Archive for the ‘Communism’ Category

Romanians Flood Streets as Cabinet Defies Protests Over Pardons – Bloomberg

A demonstration against decrees to pardon corrupt politicians and decriminalise other offences, on Jan. 29.

Romanias president urged the government to reverse a surprise decision to quashcorruption investigations into officials andannul some other convictions after the measures drew thousands of protesters into the streets of major cities.

About 12,000 people ralliedin freezing temperatures late Tuesday in Bucharest,demanding the government step down. At least 8,000 gathered elsewhere in the eastern European nation. The cabinet earlier backed proposals that had sparked the biggest protests since the fall of communism.Some of the changes require parliamentary approval, while others have already been published in the official journal.

This damages the judiciary and breaches its independence,President Klaus Iohannis said Wednesday, after meeting members of the Superior Council of Magistrates, which monitors the courts and is challenging the governments measures. The only option I wont accept is doing nothing about it. We must make a stand at an institutional level.

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More than 1,000 demonstrators remainedin Bucharest on Wednesday, with further demonstrations planned for the evening. The turmoil sent the leu 1.2 percent weaker, heading to the biggest decline in more than 3 1/2 years and more than erasing its 2017 gain against the euro.

Concerns have arisenin other parts of the region that democracy is under threat. The EU has reprimanded Poland and Hungary for state encroachment on thejudiciary and the media. The government in Warsaw backed away from plans to tighten abortion rules after mass protests. European Commission President Jean Claude Juncker criticized Romanias actions on Wednesday.

The fight against corruption needs to be advanced, not undone, Juncker said in a statement. Were following the latest developments in Romania with great concern.

The government says its trying to relieve overcrowded prisons, where conditions have led to cases being filed with the European Court for Human Rights.I took into account all the requests of the people and amended the bills, Justice Minister Florin Iordache said Wednesday. He said he stands-by his plan, despite the protests.

If the pardons legislation is approved, prisoners serving sentences shorter than five years --excluding rapists and multiple offenders -- will befreed, according to Iordache. A separate emergency decree decriminalized abuse of public office for offenses concerning less than 200,000 lei ($48,000) of damages.

Anti-graft prosecutors, whove locked up hundreds of corrupt officials in a four-year clampdown, said Wednesday that theyre currently working on more than 2,000abuse-of-office cases. In the past two years alone, theyve sent more than 1,000 people to trial, seeking to recover damages in excess of 1 billion euros ($1.1 billion).

Romania ranks fourth-worst for graft in the EU, according to Berlin-based Transparency International. Social Democratic leader Liviu Dragnea is serving a two-year suspended sentence for electoral fraud and faces anotherabuse-of-office probe in which he denies wrongdoing.

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Romanians Flood Streets as Cabinet Defies Protests Over Pardons - Bloomberg

How the U.S. used Soviet-style land reforms to counter communism … – Russia Beyond the Headlines

Wolf Ladejinsky, an economist and agriculturalist who fled the Soviet Union in 1921, helped Japan and Taiwan implement major agricultural reforms that led to the countries becoming completely self-sufficient in food production. These reforms also ensured that these countries stayed largely capitalistic.

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Major land reforms were implemented in Japan after World War II. The above picture shows rice farmers in Kochi in 1955. Source: Getty Images

Over the lifespan of the Soviet Union, several dissidents and refugees reached positions of eminence in the United States. However, few of these former Soviet citizens ever managed to implement communist-inspired policies to counter communism itself. This is where Wolf Issac Ladejinsky stood out.

Born in Ukraine (which was then a part of the Russian Empire) to a reasonably wealthy family in 1899, Ladejinsky lived a comfortable life until the Bolshevik Revolution, when his fathers businesses were expropriated by the government.

He fled the country and entered the U.S. as a refugee in 1922. Quickly learning English, Ladejinsky enrolled in Columbia University, where he earned a BA and then did a graduate degree in economics.

His publications on the collectivization of agriculture gave the world a rare Russian perspective into the policies that were taking place at that time, Vikas Chandran, a former agriculture specialist at the World Bank told RBTH.

His subsequent works and policies were greatly influenced by this one aspect of the Soviet Union, although he almost made it a life mission to stop the spread of communism.

In 1935, Ladejinsky joined the U.S. Department of Agriculture, choosing to focus on foreign agricultural issues. He continued to study the Soviet model, but also paid attention to agriculture in Asia, particularly Japan, India and British Malaya (which includes Singapore and the modern-day peninsular Malaysia).

He increasingly saw land distribution and redistribution as the key to political stability, Ben Stavis, Director, Asian Studies Program at Temple University, wrote in a paper.

He had seen the power of the Bolshevik slogan, peace, land, bread.He gauged that if more peasants owned their own land, communism would lose much of its appeal. Land ownership was profoundly political and land reform could be an anti-communist tool.

In his pre-World War II writings, Ladejinsky stated that Japans occupation of Taiwan and certain parts of Northeastern China were largely on account of land hunger created by an existing feudal system in the country.

In 1945, he joined the staff of General Douglas MacArthur, who was the Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers in post-war Japan. He advocated a peaceful redistribution of land in the war-ravaged country.

Under the Ladejinsky-MacArthur land reforms, more than 5 million acres were taken from large landholders and sold to former tenants.

There was no violence or element of direct force in this, unlike in the USSR of the 1920s and 30s, Chandran said. This has a huge impact on the lives of millions of farmers in Japan. Here, a capitalistic country managed an essentially socialist measure and kept the weaker sections of society from needing assistance from communists.

Stavis attributed the smooth transition to the fact that the landlords could not organize private armies and resist the policies of the occupation forces.

The farmers who received the distributed land formed the bedrock of support for Japans Liberal Democratic Policy. The combination of political stability and a hard working farmer community helped Japan become an agricultural powerhouse.

As farmers, they were highly motivated to invest in agriculture and expand production, Stavis wrote. Japan's agriculture productivity has shown solid growth over the decades.

At the closing stages of the Chinese Civil War, Ladejinsky tried to help the Chinese Nationalists hurriedly implement land reforms but it was too late.

He moved to Taiwan and introduced the policies on the island. The authorities on the island welcome the idea of implementing the land reforms since it would weaken the rural power structure, which was a potential obstacle for the Nationalists.

As in Japan, the land reform in Taiwan was very successful, Stavis wrote. It created a class of small scale farmers, with real incentives to expand farm production. This class was inherently conservative and contributed to the social and political stability of Taiwan.

Both in Japan and Taiwan, the landlords were given industrial bonds and this helped both countries rapidly industrialize.

Later in his career, Ladejinsky met with lesser degrees of success in India and other Asian countries.

He spent most of the last decade of his life in India as a World Bank consultant. Ladejinsky grew increasingly critical as the Indian Government's grand proposals for land reform became weakened by political convenience and competing priorities, according to a New York Times reportwritten after his death in 1975.

Until the peasantry begins to vote in its own interest, the chances are that integrated agrarian reforms in this part of the world by due process of law will be almost impossible Lajedinsky wrote in 1971.

More than five decades after his death, the very process of land reforms still evokes strong emotions in Asia. However, his flexible and calculated approach in the continent helped the U.S. stop the spread of communism.

The fact that Lajedinsky was born in the Soviet Union and advocated land reforms and helping the rural poor made him a suspected communist in the eyes of U.S. Senator Joseph McCarthy.

Despite being an advocate against communism, Lajedinsky lost his U.S. government job in 1954. A year later, he was reinstated by Dwight Eisenhower administration, which admitted that a mistake had been made.

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How the U.S. used Soviet-style land reforms to counter communism ... - Russia Beyond the Headlines

Institute says Poland’s Walesa collaborated with communist secret police – Reuters

WARSAW Poland's government-affiliated history institute said on Tuesday it had new evidence that Lech Walesa, who led protests and strikes that shook communist rule in the 1980s, had been a paid informant for the secret police in the 1970s.

A lawyer for Walesa, whose leadership of the Solidarity trade union contributed to the fall of communism throughout eastern Europe, said the evidence could be faulty and asked to question the assessors.

The Institute of National Remembrance (IPN) said a handwriting study had proved the authenticity of documents suggesting that Walesa, who was awarded the Nobel Peace prize and became Polish president, had collaborated with communist rulers.

It said he had provided at least 29 reports signed "Bolek", a codename long ascribed to Walesa, but did not say what they contained.

"There is no doubt," investigator Andrzej Pozorski told a news conference. "A handwritten agreement to collaborate with the Security Police from Dec. 21, 1970, was written in its entirety by Lech Walesa."

Pictures of the moustachioed former electrician being borne aloft by workers occupying the Gdansk shipyards became an inspiration for anti-communist movements across the Soviet bloc.

Walesa, now 73, has acknowledged once signing a commitment to inform, but he insists he never fulfilled it, and a special court exonerated him in 2000.

The issue has flared up again since the conservative, nationalist Law and Justice (PiS) party of Jaroslaw Kaczynski, also a former anti-communist activist who fell out with Walesa in the 1990s, won power in 2015.

The PiS argues that Poland lost sight of its Catholic national identity and of social justice in the transition to democracy and eventual membership of the European Union.

Any suggestion that Poland remained under communist influence despite ending totalitarian rule in 1989 - notably that Walesa might have been controlled by former secret police as president in 1990-95 - strengthens the PiS narrative.

HISTORY BOOKS

"We don't want to remove Walesa from history books," IPN head Jaroslaw Szarek told reporters. "What changes is how he can be evaluated."

"Starting today, we can ask a new question: ... to what extent Lech Walesa's collaboration in the early 1970s determined his subsequent decisions ... in the 1980s and after 1989. This question remains open."

Pozorski said the IPN, set up in 1998 to investigate crimes "against the Polish nation", had reviewed 17 cash receipts and concluded they were written by Walesa.

Walesa's legal representative, Jan Widacki, said the examination did not amount to scientific evidence and asked to question the assessors.

"Walesa's handwriting today is not Walesa's handwriting from the '70s when he was a simple laborer," he told the public television channel TVP Info.

The documents surfaced last year at the house of a late communist interior minister.

The PiS campaigned in 2015 on a promise to help the poor, accusing past rulers of abandoning a vast number of working Poles when they instituted painful free-market reforms.

Walesa's defenders say that, whatever the authenticity of the documents, they cannot undermine his merits in leading efforts to shake off communist rule.

"His is a legend of a man who isn't born a leader but becomes one," historian Jan Skorzynski told the liberal daily Gazeta Wyborcza. "A man who, despite his weakness, could rise again and lead a movement. Perhaps his experience in the 1970s made him into such an effective leader during the 1980 strike."

Throughout post-Soviet Europe, historians have warned that communist-era secret police files are hard to interpret, because documents were sometimes falsified and witnesses coerced.

Historians have said Poland's communist government tried to dissuade the Nobel committee from awarding the Peace Prize to Walesa by offering falsified documents that he had collaborated when he led Solidarity between 1978 and 1981.

(Additional reporting by Marcin Goettig; Writing by Lidia Kelly and Justyna Pawlak; editing by Ralph Boulton)

WASHINGTON Nationals from the seven Muslim-majority countries temporarily blocked from entering the United States by President Donald Trump's executive order on immigration may not be granted admission any time soon, Homeland Security Secretary John Kelly said on Tuesday.

PARIS French police searched presidential candidate Francois Fillon's office in parliament on Tuesday as an inquiry into alleged fake work by his wife threatened his campaign and party leaders began to consider a 'Plan B' without him.

BAGHDAD The next round of United Nations-based peace talks on Syria have been scheduled for February 20, British ambassador to the United Nations Matthew Rycroft said on Tuesday.

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Institute says Poland's Walesa collaborated with communist secret police - Reuters

A Queer Academic Explains How Gay Culture Survived East European Communism (Photos) – Unicorn Booty (blog)

Mathieu Lericq is one of the co-organizers of a particularly original conference to be held in Paris next weekentitledCommunist Homosexuality 1945-1989. It brings together researchers from all over eastern and western Europeto discuss issues related to homosexuality in the days of communism. In additionto the symposium itself (scheduled for Feb.2 and 3 in Crteil and Paris) theresa series of events including exhibitions, films and liveperformances.

The period covered in the conferenceconcludes just before the fall of the Berlin Wall, which went upafter the Second World War. Its erection divided east and west Germany and marked the establishment of communist regimes under the leadership of the U.S.S.R..

Lericq is a PhD student at the University of Aix-Marseille and devotes his research mainly to an anthropological and political analysis offilm, specifically exploring the presence of non-standard bodies (homosexuals and other political outsiders) in the films. Following his first study abroadto Krakow, he chose to return toPoland in 2012 to live and work there.

Lericq told Unicorn Booty that he considered his experiences in Poland to be crucial experiences. His work and upcoming conferenceseekto question, unmaliciously, how history has brought together the concepts of homosexuality and communism, two words that have become laden with history, meaning and affect over the past decades.

Mathieu Lericq (photo Christophe Martet)

Why was your stay in Poland so important for you?

This stay was a crucial moment: I not only accepted my homosexuality, but also gradually discovered a whole homosexual life that I did not suspect. This part of the history of homosexuality is relatively unknown in Western Europe. It was also, at one point, a new field of research which presented itself, and meeting with a few Polish scholars, as well as artists, gave it its legitimacy in my eyes. After a few more studies, I decided to dedicate my PhD thesis to the presence of unusual bodies, especially homosexuals, in Polish films produced before 1989.

Image from the movie Misunderstanding (Nieporozumienie), de Piotr Majdrowicz (1978)

How would you describe these out of norms bodies?

Under communism, the social order was theoretically blendedwith the State, this being particularly problematic on the basis of Stalinism, which had re-initiated a penalization of certain behaviors, including homosexual acts in the U.S.S.R., as early as 1934. After the Second World War, the dignitaries of the peoples democracies continued the argument to define what was politically (and therefore socially) normal and what was not. What was normal was the basic family. It was difficult to think otherwise of the family nucleus than the classical, heterosexual family, even if in fact the models were necessarily destabilized.

What Im interested in is that at some point in the 1960s, and particularly after 1968, some bodies that were not included in that standard began to emerge and say that they exist, through magazines and through art. In Poland, the issue of homosexuality crystallized in the 1980s, especially at the time of Operation Hyacinth. An operation launched by the Polish police to list all the homosexuals of the country.Arguing it was for theprevention of AIDS that was making a lot of talk at the time. This action hadactually created an effective blackmail toolused by the political police for homosexuals. Thus homosexuals, desirous of emancipation through the creation of magazines and activities properly homosexual, would remain in the shadow. Nevertheless, the 1980s were a time of transformations, not just in Warsaw.

Was there homogeneity in the countries of the former Soviet bloc concerning the lawsor were somecountries more gay-friendly than others?

This question is of course linked to the history of communism itself. Communism had a turning point in 1934, when Stalin decided to return to normalization of Soviet society. All the gains in terms of female emancipation, for example, are questioned at this time, just as much as sexual freedom. Nor should it be imagined that things had been turned upside down after 1917, but certain rights had been acquired and gender equality had been relatively asserted.

When in 1945 the political form of communism was applied to eastern Europe, certain questions arose, such as how to respond to the liquidation, or at least the criminalization, of certain minorities who had been stigmatized during the Second World War. Obviously, homosexuals have often continued to be persecuted, and in other cases, legislation changed gradually during the 1960s.

But if we want to map the presence and legitimacy of homosexuality in different contexts, I would say that, on a purely legal level, some countries have decriminalized sexual acts between people of the same sex earlier than others. In Hungary decriminalization was decided in 1961. East Germany decriminalized them in 1967, a year before West Germany!

And what about Poland?

Poland is a somewhat peculiar case, since in 1932 the penal code no longer evoked homosexuality. This did not mean that socially, homosexuality was perfectly accepted. This meant, nevertheless, that we did not go to prison or to the gulag, for that. In U.S.S.R. on the contrary, there were heavy sentences, up to five years imprisonment, on grounds of homosexuality.

Sport inRussiain the30s (not credited)

Were there connectionsbetween homosexuals from the east inthe days of communism?

What I find interesting is that at that time, the Eastern countries formed a bloc and, as a bloc, fruitful relations were created between the homosexual citizens of several countries. A solidarity between the marginalized sometimes allowed to counter, at least to circumvent a little, the official penalization.

There are sorts of homosexual legends which tell that Hungary and Bulgaria were places well-liked by East European homosexuals. There was an air of freedom a little more assertive in very specific places, at any rate during the holidays. In Prague, there was a well-known bar, the Tekko, identified by the authorities.

It was discovered after 1989 that there were enormous numbers of homosexuals who, under the price of blackmail, had been placed under the spy of the Czech secret police; they were going to watch what was going on there. But in Prague, gay men and lesbian women mingled, especially in private parties, which is not necessarily the case in other contexts.

During the day, sociability was mostly around the public toilets. These places were stigmatized, police raids took place regularly. One can discover aspects of these realities in the last issue of the magazine DIK Fagazine n 11, published in bilingual English-French version especially for the conference.

In Poland, and in the socialist bloc in general, are there striking figures of homosexuality during the period 1945-1989?

Many artists have marked Polish culture with homoerotic works. I am thinking in particular of author Jerzy Andrzejewski, author of The Gates of Paradise (Bramy Raju, 1960). There is also Jarosaw Iwaszkiewicz. Their books are marked by very strong borrowing from a kind of nascent gay culture and a strong sexual tension between men, which can today be called homoerotic.

When Andrzej Wajda adapted Andrzejewskis book in 1968 to screen, he strongly invested this erotic tension. Witold Gombrowicz, author of the novel Trans-Atlantic (1957), an atypical bookthat tells of the relatively delusional Argentine wanderings, inscribed in this marginal life which he lived and which is devoted to homosexual practices. Recently, thanks to the publication of his diary, it was possible to verify that Gombrowicz had begun his homosexual attempts as early as 1934 in Poland, before living his homosexuality in Argentina and then when he returned to Europe.

I also haveto mention the great performers of the period: Krzysztof Jung and Krzysztof Niemczyk. They have invested homosexual corporalities, bringing into play their nudity and physical plasticity, carried by a provocative, subtle and committed spirit.

Another Way, by Kroly Makk (1982)

To open up to other contexts, the figure of homosexuality in Hungary is heterosexual. It is the director Kroly Makk. He was the first to make a film about love between two women in 1982: Another Way (photo above). Kroly Makk was interested in the social symptom of homosexuality at that time. The film is adapted from a novel by Erzsbet Galgczi.

What about Russianhomosexuals under communism?

Other known homosexuals lived under the Soviet regime, such as Slava Mogutin, who in the 1990s was the first Russian homosexual to be grantedasylum in the United States on grounds of homophobic persecution. He wrote the first texts on the history around the violence suffered by homosexuals in the post-war period in U.S.S.R..

I think, also ofa figure of the East German cinema who accepted his homosexuality very late, having had a wife and children. He acceptedhis homosexuality by making a film called Coming Out which was released on Nov. 9, 1989 in East Berlin, the day of the fall of the Berlin Wall. Some say, therefore, that East Germany has never experienced its coming-out.

In contrast, for some others, the film proves that there may have been, in extremis, a genuine exploration of homosexual desire as such in the German Democratic Republic (East Germany), and not merely the mention of homosociality on a journalistic level. In my opinion, this film has something very precious. In contexts where legal and social discrimination were applied more or less violently in different contexts, cinema was one of the first places of recognition of homosexuality in Central and Eastern Europe.

Do we know if there were any relations between homosexuals in the west and east during this period?

Relationswere mainly through magazines. I would like to mention here Ryszard Kisiel who created the first homosexual magazine, Filo, amagazine which was an information platform for Polish homosexuals, but also hada collection of articles from all over the world, distributedthrough the port city of Gdansk, where Ryszard was born and where he worked. He had access to a number of homosexual magazines from western countries.

On the other hand, magazines like Gai Pied in France were interested in the situation of homosexuals in Eastern Europe. During the 1980s, journalists like Catherine Durand traveled to Prague and Warsaw. Moreover, our conference is also a way to change the archetypes about how we lived behind the Iron Curtain in a particular historical moment where theres a tendency to forgetthe importance of these LGBT cultures in the East and their influences on western Europe.

One can also think of the East-West relations at the level of cinematographic culture. For example, the presentation of the Hungarian film Another Wayat the Cannes Film Festival in 1982, which won the Womens Interpretation Award, made it possible to point out in a West European context the situation of homosexuals, and in particular of lesbian women, in the East. Nor should we forget the importance of Radio Free Europe, which often spoke of dissident and minority groups; sometimes the sexual freedoms were studied there.

Bar in East Germany, year1989 (photo: Matthias Kittlitz)

Is 1989 really a turning point for homosexuals in (post) communist contexts?

Researchers are still wondering if 1989 is a caesura (i.e., a break) that corresponds to the end of something or the beginning of something else. The tendency in western Europe is to see 1989 as the beginning of democratization, whereas there are scholars like the historian Krzysztof Pomian who explains that it is the end of a battlebegun much earlier. By extension, it can be said that 1989 is a turning point rather than a true call of freedom.

Moreover, it would be a little caricatural to think that in 1989 the situation of homosexuals in Western Europe was completely appeased, and that in view of the total freedom enjoyed by homosexuals in the West, homosexuals in the East would be 30 years late. This view of things must be called into question today and, on the contrary, the extent to which the problematic of homosexuality remains very problematic in Western Europe in the 1980s. Things are progressing only gradually in terms of acquired rights, in both capitalist and communist contexts.

After 1989, homosexuals could form independent organizations. That was not possible before. This was all the more apparent at the time of the integration of the East European countries into the European Union. Societal issues have been debated, sometimes violently. This was particularly harsh in Romania, a country where the criminalization of homosexuality was abolished very late.

What is complex is that the history of homosexualities can never be seen at one level: when one considers it only at a political level or at a legal level, or at an artistic and cultural level, one misses a little the complexity of the presence and value of homosexuality. In some contexts, the cultural level may call into question the legal level. In some other contexts, the legal level may, on the contrary, call into question the political level. One of the stakes of the conference is to correlate these different levels of questioning. This also leads us to consider the complexity encompassed by the very notion of homosexuality, that it be defined as desire, as sociability and even as emerging identity.

Finally, I would say that if 1989 has really changed things, it is in the awareness of AIDS. Before that date, it was even forbidden in some contexts to produce or use condoms. That seems absurd today. On this point, there is considerable progress. On the other hand, homophobia is returning to the political sphere, and this should not have consequences for the social and medical management of AIDS.

How was yourproject initiated?

This conference was born of my meeting with Jrme Bazin, lecturer at the University Paris-Est Crteil, a few years ago during a colloquium in Berlin. We give the Paris conferencethe title of Communist Homosexuality, which may seem a little astonishing, even disturbing, but which for us, beyond its polemical character, seemed very stimulating.

Why did you organize this conference in Paris?

As French researchers, it seemed interesting to integrate our questions to the French context. This echoes a certain form of difficulty, if not skepticism, for research in France to address in a calm way the question of sexuality in general and that of homosexuality in particular. There is always a fear of the French academic environment today that, basically, to think about homosexuality would be to minimize everything to the question of gender. The latter remains as problematic in French society as in the academic world, whatever may be said of it.

Scientific culture centered on homosexuality must become central again, supported by homosexuals andheterosexuals alike. I would like to see this field of research become as important as when Andr Baudry, Roger Peyrefitte and Jean Cocteau founded the magazine Arcadie in 1954. The social value of homosexuality was at the time a highly invested field of research.

We must make the sad conclusion that apart from a very valuable journalistic contribution from gay magazines and a few books (especially those by Florence Tamagne and ric Fassin), French research has been shy about European homosexuality as a whole. To make this colloquy in Paris means therefore towish that Paris and the French academic milieu reclaims its pioneering role in the reflections on European homosexualities.

Is your approach a form of activism?

No, its not militancy. Its about finding a link with a lost story. From my point of view, it is necessary to put the cursor on the symptoms of our actuality, and one of these symptoms is the ignorance towards the homosexual populations of the East-European contexts. However, as Michel Foucault demanded, research must be the analysis of today.When we look at researchers who deal with homosexuality today in France, in all disciplines, and despite the existence of a few departments and institutions focused on sexual matters, scientific interest in these matters is very sporadic, too disjointed.

The idea underlying the organization of this conferencein Paris is also the idea of inviting all these researchers to come together and work together. Thus, even if the approach is not militant, it could help to focus interest on this relatively disparaged field of research, and thus give political value to the exchanges that the conference will generate.

The International conference Communist Homosexuality, 1945-1989and its screenings, meetings, debates and live performances run from Jan. 30 to Feb. 3, 2017.

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A Queer Academic Explains How Gay Culture Survived East European Communism (Photos) - Unicorn Booty (blog)

In Albania, communism still hurts – BBC News

In Albania, communism still hurts
BBC News
27 years since the fall of communism, Albania finally is opening up its secret police files. The secret service, known as Sigurimi was brutal. It relied on a huge network of civilian informers to crush any dissent and keep the communist regime in power ...

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In Albania, communism still hurts - BBC News