Archive for the ‘Communism’ Category

History of communism – Wikipedia

Most modern forms of communism are based upon Marxism, a variant of the ideology formed by the sociologist Karl Marx in the 1840s. Some religious societies that have stressed egalitarianism and common ownership of goods have been described as communist, including early Christianity and the Shakers of 19th-century America. Marxism subsequently gained support across much of Europe, and under the control of the Bolshevik Party, a communist government seized power during the Russian revolution, leading to the creation of the Soviet Union, the worlds first Marxist state, in the early 20th century. However various left communist groups emerged who, to varying degrees, disputed the communist nature of the new state.

Over the ensuing decades, governments using the "Communist" name obtained power in many parts of the world, including most of eastern Europe, eastern Asia and parts of Africa. During the late 1980s and early 1990s, most of these "Communist" regimes fell from power, and were replaced by governments which adopted capitalistic economic policies. In some cases, nominally Communist governments themselves adopted capitalistic policies, such as in the Peoples Republic of China. Today, in addition to China, nominal Communist governments rule Cuba, Vietnam, and Laos.

'Communism' derives from the French communisme which developed out of the Latin roots communis and isme, and was in use as a word designating various social situations before it came to be associated with more modern conceptions of an economic and political organization. Semantically, communis can be translated to "of or for the community" while isme is a suffix that indicates the abstraction into a state, condition, action, or doctrine, so 'communism' may be interpreted as "the state of being of or for the community". This semantic constitution has led to various usages of the word in its evolution, but ultimately came to be most closely associated with Marxism, most specifically embodied in The Communist Manifesto, which proposed a particular type of communism.

The term was first coined in its modern definition by the French philosopher Victor d'Hupay who, in his 1777 book "Projet de communaut philosophe", pushes the legacy of the Enlightenments to principles which he lived up to, during most of his life in his bastide of Fuveau (Provence).[1] His book can be seen as a backbone of communist philosophy as d'Hupay attempts a definition of this lifestyle which he calls a "commune" (a "communal") and advises to 'share all economic and material products between inhabitants of the "commune", so that all may benefit from each other's work'.[2] His friend and contemporary author Restif de la Bretonne also describes him as a "communist" in one of his books.[3]

'Socialism' is also a word which is essentially the same as 'communism', and became popular among leftists especially in France (where the word originated) before 'communism' did. However, the semantic evolution of these two words has led them to contain different associations. Some of these developments can be traced to various organizations which operated in Europe as well as the Americas, since the particular programs of various parties, leagues, confederations, associations, etc. infused the terms with their own political orientation. 'The Communist Party' for instance has been perceived as an embodiment of 'communism' despite the fact that a variety of other self-identified communists belong to contrary political, as well as economic, positions.

Many historical groups have been considered as following forms of communism. Karl Marx and other early communist theorists believed that hunter-gatherer societies, as were found in the Paleolithic, were essentially egalitarian and he therefore termed their ideology to be "primitive communism". Early Christianity supported a form of common ownership based on the teachings in the New Testament which emphasised sharing amongst everyone. Other ancient Jewish sects, like the Essenes, also supported egalitarianism and communal living.[4]

In Europe during the Early Modern period, various groups supporting communist ideas appeared. Tommaso Campanella's 1601 work The City of the Sun propagated the concept of a society where the products of society should be shared equally.[5] Within a few centuries, during the English Civil War, various groups on the side of the Roundheads propagated the redistribution of wealth on an egalitarian basis, namely the Levellers and the Diggers.[6] In the eighteenth century the French philosopher Jean Jacques Rousseau in his hugely influential The Social Contract (1762), outlined the basis for a political order based on popular sovereignty rather than the rule of monarchs.[7] His views proved influential during the French Revolution of 1789, in which various anti-monarchists, particularly the Jacobins, supported the idea of redistributing wealth equally among the people, including Jean-Paul Marat and Gracchus Babeuf. The latter was involved in the Conspiracy of the Equals of 1796 intending to establish a revolutionary regime based on communal ownership, egalitarianism and the redistribution of property.[8] The plot was however detected and he and several others involved were arrested and executed. Despite this setback the example of the French Revolutionary regime and Babeuf's doomed insurrection was an inspiration for radical French thinkers such as Compte Henri de Saint Simon, Louis Blanc, Charles Fourier and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon who declared that Property is theft!".[9]

"Communism is the riddle of history solved, and it knows itself to be this solution."

In the 1840s, a German philosopher and sociologist named Karl Marx (18181883), who was living in England after fleeing the authorities in the German states, where he was considered a political threat, began publishing books in which he outlined his theories for a variety of communism now known as Marxism. Marx was financially aided and supported by another German migr, Friedrich Engels (18201895), who, like Marx, had fled from the German authorities in 1849.[11] Marx and Engels took on many influences from earlier philosophers; politically, they were influenced by Maximilien Robespierre and several other radical figures of the French Revolution, whilst economically they were influenced by David Ricardo and philosophically they were influenced by Hegel.[12] Engels regularly met Marx at Chetham's Library in Manchester, England from 1845 and the alcove where they met remains identical to this day.[13][14] It was here Engels relayed his experiences of industrial Manchester, chronicled in the Condition of the Working Class in England, highlighting the struggles of the working class.

Marx stated that "the history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles," something that he believed was happening between the bourgeoisie (the select few upper class and Upper middle class) who then controlled society and the proletariat (the working class masses) who toiled to produce everything but who had no political control. He purported the idea that human society moved through a series of progressive stages, from primitive communism through to slavery, feudalism and then capitalism, and that this in turn would be replaced by communism - for Marx therefore, communism was seen as inevitable, as well as desirable.

Marx founded the Communist Correspondence Committee in 1846 through which the various communists, socialists and other leftists across Europe could keep in contact with one another in the face of political repression. He then published The Communist Manifesto in 1848, which would prove to be one of the most influential communist texts ever written. He subsequently began work on a multi-volume epic that would examine and criticise the capitalist economy and the effect that it had upon politics, society and philosophy; the first volume of the work, which was known as Capital:Critique of Political Economy, was published in 1869. However, Marx and Engels were not only interested in writing about communism; they were also active in supporting revolutionary activity that would lead to the creation of communist governments across Europe. They helped to found the International Workingmen's Association, which would later become known as the First International, to unite various communists and socialists, and Marx was elected to the Association's General Council.[15]

During the latter half of the 19th century, various left-wing organisations across Europe continued to campaign against the many autocratic right-wing regimes that were then in power. In France in 1871, socialists set up a government known as the Paris Commune after the fall of Napoleon III, however they were soon overthrown and many of their members executed by counter-revolutionaries.[16] Meanwhile, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels joined the German Social-Democratic Party, which had been created in 1875, but which was outlawed in 1879 by the German government, then led by Chancellor Otto von Bismarck, who deemed it to be a political threat due to its revolutionary nature and increasing number of supporters.[17] In 1890, the party was re-legalised, and by this time it had fully adopted Marxist principles. It subsequently achieved a fifth of the vote in the German elections, and some of its leaders, such as August Bebel and Wilhelm Liebknecht, became well-known public figures.[18]

At the time, Marxism took off not only in Germany, but it also gained popularity in Hungary, the Habsburg Monarchy and the Netherlands, although it did not achieve such success in other European nations like the United Kingdom, where Marx and Engels had been based.[19] Nonetheless, the new political ideology had gained sufficient support that an organisation was founded known as the Second International to unite the various Marxist groups around the world.[20]

"The communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a communist revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win."

However, as Marxism took off, it also began to come under criticism from other European intellectuals, including fellow socialists and leftists; the Russian collectivist anarchist Mikhail Bakunin for instance criticised what he believed were the flaws in the Marxian theory that the state would eventually dissolve under a Marxist government, instead he believed that the state would gain in power and become authoritarian. Criticism also came from other sociologists, such as the German Max Weber, who whilst admiring Marx, disagreed with many of his assumptions on the nature of society. Some Marxists tried to adapt to these criticisms and the changing nature of capitalism, for instance Eduard Bernstein emphasised the idea of Marxists bringing legal challenges against the current administrations over the treatment of the working classes rather than simply emphasising violent revolution as more orthodox Marxists did. Other Marxists opposed Bernstein and other revisionists, with many, including Karl Kautsky, Otto Bauer, Rudolf Hilferding, Rosa Luxemburg, Vladimir Lenin, and Georgi Plekhanov sticking steadfast to the concept of violently overthrowing what they saw as the bourgeoisie-controlled government and instead establishing a "dictatorship of the proletariat."

The Comintern's historical existence is divided among periods, regarding changes in the general policy it followed.[21][22][23]

At the start of the 20th century, the Russian Empire was an autocracy controlled by the Tsar, with millions of the country's largely agrarian population living in abject poverty, and the anti-communist historian Robert Service noted, "poverty and oppression constituted the best soil for Marxism to grow in."[24] The man responsible for largely introducing the ideology into the country was Georgi Plekhanov, although the movement itself was largely organised by a man known as Vladimir Lenin, who had for a time been exiled to a prison camp in Siberia by the Tsarist government for his beliefs.[25] A Marxist group known as the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party was formed in the country, although it soon divided into two main factions; the Bolsheviks, who were led by Lenin, and the Mensheviks, who were led by Julius Martov. In 1905, there was a revolution against the Tsar's rule, in which workers' councils, known as "soviets" were formed in many parts of the country, and the Tsar was forced to implement democratic reform, introducing an elected government, the Duma.[26]

In 1917, with further social unrest against the Duma and its part in involving Russia in the First World War, the Bolsheviks took power in the October Revolution. They subsequently began remodelling the country based upon communist principles, nationalising various industries and confiscating land from wealthy aristocrats and redistributing it amongst the peasants. They subsequently pulled out of the war against Germany by signing the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, which was unpopular amongst many in Russia for it gave away large areas of land to Germany. From the outset, the new government faced resistance from a myriad of forces with differing perspectives, including anarchists, Social Democrats, who took power in the Democratic Republic of Georgia, Socialist-Revolutionaries, who formed the Komuch in Samara, Russia, scattered tsarist resistance forces known as the White Guard, and Western powers. This led to the events of the Russian civil war, which the Bolsheviks won and subsequently consolidated their power over the entire country, centralising power from the Kremlin in the capital city of Moscow. In 1922, the Russian SFS Republic was officially redesignated to be the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, whilst in 1924 Lenin resigned as leader of the Union due to poor health, and soon died, with Joseph Stalin subsequently taking over control.

In 1919, the Bolshevik government in Russia organised the creation of an international communist organisation that would act as the Third International after the collapse of the Second International in 1916 - this was known as the Communist International, although was commonly abbreviated as Comintern. Throughout its existence, Comintern would be dominated by the Kremlin despite its internationalist stance. Meanwhile, in 1921 the Soviet Union invaded its neighboring Mongolia to aid a popular uprising against the Chinese who then controlled the country, instituting a Marxist government, which declared the nation to be the Mongolian People's Republic in 1924.[27]

Comintern and other such Soviet-backed communist groups soon spread across much of the world, though particularly in Europe, where the influence of the recent Russian Revolution was still strong. In Germany, the Spartacist uprising took place in 1919, when armed communists supported rioting workers, but the government put the rebellion down violently with the use of a right-wing paramilitary group, the Freikorps, with many noted German communists, such as Rosa Luxemburg, being killed.[28] Within a few months, a group of communists seized power amongst public unrest in the German region of Bavaria, forming the Bavarian Soviet Republic, although once more this was put down violently by the Freikorps, who historians believe killed around 1200 communists and their sympathisers.[29]

That same year, political turmoil in Hungary following their defeat in the First World War led to a coalition government of the Social-Democratic Party and the Communist Party taking control. The communists, led by Bela Kun, soon became dominant and instituted various communist reforms in the country, however the country was subsequently invaded by its neighbouring Romania within a matter of months who overthrew the government, with the communist leaders either escaping abroad or being executed.[30] In 1921, a communist revolt against the government occurred whilst supportive factory workers were on strike in Turin and Milan, northern Italy, however the government acted swiftly and put down the rebellion.[31] That same year, a further communist rebellion took place in Germany, only to be crushed, but another occurred in 1923, which once again was also defeated by the government.[32] The communists of Bulgaria had also attempted an uprising in 1923 but like most of their counterparts across Europe, they were defeated.[33]

Communist parties were tight knit organizations that exerted tight control over the members. To reach sympathisers unwilling to join the party, front organizations were created that advocated party-approved positions. The Comintern, under the leadership of Grigory Zinoviev in the Kremlin, established fronts in many countries in the 1920s and after. To coordinate their activities the Comintern set up various international umbrella organizations (linking groups across national borders), such as the Young Communist International (youth), Profintern (trade unions),[34]Krestintern (peasants), International Red Aid (humanitarian aid), Sportintern (organized sports), etc. In Europe, front organizations were especially influential in Italy[35] and France, which in 1933 became the base for Communist front organizer Willi Mnzenberg.[36] These organizations were dissolved the late 1930s or early 1940s.

The Pan-Pacific Trade Union Secretariat (PPTUS) was set up in 1927 by the Profintern (the Comintern's trade union arm) with the mission of promoting Communist trade unions in China, Japan, Korea, the Philippines, Australia, New Zealand and other nations in the western Pacific.[37] Trapeznik (2009) says the PPTUS was a "Communist-front organization" and "engaged in overt and covert political agitation in addition to a number of clandestine activities." [38]

There were numerous Communist front organizations in Asia, many oriented to students and youth.[39] In Japan in the labor union movement of the 1920s, according to one historian, "The Hyogikai never called itself a communist front but in effect, this was what it was." He points out it was repressed by the government "along with other communist front groups."[40] In the 1950s, Scalapino argues, "The primary Communist-front organization was the Japan Peace Committee." It was founded in 1949.[41]

In 1924, Joseph Stalin, a key Bolshevik follower of Lenin, took power in the Soviet Union.[42] He was supported in his leadership by Nikolai Bukharin but had various important opponents in the government, most notably Leon Trotsky, Grigory Zinoviev and Lev Kamenev. Stalin initiated his own process of building a communist society, creating a variant of communism known as Stalinism and as a part of this he abandoned some of the capitalist, free market policies that had been allowed to continue under Lenin, such as the New Economic Policy. He radically altered much of the Union's agricultural production, modernising it by introducing tractors and other machinery, by forced collectivisation of the farms, by forced collection of grains from the peasants in accordance with predecided targets. There was food available for industrial workers, but those peasants who refused to move starved especially in the Ukraine. The Party targeted "Kulaks" (who owned a little land).

Stalin took control of the Comintern, and introduced a policy in the international organisation of opposing all leftists who were not Marxists, labelling them to be "social-fascists", although many communists, such as Jules Humbert-Droz, disagreed with him on this policy, believing that the left should unite against the rise of right wing movements like fascism across Europe.[43] In the early 1930s Stalin reversed course and promoted "Popular Front" movements whereby Communist parties would collaborate with Socialists and other political forces. A high priority was mobilizing wide support for the Republican cause in the Spanish Civil War.[44]

The "Great Terror" mainly operated from Dec. 1936 to Nov. 1938, although, the features of arrest and summary trial followed by execution were well entrenched in the Soviet system since the days of Lenin, as Stalin systematically destroyed the older generation of pre-1918 leaders, usually on the grounds they were enemy spies or simply because they were " enemies of the people ". In the Army, a majority of generals were executed. Hundreds of thousands of other "enemies" were sent to the Gulag,[45] where terrible conditions in Siberia led quickly to death.[46]

The International Right Opposition and Trotskyism are examples of dissidents who still claim communism today, but they are not the only ones. In Germany, the split in the SPD had initially led to a variety of Communist unions and parties forming, which included the councilist tendencies of the AAU-D AAU-E and KAPD. Councilism had a limited impact outside of Germany, but a number of international organisations formed. In Spain, a fusion of Left and Right dissidents led to the formation of the POUM. Additionally, in Spain, the CNT was associated with the development of the FAI political party, a non-Marxist party which stood for revolutionary communism.

As the Cold War took effect around 1947, the Kremlin set up new international coordination bodies including the World Federation of Democratic Youth, the International Union of Students, the World Federation of Trade Unions, the Women's International Democratic Federation and the World Peace Council. Kennedy says the, "Communist 'front' system included such international organizations as the WFTU, WFDY, IUS, WIDF and WPC, besides a host of lesser bodies bringing journalists, lawyers, scientists, doctors and others into the widespread net."[47]

The World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) was established in 1945 to unite trade union confederations across the world; it was based in Prague. While it had non-Communist unions it was largely dominated by the Soviets. In 1949 the British, American and other non-Communist unions broke away to form the rival International Confederation of Free Trade Unions. The labor movement in Europe became so polarized between the Communists unions and Social Democratic and Christian labor unions, and front operations could no longer hide the sponsorship and they became less important.[48]

The devastation of the war resulted in a massive recovery program involving the rebuilding of industrial plants, housing, and transportation, as well as the demobilization and migration of millions of soldiers and civilians. In the midst of this turmoil during the winter of 19461947 the Soviet Union experienced the worst natural famine in the 20th century.[49] There was no serious opposition to Stalin, as the secret police continued to send possible suspects to the "Gulag."

Relations with the US and Britain went from friendly to hostile; they denounced Stalin's political controls over eastern Europe and his blockade of Berlin. By 1947, the Cold War had begun. Stalin himself believed that capitalism was a hollow shell and would crumble under increased non-military pressure exerted through proxies in countries like Italy. He greatly underestimated the economic strength of the West, and instead of triumph saw the West build up alliances that were designed to permanently stop or "contain" Soviet expansion. In early 1950 Stalin gave the go-ahead for North Korea's invasion of South Korea, expecting a short war. He was stunned when the Americans entered and defeated the North Koreans, putting them almost on the Soviet border. Stalin supported China's entry into the Korean war, which drove the Americans back to the prewar boundaries, but which escalated tensions. The US decided to mobilize its economy for a long contest with the Soviets, built the hydrogen bomb, and strengthened the NATO alliance that covered Western Europe.[50]

According to Gorlizki and Khlevniuk (2004), Stalin's consistent and overriding goal after 1945 was to consolidate the nation's superpower status and, in the face of his growing physical decrepitude, to maintain his own hold on total power. Stalin created a leadership system that reflected historic czarist styles of paternalism and repression, yet was also quite modern. At the top personal loyalty to Stalin counted for everything. However, Stalin also created powerful committees, elevated younger specialists, and began major institutional innovations. In the teeth of persecution, Stalin's deputies cultivated informal norms and mutual understandings which provided the foundations for collective rule after his death.[51]

The military success of the Red Army in Central and Eastern Europe led to a consolidation of power in Communist hands. In some cases, such as Czechoslovakia, this led to an enthusiastic support for socialism inspired by the Communist Party and a Social Democratic Party willing to fuse. In other cases, such as Poland or Hungary, the fusion of the Communist Party with the Social Democratic party was forcible, and accomplished through undemocratic means. In many cases the Communist Parties of Central Europe were faced with a population initially quite willing to reign in market forces, institute limited nationalisation of industry, and supporting the development of intensive social welfare states: broadly, the population largely supported socialism. However, the purges of non-Communist parties which supported socialism, combined with forced collectivisation of agriculture, and a Soviet-bloc wide recession in 1953 led to deep unrest. This unrest first surfaced in Berlin in 1953, where Brecht ironically suggested that the Party ought to elect a new People. However, Khrushchev's Secret Speech of 1956 opened up internal debate, even if members were unaware, in both the Polish and Hungarian Communist Parties. This led to the Polish Crisis of 1956 which was resolved through change in Polish leadership, and a negotiation between the Soviet and Polish parties over the direction of the Polish economy.

The Hungarian Revolution of 1956 was a major challenge to Moscow's control of Eastern Europe.[52] This revolution saw general strikes, the formation of independent workers councils, the restoration of the Social Democratic Party as a party for revolutionary communism of a non-Soviet variety, and the formation of two underground independent communist parties. The mainstream Communist Party was controlled for a period of about a week by non-Soviet aligned leaders. Two non-communist parties which supported the maintenance of socialism also regained their independence. This flowering of dissenting communism was crushed by a combination of a military invasion supported by heavy artillery and airstrikes; mass arrests, at least a thousand juridical executions and an uncounted number of summary executions; the crushing of the Central Workers Council of Greater Budapest; mass refugee flight; and a worldwide propaganda campaign. The effect of the Hungarian Revolution on other communist parties varied significantly, resulting in large membership losses in Anglophone communist parties.[53]

The Czechoslovak Communist Party began an ambitious reform agenda under Alexander Dubek. The plan to limit central control and make the economy more independent of the party threatened bedrock beliefs. On 20 August 1968, Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev ordered a massive military invasion by Warsaw Pact forces that destroyed the threat of internal liberalization.[54] At the same time the Soviets threatened retaliation against the British-French-Israeli invasion of Egypt. The upshot was a collapse of any tendency toward dtente, and the resignations of more intellectuals from Parties in the West.[55]

West Germany (and West Berlin) were centers of East-West conflict during the Cold War, and numerous Communist fronts were established. For example, the Society for GermanSoviet Friendship (GfDSF) had 13,000 members in West Germany, but it was banned in 1953 by some Lnder as a Communist front.[56] The Democratic Cultural League of Germany started off as a series of genuinely pluralistic bodies, but in 195051 came under the control of Communists. By 1952 the U.S. Embassy counted 54 'infiltrated organizations', which started independently, as well as 155 'front organizations', which had been Communist inspired from their start.[57]

The Association of the Victims of the Nazi Regime was set up to rally West Germans under the antifascist banner, but had to be dissolved when Moscow discovered it had been infiltrated by "Zionist agents".[58]

Mao Zedong and the Communist party came to power in China in 1949, as the Nationalists fled to the island of Taiwan. In 1950-53 China engaged in a large-scale but undeclared war with the United States, South Korea and United Nations forces in the Korean War. It ended in a military stalemate, but it gave Mao the opportunity to identify and purge elements in China that seemed supportive of capitalism. At first there was close cooperation with Stalin, who sent in technical experts to aid the industrialization process along the line of the Soviet model of the 1930s.[59] After Stalin's death in 1953 relations with Moscow souredMao thought Stalin's successors had betrayed the Communist ideal. Mao charged that Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev was the leader of a "revisionist clique" which had turned against Marxism and Leninism was now setting the stage for the restoration of capitalism.[60] The two nations were at sword's point by 1960. Both began forging alliances with Communist supporters around the globe, thereby splitting the worldwide movement into two hostile camps.[61]

Rejecting the Soviet model of rapid urbanization, Mao Zedong and his top aide Deng Xiaoping launched the "Great Leap Forward" in 1957-61 with the goal of industrializing China overnight, using the peasant villages as the base rather than large cities.[62] Private ownership of land ended and the peasants worked in large collective farms that were now ordered to start up heavy industry operations, such as steel mills. Plants were built in remote locations, despite the lack of technical experts, managers, transportation or needed facilities. Industrialization failed but the main result was a sharp unexpected decline in agricultural output, which led to mass famine and millions of deaths. The years of the Great Leap Forward in fact saw economic regression, with 1958 through 1961 being the only years between 1953 and 1983 in which China's economy saw negative growth. Political economist Dwight Perkins argues, "enormous amounts of investment produced only modest increases in production or none at all. In short, the Great Leap was a very expensive disaster.[63] Deng, put in charge of rescuing the economy, adopted pragmatic policies that the idealistic Mao disliked. Mao for a while was in the shadows, but he returned to center stage and purged Deng and his allies in the "cultural revolution" (1966-1969).[64]

Following the Second World War Trotskyism was wracked by increasing internal divisions over analysis and strategy. This was combined with an industrial impotence that was widely recognised. Additionally, the success of Soviet-aligned parties in Europe and Asia led to the persecution of Trotskyite intellectuals, such as the infamous purge of Vietnamese Trotskyists. The war had also strained Social Democratic parties in the West. In some cases, such as Italy, significant bodies of membership of the Social Democratic Party were inspired by the possibility of achieving advanced socialism. In Italy this group, combined with dissenting communists, began to discuss theory centred on the experience of work in modern factories, leading to Autonomist Marxism. In the United States this theoretical development was paralleled by the Johnston-Forrest tendency. In France a similar impulse occurred.

The Cultural Revolution was an upheaval that targeted intellectuals and party leaders from 1966 through 1976. Mao's goal was to purify communism by removing pro-capitalists and traditionalists by imposing Maoist orthodoxy within the Party. The movement paralyzed China politically and weakened the country economically, culturally and intellectually for years. Millions of people were accused, humiliated, stripped of power, and either imprisoned, killed, ormost oftensent to work as farm laborers. Mao insisted that these "revisionists" be removed through violent class struggle. The two most prominent militants were Marshall Lin Biao of the army and Mao's wife Jiang Qing. China's youth responded to Mao's appeal by forming Red Guard groups around the country. The movement spread into the military, urban workers, and the Communist Party leadership itself. It resulted in widespread factional struggles in all walks of life. In the top leadership, it led to a mass purge of senior officials who were accused of taking a "capitalist road", most notably Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping. During the same period Mao's personality cult grew to immense proportions. After Mao's death in 1976 the survivors were rehabilitated and many returned to power.[65]

The Cuban Revolution was a successful armed revolt led by Fidel Castro's 26th of July Movement against the regime of Cuban dictator Fulgencio Batista. It ousted Batista on 1 January 1959, replacing his regime with Castro's revolutionary government. Castro's government later reformed along communist lines, becoming the present Communist Party of Cuba in October 1965.[66] The U.S. response was highly negative, leading to a failed invasion attempt in 1961. The Soviets decided to protect its ally by stationing nuclear weapons in Cuba in 1962. In the Cuban Missile Crisis the U.S. vehemently opposed the Soviet move. There was serious fear of nuclear war for a few days but a compromise was reached by which Moscow publicly removed its weapons, and the U.S. secretly removed its from bases in Turkey and promised never to invade.[67]

An important trend in several countries in Western Europe from the late 1960s into the 1980s was "Eurocommunism". It was strongest in Spain's PCE, Finland's party and, especially in Italy's PCI, where it drew on the ideas of Antonio Gramsci. It was developed by members of the Communist Party who were disillusioned with both the Soviet Union and China, and sought an independent program. They accepted liberal parliamentary democracy and free speech, and with some conditions accepted a capitalist market economy. They did not speak of the destruction of capitalism but sought to win the support of the masses and by a gradual transformation of the bureaucracies. In 1978 Spain's PCE replaced the historic "Marxist-Leninist" catchphrase with the new slogan, "Marxist, democratic, and revolutionary." The movement faded in the 1980s and collapsed with the fall of Communism in Eastern Europe in 1989.[68]

With the fall of the communist governments in the Soviet Union and the eastern bloc, the power that the state-based Marxist ideologies held on the world was weakened, but there are still many communist movements of various types and sizes around the world. Three other communist nations, particularly those in eastern Asia, the People's Republic of China, Vietnam, and Laos, all moved toward market economies but without major privatization of the state sector during the 1980s and 1990s; see Socialism with Chinese characteristics and doi moi for more details.[citation needed]Spain, France, Portugal, and Greece have very publicly strong communist movements that play an open and active leading role in the vast majority of their labor marches and strikes, and also anti-austerity protests, all of which are large, pronounced events with much visibility. Also, worldwide marches on International Workers Day sometimes give a clearer picture of the size and influence of current communist movements, particularly within Europe.

Cuba has recently emerged from the crisis sparked by the fall of the Soviet Union given the growth in its volume of trade with its new allies Venezuela and China (the former of whom has recently adopted a "Socialism for the 21st Century" according to Hugo Chavez). Various other countries throughout South and Latin America have also taken similar shifts to more clearly socialistic policies and rhetoric, in a phenomenon academics are calling the "pink tide".

North Korea has had less success in coping with the collapse of the Soviet bloc than its counterparts, which led that government to "supersede" its original MarxismLeninism with an ideology called Juche. Cuba, however, does apparently have an ambassador to North Korea, and China still protects North Korean territorial integrity even as it simultaneously refuses to supply the state with material goods or other significant assistance.

In Nepal, the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified MarxistLeninist) leader Man Mohan Adhikari briefly became Prime Minister and national leader from 1994 to 1995, and the Maoist guerrilla leader Prachanda was elected Prime Minister by the Constituent Assembly of Nepal in 2008. Prachanda has since been deposed as PM, leading the Maoists to abandon their legalistic approach and return to their typical street actions and militancy and to lead sporadic general strikes using their quite substantial influence on the Nepalese labor movement. These actions have oscillated between mild and intense, only the latter of which tends to make world news. They consider Prachanda's removal to be unjust.

The previous national government of India depended on the parliamentary support of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), and CPI(M) leads the state governments in West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura. The armed wing of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) is fighting a war against the government of India and is active in half the country; the Indian government has recently declared[when?] the Maoists its chief objective to eliminate.

In Cyprus, the veteran communist Dimitris Christofias of AKEL won the 2008 presidential election.

In Moldova, the communist party won the 2001, 2005 and 2009 parliamentary elections. However, the April 2009 Moldovan elections results, in which the communists supposedly won a third time, were massively protested (including an attack on the Parliament and Presidency buildings by angry crowds) and another round was held on July 29 in which three opposition parties (the Liberals, Liberal-Democrats, and Democrats)won and formed the Alliance for European Integration. However failing to elect the president, new parliamentary elections were held in November 2010 which resulted in roughly the same representation in the Parliament. According to Ion Marandici, a Moldovan political scientist the Moldovan Communists differ from those in other countries, because they managed to appeal to the ethnic minorities and the anti-Romanian Moldovans. After tracing the adaptation strategy of the Party of Communists from Republic of Moldova, he finds confirming evidence for five of the factors contributing to the electoral success, already mentioned in the theoretical literature on former Communist parties: the economic situation, the weakness of the opponents, the electoral laws, the fragmentation of the political spectrum and the legacy of the old regime. However, Ion Marandici identified seven additional explanatory factors at work in the Moldovan case: the foreign support for certain political parties, separatism, the appeal to the ethnic minorities, the alliance-building capacity, the reliance on the Soviet notion of the Moldovan identity, the state-building process and the control over a significant portion of the media. It is due to these seven additional factors that the successor party in Moldova managed to consolidate and expand its constituency. According to Ion Marandici, in the post-Soviet area the Moldovan Communists are the only ones who have been in power for so long and did not change the name of the party.[69]

In Ukraine and Russia, the communists came second in the 2002 and 2003 elections, respectively. The party remains strong in Russia, but in Ukraine, following the 2014 Russian invasion of Ukraine and Annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation the Ukrainian parliamentary election, 2014 resulted in the loss of its 32 members and no parliamentary representation by the Communist Party of Ukraine.[70]

In the Czech Republic, the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia came third in the 2002 elections, as did the Communist Party of Portugal in 2005.

In South Africa, the South African Communist Party (SACP) is a member of the Tripartite alliance alongside the African National Congress and the Congress of South African Trade Unions. Sri Lanka has communist ministers in their national governments.

Colombia is in the midst of a civil war which has been waged since 1966 between the Colombian government and aligned rightwing paramilitaries against two communist guerrilla groups; the Revolutionary Armed Forces of ColombiaPeople's Army (FARCEP) and the National Liberation Army (ELN).

The Philippines is still experiencing a low scale guerrilla insurgency by the New People's Army.

These

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History of communism - Wikipedia

The rotten roots of communism – Tribune-Review

Updated 21 hours ago

May Day celebrations were held all across the fruited plain, with leftist radicals and unionists worshipping the ideals of communism. Communism is an ideology calling for government control over our lives. It was created by Karl Marx, who along with his collaborator, Friedrich Engels wrote a pamphlet called Manifesto of the Communist Party.

In 1867, Marx wrote the first volume of Das Kapital. The second and third volumes were published posthumously, edited by Engels. Few people who call themselves Marxists have ever even bothered to read Das Kapital. If one did read it, he would see that people who call themselves Marxists have little in common with Marx.

For those who see Marx as their hero, there are a few historical tidbits they might find interesting. Nathaniel Weyl, himself a former communist, dug them up for his 1979 book, Karl Marx: Racist. For example, Marx didn't think much of Mexicans. When the United States annexed California after the Mexican War, Marx sarcastically asked, Is it a misfortune that magnificent California was seized from the lazy Mexicans who did not know what to do with it? Engels shared Marx's contempt for Mexicans, explaining: In America we have witnessed the conquest of Mexico and have rejoiced at it. It is to the interest of its own development that Mexico will be placed under the tutelage of the United States.

Marx had a racial vision that might be interesting to his modern-day black supporters. In a letter to Engels, in reference to his socialist political competitor Ferdinand Lassalle, Marx wrote: It is now completely clear to me that he, as is proved by his cranial formation and his hair, descends from the Negroes who had joined Moses' exodus from Egypt, assuming that his mother or grandmother on the paternal side had not interbred ... . Now this union of Judaism and Germanism with a basic Negro substance must produce a peculiar product.

Marx was also an anti-Semite, as seen in his essay titled On the Jewish Question, which was published in 1844.

He asked: What is the worldly religion of the Jew? Huckstering. What is his worldly God? Money. ... Money is the jealous god of Israel, in face of which no other god may exist. Money degrades all the gods of man and turns them into commodities. ... The bill of exchange is the real god of the Jew. His god is only an illusory bill of exchange.

Despite the fact that in the 20th century alone, communism was responsible for more than 100 million murders , much of the support for communism and socialism is among intellectuals. The reason they do not condemn the barbarism of communism is understandable.

Dr. Richard Pipes explains: Intellectuals, by the very nature of their professions, grant enormous attention to words and ideas. And they are attracted by socialist ideas. They find that the ideas of communism are praiseworthy and attractive; that, to them, is more important than the practice of communism. Now, Nazi ideals, on the other hand, were pure barbarism; nothing could be said in favor of them.

That means leftists around the world will continue to celebrate the ideas of communism.

WalterWilliams is a professor of economics at George Mason University.

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The rotten roots of communism - Tribune-Review

Russia’s Aging Communist Party Looks to Attract New Generation – Voice of America

MOSCOW

Russia's aging Communist Party is attempting to attract new, young members by using pop culture and addressing their growing concerns over alleged corruption and income inequality.

Russia's Communist Party, a successor from the Soviet Union's, is celebrating 95 years in May since the founding of its youth Pioneers movement.

On Moscow's Red Square Sunday, young Communist Party members wearing red hats and bandannas waved flags, while others danced to traditional songs; some were indoctrinated into the Leninist Young Communist League of Russia, known as the Komsomol.

Aging leaders of the party laid flowers at the tomb of their founder, Vladimir Lenin. But they insist the Communist Party is far from dying.

"An entire group has today joined the Komsomol," said Chairman of Russia's Communist Party Gennady Zyuganov. "These are guys who we made Pioneers some time ago. And recently 60,000 people of the younger generation have become party members. The organization lives and progresses."

But the Communist Party, like its 73-year-old chairman, is getting old.

"The statement that the Communist Party is a 'party of pensioners' is quite correct, but just partly," said Communist Party member and artist Igor Petrygin-Rodionov. "Because a change of generations is going on, and the older generation is leaving though struggling and quite reluctantly."

Looking for youth

Petrygin-Rodionov was enlisted by the party to try to attract younger members by using images from popular and Western culture. At his Saint Petersburg studio, a promotional poster depicts Lenin using a Communist Party laptop with the slogan "The Second Century is Online."

At a weekend exhibit at Saint Petersburg's University of Technology Management and Economics, Petrygin-Rodionov displays some of his most well-known posters. One revamps the famous image of Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin smoking a pipe by replacing it with an electronic cigarette. Another shows communism's founding father, Karl Marx, wearing a leather jacket and jeans with the Arnold Schwarzenegger slogan, from the film Terminator, "I'll Be Back."

But selling communism to Russia's modern youth is no small challenge.

"One can't say that communism was either bad or good," said a student attending the exhibit who gave only his first name, Gena. "It is impossible to go back to communism, like it is impossible to go back in time or to push the toothpaste back into the tube."

Concerns about corruption and growing inequality are rallying some young Russians, but not necessarily to their grandparent's communist party.

New idea of communism

"There is no communism yet," said the leader of the Moscow Duma faction of the Communist Party, Andrey Klychkov. "There is no communism in China either. When we ask what Chinese socialism is and why private property rights, enrichment opportunities are present there, the Chinese say, 'That it is a least-evil measure for the construction of communism, when we reach it, we won't have it.' That's why we are talking today about a different approach."

Klychkov was speaking at a protest rally against a plan by Russian authorities to demolish up to 8,000 Soviet-era buildings in Moscow and relocate more than a million residents. The plan has raised suspicions of corruption and sparked demonstrations, including by the Communist Party.

"Today the main strategy is in giving the young people an opportunity to implement their ideas," said Klychkov. "Not everybody accepts the reproduction of the Soviet past. But the ideas of socialism and social justice, as well as positive attitudes to the Soviet past, start prevailing among many young people, as social studies show."

New leadership

To re-energize the party, Russia's communists may for the first time in 24 years elect a new leader at the party's congress this week. Zyuganov has led the party since it was allowed to be reconstituted in 1993, after being banned with the dissolution of the Soviet Union.

Klychkov, the party's candidate for the 2018 Moscow mayor election, is one possibility.

"... it's not a question of me replacing him," said Klychkov. "The question of electing the party leader is for the party congress. And the congress will take a decision in the near future on May 26 or 27."

Regardless of any next generation leadership, few expect the once revolutionary party of Vladimir Lenin to pose a real challenge to Russia's ruling elite.

Although its leaders deny being part of a so-called "systemic opposition," the Communist Party has supported the Kremlin on most domestic policies and almost all foreign ones.

VOAs Ricardo Marquina Montanana and Olga Pavlova contributed to this report.

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Russia's Aging Communist Party Looks to Attract New Generation - Voice of America

Not a chewing gum budget or communism by stealth – Stuff.co.nz

LIAM HEHIR

Last updated16:24, May 25 2017

FAIRFAX NZ

Steven Joyce's Budget won't win a lot of votes, but it won't lose them either.

OPINION:Government Budgets come in four flavours.

Popular and bold: When a government pulls one of these off, it changes the fiscal landscape. These budgets are the rarest of animals. The 2004 Budget is the only one of recent vintage that comes close.

This budget introduced Working for Families. John Key denounced it as "communism by stealth" but had to accept its permanence as the price of winning office.

Unpopular and bold: These budgets inflict mortal wounds upon their governments. Sometimes they are necessary but unpalatable medicines needed to cure economic disease.

At other times, they are a triumph of ideology over survival instincts. The Black Budget of 1958 is the textbook of an unpopular and bold budget.

READ MORE: *As it happened: Budget revealed *Tax and housing assistance in Joyce's first Budget *Paying down debt and rationing lollies *Govt answers school pleas for funding *What families get, by the numbers

Unpopular and conservative: These budgets are usually the result of mismanaged expectations. In 2005, the rumour was that there were tasty tax cuts in store for us. When the cuts proved to be paltry, Labour handed its opponents a club to beat it with. The party limped back into office that year, but the "chewing gumbudget" sore never fully healed.

Not unpopular and conservative: Sorry for the "not unpopular" double negative but "popular" would not be quite right. These budgets fine-tune the status quo, adjust margins and tweak existing programmes. They don't win a lot of votes, but they don't lose them either.

They are the best type of budget because they are symptoms of continuity and stability. Fortunately, they are also the most common type of budget.

Steven Joyce's first budget falls into the last of these categories. While the government's publicity has assaulted us with facts and figures, there's nothing all that surprising in it.

Income tax thresholds will be relaxed slightly.

The "communism by stealth" programme is going to be made more generous for some, while abating more quickly and paying less to others. Those without children will lose access to some tax credits. Some students and people on lower incomes will receive more help with their accommodation costs.

All this fits within the global pattern of Centre-Right governments trying to bring Centre-Left voters into the fold. Communal conservatism is on the rise and market individualism is being pushed aside. This Budget is a continuation of the trend, not a revolution in and of itself.

This particular budget is not without risk. Matters on which the government is vulnerable remain on the table. The cost of housing is the big one and nothing in this budget will put an end to the demagoguery on that subject. There is a limit to the extent you can sell tinkering as the solution to an ongoing problem.

The balance of election prospects should remain unchanged by this Budget. We will have to wait for the campaign and the attendant promises to see if National has anything more revolutionary in mind for the next year. In the meantime, the onus is on the opposition coalition to articulate a plausible alternative.

-Stuff

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Not a chewing gum budget or communism by stealth - Stuff.co.nz

Team Moskaliuk loses competition to design Victims of Communism memorial – The Ukrainian Weekly (press release) (subscription)

29 mins ago Canada By Christopher Guly /Special to The Ukrainian Weekly | 29 mins ago

OTTAWA The design for a Victims of Communism memorial in Ottawa submitted by Ukrainian Canadian architect Wiktor Moskaliuks team topped one independent poll as the public favorite, but didnt fare as well in a survey led by the Canadian government, which likely gave the design of another team, without a Ukrainian connection, the edge in winning the competition.

On May 17, the Canadian government announced that a five-person jury it assembled had selected the design by a team led by Toronto architect Paul Raff. Called Arc of Memory, Team Raffs concept involves a sculptural array of more than 4,000 bronze rods arranged along 365 stainless steel fins configured into a gigantic arc, and is intended as a dynamic living calendar that would commemorate moments of suffering and injustice that eventually resolve into reflection and gratitude, according to a news release by Canadian Heritage, the government department that oversaw the design competition.

Mr. Moskaliuks team included Washington, D.C.-based Ukrainian American architect Larysa Kurylas and landscape architect Claire Bedat, also based in the U.S. capital.

Based on the results of an online Canadian Heritage poll, conducted in March and after the winning design was revealed, Team Raff scored the highest in overall favorability with 23 percent; Team Moskaliuk received 14 percent, or the second-lowest score among the five competing firms.

The results are based on a regionally and linguistically representative sample of 500 of the 717 surveys received.

However, in an earlier Canadian Broadcasting Corp. (CBC) online survey, 1,954 out of 5,183 votes cast, or 38 percent of respondents, chose Team Moskaliuks design and put it in the top position. Team Raff received 440 votes, or 8.5 percent of the total, putting its design in last position.

Team Raffs design is a sculpture and not a memorial, Mr. Moskaliuk commented in a telephone interview from Toronto.

Photos of Team Raffs design appear on the Canadian Heritage website (http://canada.pch.gc.ca/eng/1488208623937), along with a statement that describes the concept as a dynamic living calendar, designed to capture the many, many moments of suffering and injustice to be commemorated, in solace and in gratitude.

Each of the bronze rods in the memorial will point to a unique angle of the sun, for every hour of every day, across a year divided in the middle at the winter solstice, the darkest of the year, inviting visitors to step through in a metaphorical journey from darkness and oppression to lightness and liberty.

Team Moskaliuks design, which had no official title, was intended to focus on the memorials subtheme of Canada as a land of refuge, by focusing on the four principles of democracy equality, freedom, justice and representation depicted in four spire-like pillars made of white granite at the core of the monument to be situated in what is known as the Garden of the Provinces and Territories, west of Parliament Hill in Ottawa.

Reached by phone in Washington, Ms. Kurylas said she was very disappointed in her teams loss, and described Team Raffs sculpture as very intriguing. But she also believes her groups effort better reflected the thematic victims-of-communism connection to the subject of this memorial.

Team Moskaliuks proposed monument of four granite pillars was to be set at the center of a contemplative oval space symbolizing Canadian sanctuary for hundreds of thousands of refugees from communist regimes, according to the groups design-intent statement.

The oval space symbolizes Canada as a land of refuge, and the four pillars at the center embody the democratic ideals that refugees from communist regimes sought out, said Ms. Kurylas, whose design for the Holodomor Memorial to Victims of the Ukrainian Famine-Genocide of 1932-1933 in Washington was chosen from among 45 entrants.

Our memorial was unique in the bunch because it created a space in addition to creating an object.

Vox populi had a different take on the competing bids.

In its online survey, Canadian Heritage asked respondents to provide up to three adjectives that describe their impressions of each of the five designs.

The three most popular words for Team Moskaliuk were boring, dull and uninspiring, as ranked by level of frequency. For Team Raff, the results were interesting, beautiful and powerful.

With a team effort that involved more than 500 hours to pull together the design concept, Mr. Moskaliuk said he is done submitting bids for memorials. Its too labor intensive and costs a fortune, he explained.

Canadian Heritage reimbursed his team a small honorarium to cover travel costs to Ottawa and the printing of the design proposal the amount of which Mr. Moskaliuk declined to identify.

Mr. Moskaliuk expects to receive a debrief from Canadian Heritage officials some time next month as to why his team didnt make the final cut for the Victims of Communism memorial.

Ms. Kurylas said that design competitions are hard on entrants.

You cannot make a career of creating memorials, she observed. There is just too much emotional involvement in it, and it cant become production-line work.

She wont rule out designing another memorial, if hired to do so.

Ms. Kurylas acknowledged the nature of any design competition, that only one entrant ends up being selected.

I sincerely feel that if another project had addressed the theme better than ours, I would be taking it less hard, she said.

The Victims of Communism memorial, which will cost $3 million (Canadian, about $2.2 million U.S.) to build, is scheduled for completion next year.

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Team Moskaliuk loses competition to design Victims of Communism memorial - The Ukrainian Weekly (press release) (subscription)