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Isserman Writes about the DNC and Communism  Hamilton

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Isserman Writes about the DNC and Communism - Hamilton

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In [Part 8], we discussed that under socialism, democracy co-exists with the dictatorship of a classa class that is different from all the exploiting classes of the pastand this difference is reflected in the content of a socialist democracy/dictatorship. When people read our criticisms of bourgeois democracies/dictatorships as well as of the [two] previous socialist countries that existed in the past,many say: You are critical of everything! and ask, What is your solution?

The Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in Iran by theCommunist Party of Iran, Marxist Leninist Maoist, based on the fundamental principles for a new, socialist democracy/dictatorship that are embodied inthe Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America authored by Bob Avakian, presents our alternative model clearly, concretely and fully. By studying and learning from the experience of the two socialist states that existed in the 20th century (the Soviet Union from 1917 to mid-1950s, China from 1949 to 1976), this model for the New Socialist Republic has broken with the shortcomings and weaknesses [of those two socialist states] and, building on the positive elements in that experience along with knowledge gained from many different spheres of human endeavor, it has synthesized this at a higher level that has been integrated into a new framework [of communism]. Therefore, to understand the new character of the future that humanity can actually achieve, one must read and thoroughly examine this Constitution, and compare it to all states currently in existence and to those [two] truly socialist states of the past. In this article we will focus on this Constitution to examine the practice of democracy in the new socialist republic and on how this democracy relates to the leadership of the Communist Party on the one hand, and to other class programs and class ideas on the other hand.

This Constitution is a response to [questions regarding] what kind of society and worldshould [socialism] bring into being? What should it strengthen? What, concretely, should be the fundamental character of its superstructureits political, cultural and educational institutions? What kinds of institutional tools are needed to solve the deep and complex contradictions of the period of socialist transition to communism without putting guns in the backs of the masses of people and force-marching them to a so-called paradise?! How can it work hard to solve old class and social contradictions, while at the same time creating vast and unparalleled space for dissent and intellectual ferment, and use the energy created by that to step by step eliminate the class and gender inequalities and backward ways of thinking left over from the old society? More generally, how can it serve to liberate all of humanity from the capitalist system and usher in the world historic transition from the bourgeois era to the era of communism?

This new approach to resolving the contradictions and inequalities left over from the past, as well as new contradictions that arise in socialist society, comes from seeing contradictions not as mere problems but, if dealt with properly, as the source of energy that can propel further leaps towards communist society. This new approach comes, not from some naive optimism, but from a more dialectical materialist understanding of contradictions in general and of the contradictions of socialism in particular.

For example, as we mentioned previously [inPart 8], socialism is faced with the profound contradiction between the fact that communist revolution and advance to communism is in the objective interests of the masses of humanity, but [even in socialist society] not all of the people want that, all of the time. Bob Avakian addresses this new way of raising and answering the questions of socialism in the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America, writing:

It is a fact that, nowhere else, in any actual or proposed founding or guiding document of any government, is there anything like not only the protection but the provision for dissent and intellectual and cultural ferment that is embodied in this Constitution, while this has, as its solid core, a grounding in the socialist transformation of the economy, with the goal of abolishing all exploitation, and the corresponding transformation of the social relations and political institutions, to uproot all oppression, and the promotion, through the educational system and in society as a whole, of an approach that will enable people to pursue the truth wherever it leads, with a spirit of critical thinking and scientific curiosity, and in this way to continually learn about the world and be better able to contribute to changing it in accordance with the fundamental interests of humanity. All this will unchain and unleash a tremendous productive and social force of human beings enabled and inspired to work and struggle together to meet the fundamental needs of the peopletransforming society in a fundamental way and supporting and aiding revolutionary struggle throughout the worldaiming for the final goal of a communist world, free from all exploitation and oppression, while at the same time addressing the truly existential environmental and ecological crisis, in a meaningful and comprehensive way, which is impossible under the system of capitalism-imperialism.1(Emphasis added by Atash)

This paragraph summarizes the approach of the new socialist state to the period of socialist transition to communism (worldwide) and the ways to resolve its contradictions. One of the important points is to see the dialectical relationship between the socialist transformation of the economic base and the corresponding changes among the people, in their ways of thinking and their consciousness, which is the most important transformation that occurs under socialism. It is for this reason that the contestation between opposing viewsdissent and intellectual and cultural fermentmust be encouraged and supported, not as some democratic right, but in order to promote a spirit of critical thinking and scientific curiosity.

Many people say: you may say these things now, but when you take power, we won't be allowed to criticize you!The answer is that, by the way, we will have a hard time convincing you to criticize anyone in authority!If you have submitted to this cruel system of oppression and exploitation, you will also submit to authority in a socialist system which is a million times better. But people should not just acquiesce [to authority], because doing so runs the risk of restoring capitalism. Be that as it may, the issue of keeping the new ruling class (not specific individuals in this particular party, but an increasing number of people who, along with the vanguard party, have become part of the solid core that came to political power during the communist revolution) on the socialist path to communism, and preventing restoration [of capitalism] requires that opposing views get thrashed out.

Bob Avakian emphasizes that the need for confrontation of opposing views, the thrashing out of diverse ideas, and indeed the role of dissent from the governing ideas and policiesall this too is not an end in itself, but a means to an end: arriving at a more profound grasp of the truth and utilizing this to further transform society, and nature, in the interests of humanity. Here we come to an important difference with the pluralists and democrats who argue that [as Bob Avakian refutes below]:

the conflict of opinions and ideas itself is more important, higher than objective truthor even that there is noobjective truth, only different points of view, with each as true (and as untrue) as the other. But in the final analysis the pluralists, by acting as if all ideas are equal and can compete equallywhen in reality the bourgeois ruling class has a monopoly on the dissemination of ideas and exercises dictatorship in the realm of ideas, as it does in every other sphereactually aid this ruling class in defining and enforcing as truth whatever suits its own class interests and outlook.

Whereas,

The reason and purpose of communists in encouraging and unleashing this wrangling over ideas, the critical spirit, the challenging of convention, the dissent from the established norms, is that this is in accordance with the basic laws of development of all life and society and with the interests of the proletariat, which must also lead all this to contribute in various ways to the advance to communism.2

We must emphasize that when we speak of the interests of the proletariat, it is those interests in the world historic sense: the abolition of the four alls (theabolition of all class distinctions, of all the production relations on which those class distinctions rest, of all the oppressive social relations that correspond to those production relations, andthe abolition of all traditional ideas and values that correspond to those social relations). It is in that sense that all policies, practice and institutions of the socialist state, its democracy/dictatorship, are in the interests of the proletariat, not that they are in the immediate interests of any particular group of proletarians.

There is a need for the leadership of the Communist Party in this process of following the search for truth, wherever it may lead, because as long as we are in a society divided into classes, individuals or groups of people in the society must first decide what the most important issues to be discussed are. The fact is that in society, some kind of authority will guide, direct, lead, and in the final analysis, exercise dictatorship, in determining what will be widely discussed, and on what basis it is made available to people to think about and discuss. The result is that:

It is also impossible to arrive at the truth without centralismleadership (though this will take a qualitatively different form in communist society). All ideas should not get equal time nor could they, under any social system or set of circumstances. There has to be some means for determining what will be given priority, what will be posited as true, and what will be focused on as a target of criticism. What these means are and whether they correctly reflect material reality as fully as possible will depend on the social system. Further, it is impossible not only to arrive at an all-around understanding of the truth but to make it a material reality without social strugglewhich means above all class struggle in class society.3

Leading on the basis of the basic interests of the masses is possible primarily because [genuine communist] leadership has the knowledge to objectively determine what the interests of the people are. But this leadership will not be like forcing everyone to march in that direction. There should be plenty of room for people to move in different directions. But there's a contention here, too.

[T]ruth should not be directly equated (and sometimes it should not be equated at all) with the governing ideas and policies of any particular proletarian state at any given time (even a genuine socialist state) to say nothing of a nonproletarian, reactionary state, whether openly such or in Marxist disguise.4

Alongside this question and the crucial leadership role of the Party, we face the contradiction of a Party becoming drained of its revolutionary content and being turned into its opposite. This problem does not arise from the nature of the Party, but because the contradictions in the larger world thatmake a vanguard necessary are also the contradictions that can lead that vanguard back onto the road of capitalism.This is why on the one hand, the question of the political line and methodology and scientific approach of the leading core is decisive, and on the other hand, one must rely on mobilizing the masses to consciously transform themselves and transform the world, including through constant interactions with the Party. This reaffirms the importance of engaging people in ideological work and struggle and creating an atmosphere of intellectual ferment.

A key aspect of socialist society in this regard is that

they must provide the means for those who were exploited and oppressed in the old societyand were effectively locked out of the exercise of political power and the governance of society, as well as the spheres of intellectual endeavor and working with ideas overallto increasingly take part in these spheres, with the aim of continually transforming society in the direction of communism.In other words, there is a purpose and a direction to this. Its not some supposed pure democracy without social contentthere can be no such thing. Rather, it is within a certain framework and with a definite direction and purpose.5

Many will say, you giveth with one hand, and taketh away with the other.You talk about the participation of the masses, but you do not allow the masses to decide which direction to go! The answer is that while [the Party] cannot govern by force against the will of the masses, it would be truly criminal if the forces that won leadership through a revolutionary process in which so many people sacrificed so much were to allow the former oppressive order to easily regain power; [it would be] contrary to the interests of those same masses of people.So, within the framework of the socialist state, there is a dialectical relationship between the solid core of leadership and the elasticity of various social strata in society, a society based on the solid core.

This view of the socialist state is not only different from various kinds of bourgeois democracies/dictatorships, it also differs considerably from the prevailing views of socialism. The [socialist state outlined in the New Constitution] differs from both the pluralistic, consultative-councils [Soviets] model where peopleincluding workers, oppressed nations, women, etc.participate in economic, political and social affairs, but without a solid core to provide direction or social content, and from the classic image in which the socialist state is completely directed by the Party, so that the state and the Party are one and the same. [In the New Socialist Republics] the leading role of the Party in relation to the state does not mainly take the form of the Party organizationally dominating the various institutions of the state, though organizational roles and mechanisms do exist, especially in relation to certain key institutions such as the armed forces. Above all, and fundamentally, the Party exercises its leading role through ideological and political influence, and by continually struggling to win the masses of people to communist revolution. As mentioned earlier, the ultimate goala communist world free of oppression and exploitationsets the overall direction [for the socialist state]. The measures taken at each stage, and in each country, must be based on the principle of furthering this goal.

For this reason, internationalism is a crucial element of the socialist state, and a fundamental difference in how it exercises democracy/dictatorship. Internationalism is reflected in its economic and political do's and donts, in peoples rights (including the rights of immigrants and formerly oppressed nations), and in international relations, on both the macro and micro level. In order to maintain its socialist character, this socialist state must act as a base area for communist revolution throughout the world, for only by eradicating all class distinctions, all the exploitative productive relations that lead to these distinctions, all the oppressive social relations that exist on the basis of these relations of production, and all the traditional ideas and values that strengthen these relations, can it open a new era [of human history]. As Engels wrote, communist society: will put the whole machinery of the state where it will then belong: into the museum of antiquities, by the side of the spinning wheel and the bronze axe.6 And democracy will find its proper place alongside them.7

As this series of essays ends, we conclude with what is said [on the final page of]Democracy: Can't We Do Better Than That? We can and must.

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The Reality of Communism - revcom.us

China recently became the first country to extend de facto recognition to the Taliban regime in Kabul. President Xi Jinping accepted the credentials of a new Taliban envoy, alongside those of new ambassadors from other nations. This diplomatic move highlights a striking juxtaposition between the two entities. Chinas communist regime, known for its strict control over religious practices, has been documented by Human Rights Watch to detain approximately 1.3 million Uyghur Muslims under harsh conditions, as part of its broader policy of religious suppression. Conversely, the Taliban, an extremist Islamic regime, enforces severe interpretations of Sharia law, including being the only government in the world to ban girls from attending school, and has a history of torturing and murdering those who oppose its rule.

Despite their stark differences, both regimes have found common ground in geopolitical strategy, emphasizing pragmatic cooperation over ideological alignment. This relationship is rooted in mutual interests, such as economic investments and regional stability, highlighting the complex interplay of global politics.

How can China and the Taliban work together despite their ideological differences? Several strategic factors contribute to their convergence and collaboration: First, China strategically integrates Taliban-led Afghanistan into its sphere of influence as part of its broader effort to build a coalition of countries opposed to the US. This strategy leverages the geopolitical vacuum created by President Bidens withdrawal from Afghanistan, enhancing Chinas regional dominance and countering US influence. Second, Afghanistan is rich in valuable natural resources, particularly copper and rare earth minerals. These resources are crucial for Chinas economic and industrial ambitions, making Afghanistan an attractive resource extraction and development partner. Third, Afghanistans strategic location is vital for Chinas Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which aims to create extensive infrastructure linking Asia. By incorporating Afghanistan into the BRI, China can enhance regional connectivity and secure crucial trade routes, bypassing the Indian Ocean and reducing the risk of US naval interception.

Regarding the most pressing issue of Uyghur threat, Abdul Haq, a Uyghur militant, and his fighters have long been claimed by the Taliban as their own. However, the Taliban recently made a deal with China, agreeing not to allow the East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM) to attack China. Last year, the Taliban even facilitated a meeting between Chinese intelligence and Uyghur fighters in Badakhshan, Afghanistan. Chinese state security now pays 6 million yuan a month to Taliban intelligence to help them gather information on ETIM and other groups. Despite this, the Taliban has not dismantled or disarmed ETIM. Instead, they now operate under the Talibans Ministry of Defense as an official battalion, with instructions to fight in the Middle East and Africa for the time being.

Moreover, China has signed a 25-year oil contract with Iran. Transporting oil through Afghanistan allows China to access this asset without navigating the Indian Ocean, mitigating the risk of US intervention. This arrangement is mutually beneficial: China secures essential resources, and Iran gains a lifeline to circumvent international sanctions. However, the financial benefits from these contracts are unlikely to reach the Afghan populace. Instead, the influx of Chinese funds is expected to enrich Taliban leaders, enabling them to bolster support for terrorist groups like al-Qaida. This dynamic ensures that the Taliban remains a destabilizing force in the region, with its influence potentially extending as far as the Middle East. Iran, while not entirely supportive of Taliban rule, views the regime as a necessary bulwark against American and Western influence in the region. This pragmatic stance has led to a closer relationship between Iran and the Taliban. On February 6, the Iranian envoy to Afghanistan, Hassan Kazemi Qomi, stated in a TV interview that he could send an army of suicide bombers from Afghanistan in support of Gaza, highlighting the deepening ties between the two.

Since taking over Afghanistan, the Taliban have integrated suicide bomb squads into their regular forces. Qomi described the Taliban as a nexus of resistance, suggesting that they could deploy fighters and American-seized equipment in conflict zones such as Syria, Iraq, and Yemen. A UN survey in 2023 reported that al-Qaida has expanded into eight new bases in Afghanistan, adding to their already extensive network in the country. Additionally, the Taliban are hosting and training terrorists from neighboring countries, including Pakistan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and even Chinaa fact that China has overlooked in its recent recognition of the Taliban regime. This growing alliance between Iran and the Taliban underscores the complex and shifting dynamics of regional power as both nations seek to bolster their positions against shared adversaries. The implications of this relationship are far-reaching, potentially exacerbating instability and terrorism across the Middle East and Central Asia.

The Pakistani Taliban, modeled after their Afghan counterparts, have intensified attacks on the Pakistani state and re-established ties with al-Qaida. This alliance poses a significant threat, potentially placing some of the worlds most dangerous terrorists within reach of nuclear weapons in Pakistan, which currently faces leadership challenges and economic turmoil. Afghanistan, under Taliban control, has become a formidable base for terrorist activities, facilitating the planning, funding, and execution of operations that could extend globally. From their secure haven in Afghanistan, these terrorist networks are poised to expand their influence beyond Asia into Africa. Groups like al-Shabab in Somalia have modeled themselves after the Taliban, pledging allegiance to Mullah Haibatullah, the Talibans leader.

Through increasingly close relations with Beijing, the Taliban are providing China with an opportunity to instigate instability while crises in Ukraine and the Middle East divert Western attention. This emerging axis, which includes Iran, threatens to destabilize global security. Together, they aim to diminish US influence and exacerbate regional conflicts. Chinas substantial financial commitments to the Taliban, amounting to around $20 billion in contracts, raise concerns that even a fraction of these funds could support groups like al-Qaida, triggering widespread conflict. While attention may be drawn to Africa, the primary focus remains to weaken the US presence in the Middle East, as both China and Iran perceive America as their principal threat. This alignment underscores a complex geopolitical landscape where strategic alliances and rivalries intersect, with implications reaching beyond regional borders.

For us, Afghanistan is our homeland. We are determined to reclaim it at any cost, willing to sacrifice blood and treasure to free our nation from tyranny. To achieve this goal, we have formed the Afghanistan United Front, a political coalition consisting of former Afghan army generals, politicians, and tribal leaders united in their opposition to the Taliban and their commitment to restoring freedom to our country. Amidst the growing influence of China and Iran in Afghanistan, the United States must act in its economic and strategic interests by disrupting this emerging alliance. Many of us have fought alongside American forces in numerous operations across Afghanistan. We believe they now must support us politically in our quest to reclaim our homeland. While military intervention is not what we seek, we ask for unwavering political solidarity from our American allies during these challenging times. Our people are resilient, our spirit is indomitable, and we are determined to fight for our freedom. With support from members of the former Afghan special operations community and allies abroad, we are confident that we can prevail and restore Afghanistan to the community of free nations. We refuse to be ensnared in an unholy alliance with China and Iran, and we are committed to securing a future where Afghanistan stands proudly as a sovereign and independent nation once more.

Note: This article is based on an interview conducted by Amit Kumar with Lieutenant General Sami Sadat. Lieutenant General Sadat previously served as the Commander of the Afghan National Special Operations Corps, trained under NATO. He currently chairs the Afghanistan United Front, a prominent political organization leading opposition efforts against the Taliban.

More here:
PERSPECTIVE: Beijing & Kabul: A Strategic Unity of Communism and Terrorism in Turbulent Times - HSToday

7/19/2024 (International Christian Concern) According to an International Christian Concern (ICC) analysis, at least 72 Christians are either imprisoned or missing in four of the worlds five communist countries. This finding further highlights the scope of persecution that Christians face while living under communist regimes.

Using data from the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF), ICC learned that 52 Christians are currently imprisoned in China, Cuba, North Korea, and Vietnam. Another 20 Christian prisoners are missing in these countries.

These numbers are daunting yet unsurprising, said an ICC staffer in Asia, who added that the actual numbers are likely much higher. Communism is just as dangerous and destructive to Christians today as it was in previous generations.

The 72 documented persecuted believers were imprisoned for a range of perceived offenses relating to their Christian faith, including undermining national unity policy and inciting subversion of state power.

Yang Jianxin of China, for example, was arrested in 2021. He was later sentenced to five years and six months in prison for conducting illegal business operations and printing and purchasing illegal publications after asking a local printer to print Bibles.

In another case stretching back to 2001, Chung Yong Cheol, a Korean Christian, was arrested reportedly for studying the Bible in China and deported to North Korea and sentenced to 10 years in a political prison camp. Cheols status is unknown.

Y Min Ksor of Vietnam was arrested in 2018 after Vietnamese authorities accused him of spreading false information about Vietnamese religious freedom and human rights abuses to persuade others to establish an independent state. Vietnamese authorities allegedly tortured Ksor during his initial detainment and forced him to agree to no longer participate in worshiping with his church. He received a 14-year prison sentence for undermining national unity policy.

In Cuba, Pastor Lorenzo Rosales Fajardo was allegedly severely beaten and urinated on by Cuban authorities in 2021 after they detained him for participating in a protest denouncing the Cuban governments abuses of civil liberties and food and medical supply shortages. Rosales Fajardo was reportedly charged with disrespect, public disorder, incitement, and assault and handed a 7-year prison sentence as a result. As recently as June 2024, reports surfaced alleging that the pastor was again the victim of a vicious beating while in detention.

In addition to China, Cuba, North Korea, and Vietnam, Laos, the fifth communist nation, also persecutes Christians. According to a U.S. Department of State report from 2023, Laos officials allegedly engaged in discrimination against Christians for refusing to denounce Jesus. The statement also alleges that in October, Sa Mouay District authorities forced eight or more families from three villages and destroyed their homes following their conversion to Christianity.

Communism has long been known for its atheistic roots, and the reverberation of those roots is still felt today by persecuted Christians living under communist rule. Karl Marx, who co-wrote the The Communist Manifesto, stated, Communism begins where atheism begins.

Alexsandr Solzhenitsyn, a Nobel prize winner and advocate against Soviet Union oppression,spoke out in 1983 on communism and its hatred of religion.

Within the philosophical system of Marx and Lenin, and at the heart of their psychology, hatred of God is the principal driving force, more fundamental than all their political and economic pretensions, Solzhenitsyn said. Militant atheism is not merely incidental or marginal to communist policy; it is not a side effect, but the central pivot. To achieve its diabolical ends, communism needs to control a population devoid of religious and national feeling, and this entails the destruction of faith and nationhood. Communists proclaim both of these objectives openly and just as openly go about carrying them out.

Another concerning reality of communism is its ability to reach beyond national borders. For example, numerous Vietnamese Christians who have fled to Thailand to avoid harsh religious persecution are being harassed and pressured by Vietnamese Communist officials who have traveled to Bangkok to bring these refugees back to face trial.

The current extradition trial in Bangkok of Montagnard Christian activist Y Quynh Bdap, who has been in Thailand since 2018, is just one example of the tentacles of communist governments stretching their reach beyond their national borders, the ICC staffer said.

Imprisoned Christians: 52

(unspecified)

Imprisoned

Missing Christians: 20

(unspecified)

Missing

Catholics imprisoned: 8

Protestants imprisoned: 41

Christians (unspecified) imprisoned: 3

Missing Catholics: 7

Missing Protestants: 12

Missing Christians, unspecified: 1

To read more news stories, visit the ICC Newsroom. For interviews, please email[emailprotected].

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72 Christians Imprisoned or Missing in 4 Communist Countries - International Christian Concern

China (MNN) Earlier this month marked the 35th anniversary of the Tiananmen Square massacre when the Chinese government ordered troops and police to crack down on pro-democracy protestors.

On June 4, 1989, at least 180,000 troops and armored vehicles fired into the crowds of mostly students packed in Tiananmen Square and drove over them, killing several thousand people.

This tragic moment and the political fallout impacted the spread of the Gospel through China in ways that still echo today.

Kurt Rovenstine, President of Bibles for China says, It did allow there to be some opportunity. From 1990 to 2000, there was an opening up of opportunity for Christian ministries to come in and do some work.

Tiananmen Square protests before the massacre, June 2, 1989. (Photo courtesy of Ji Tondl (Blow up) Own work, CC BY-SA 4.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=68125236)

Now, it was still China and there were still some restrictions and some things that couldnt be done. But there seemed to be this sense of growth towards freedoms that China hadnt encountered for quite some time. I think you could look at Tiananmen as a real watershed for that.

Despite these opportunities, operating under a Communist regime presents ongoing challenges. Rovenstine explains, Its walking that line. Its expressing our desire to answer to a higher authority. Bibles for China supports the registered Church in navigating these complexities, enabling them to represent Christ faithfully.

Looking forward, Rovenstine emphasizes the enduring resilience of Chinese Christians: You dont answer ultimately to the Communist government. You answer ultimately to God!

As Christians in China continue to persevere and spread the Gospel amidst government restrictions, prayers for wisdom and courage are crucial.

Please pray for the people of Chinato know lasting hope in Jesus Christ.Ask the Holy Spirit to grant believers insight and creativity in effectively spreading the Gospel while honoring both earthly authorities and Gods ultimate authority.

Header photo of Tiananmen Square in 2016. (Photo courtesy of RomanM82 Own work, CC BY-SA 4.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=105058975)

Link:
35 years after Tiananmen: Communism, Christianity, and China - Mission Network News