morally taking away his freedom and physically taking his life. Thats why Communism is the most atrocious form of modern slavery.

The terrifying religious persecution unleashed against Catholics, in the lead-up to and during the Spanish Civil War in Spain, is paradigmatic. In the massacre of the Paracuellos martyrs in 1936, Jimnez Losantos sees a replica of the massacres perpetrated by the Russian Cheka, the Bolshevik security forces that slaughtered many thousands of counter-revolutionaries during the Russian Revolution. Although the Spanish one, for a population six times smaller, was the worst in the history of Christianity since Diocletian, the Soviet one reached very similar figures. A Memoir of Communism reminds us of the religious massacre in Spain with the grim image of the desecrated body of a nun, displayed in the middle of the street, leaning against a wall, before the indifferent gaze of passers-by.

Only a few days ago we saw Joe Biden promising more Islam in American schools. No one can be surprised by the flirtation of the Left with Islam. First, because of their hatred of Christians, and second, because of the Lefts historic alliance with the faithful of Allah. Russian Communism since the 1970s, made a pact with its secular or social Communist versions and, after the Fall of the Wall, the Communist regimes made a pact with the radicals, Jimnez Losantos explains. The close alliance of Castro and Chvezs post-Communism with the Iran of the ayatollahs is evident the same connection that Iranians have today with the Spanish Communists of the Podemos party.

Communism is not dead. If the greatest success of the Devil (or of Evil) is to convince people that it does not exist, the survival of Communism is based on the death certificate and the consequent moral pardon that so many historians have extended to it as an exquisite, infinitely researchable corpse, says Jimnez Losantos, Communism has been unremembered, history not forgotten, but destroyed.

In this hour, the United States is fighting the same battle against cultural Marxism as Europe, although the Old Continent has been on the losing side for a long time. The memoir concludes:

To know if a country is sick with totalitarianism, if it is incubating the egg of the Leninist snake, one must check its relationship with history. If, in the name of multiculturalism, grammatical genre is erased to satisfy feminist or LGBT sexism; if reference to race is obscured in the news of gang crime; if the [Spanish] Reconquista is condemned so as not to disturb Islam or be found guilty of the horrendous crime of Islamophobia; . . . if, in the end, classic literature, from Cervantes to Mark Twain, with which for centuries Western children have learned to read, is banned from all schools and even in Oxbridge, for being white only, Greek philosophers are suppressed for not conforming to the multiculturalist criteria imposed by the Left and observed by the Right, then Communism is still alive and is grooming society for tyranny.

If you think your country is safe from these horrors, go out into the street, go to a bar or a college campus, try to talk like Jordan Peterson, and tell me how big the snakes egg is.

Translated by Joel Dalmau

Read the original here:
Why Is Communism Still a Respected Ideology? - National Review