Archive for the ‘Communism’ Category

Here is a fair compromise on abortion | Letters – Tampa Bay Times

A compromise on abortion

You dont have to be pro-choice to oppose overturning Roe | Column, May 5

I am an educated, retired teacher and educational leader who is politically Independent. Not a fence-sitter, as many on both sides would call me, but a true Independent. I see positives (and negatives) on both sides of the table. To that end, I would like to suggest a compromise. Let me preface that suggestion with a few facts: Republicans, you will never end abortion; you can only end legal abortion. You may not even substantially reduce the number of abortions. Democrats, you need to come closer to the middle. Of course, conservatives object to late-term abortions and partial-birth abortions. Most of us do. They are inhumane. So, heres the compromise: Women suffering (and suffering is the correct term) from unwanted pregnancies have 16 weeks (four months) to abort safely and legally.

With todays technology, no one can say, after four missed periods, nausea, etc., that they didnt think to take a pregnancy test. Women must take that much responsibility. The exception, of course, is a risk to the mothers health. Even rape and incest should be able to be addressed in four months. This way, everyone wins/loses equally. There are no great solutions. Unwanted pregnancy is a true tragedy. But its not going to stop happening, and we need to meet in the middle to respect everyones needs and rights.

Lynn Rourke, Dunedin

New law requires school lessons on victims of communism | May 10

So our governor is touting a new law requiring schools to offer lessons on victims of communism. How admirable! But heaven forbid a teacher should even so much as mention victims of racism. Yet racism has had a far more persistent and profoundly damaging effect on our nation than communism, and our schools are forbidden to teach all of those facts.

Elenora Sabin, St. Petersburg

New law requires school lessons on victims of communism | May 10

Im glad Gov. Ron DeSantis wants children to learn about the dangers of communism. Maybe next he can teach our children about the dangers of pandemics and the 70,000 who died in the state because of the incompetence of publicly elected officials.

Michael Zaccardi, Palm Harbor

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Here is a fair compromise on abortion | Letters - Tampa Bay Times

Hillary-Endorsed Abortion Group Targeting Churches Is A Front For Revolutionary Communists – The Federalist

Following the leak of a draft Supreme Court opinion in the Dobbs v. Jackson Womens Health Organization case, left-wing organizers have swept into action, launching rallies and events designed to put pressure on the justices. Over the Mothers Day Weekend protestors forced Supreme Court Justice Samuel Alito to an undisclosed location and carried out disruptive demonstrations outside and in some cases inside a number of churches including New Yorks St. Patrick Cathedral, where a picture of pro-life Catholics blocking the entrance to the church from screaming protestors went viral.

In a number of pictures and videos from the Mothers Day protests, abortion protestors were seen wearing green bandanas, shirts, and holding green banners, part of a #Green4Abortion campaign. The color choice was even endorsed by former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, who tweeted out an announcement for a protest in New Yorks Foley Square with the instructions wear green.

The organization responsible for the hashtag encouraging supporters to wear green is Rise Up 4 Abortion Rights which launched a week of action beginning on May 8, Mothers Day, including an emphasis on Actions Outside of Churches.

Rise Up 4 Abortions Twitter page shows them playing a major role in protests in New York, Atlanta, Los Angeles, and Chicago over the weekend, with additional protests planned May 14 in New York City, Chicago, Austin, Honolulu, Seattle, San Francisco, and Boston.

While the lefts ability to rapidly throw together color-coordinated protest groups is well known, in this case, there is more to Rise Up 4 Abortion than meets the eye. An examination of the groups website suggests the group is little more than a front for the radical Revolutionary Communist Party (RCP), a Maoist organization founded by 60s radical Bob Avakian, a former leader of the Anti-war Students for a Democratic Society.

For starters, the group references leading RCP member and Avakian devotee Sunsara Taylor and directs donors via Paypal to World Cant Wait Inc., another organization co-founded by Taylor. World Cant Wait also shares a mailing address with Refuse Fascism, another Taylor-led RCP front group that organized Antifa-style protests aimed at the Trump Administration. The Rise Up 4 Abortion page even includes a link to Revolution Nothing Less!, an RCP Youtube show, based on Bob Avakians new Communism.

The RCP has historically played a front and center role in orchestrating violent riots, including the 1992 Los Angeles Rodney King Riots and the 2014 Ferguson riots, where the Daily Beast called them the communist agitators trying to ignite Ferguson.

The Revolutionary Communist Party is no mere liberal wine moms, despite urging people to vote for Joe Biden in the 2020 election. Instead, the partys constitution says they openly seek, a revolution that overthrows this system and the capitalist-imperialist class that embodies and runs ita revolution that will immediately establish a new power.

Avakian has called the overthrow of U.S. imperialism and the establishment of the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat the greatest contribution to the world revolution that can be made

Despite their Communist orientation the group clearly has no problem seeking funding and support from Democrat billionaires like George Soros and Tom Steyer, according to a June 2020 undercover video by Project Veritas showing Refuse Fascism organizers discussing fundraising efforts. Other support for RCPs Refuse Fascism project came from the Alliance for Global Justice, a 501(c) with historic links to the communist Sandinistas.

Ironically, not everyone in the pro-Abortion coalition is excited about marching alongside overt Maoists. D.C. Anti-Fascist Action, a Washington D.C. based Antifa group, posted a series of tweets condemning the RCP as a cult:

The Antifa account went on to link a Twitter thread calling for RCP signs and banners to be taken down.

Tension between anarchist groups and more hierarchical communist groups is not uncommon among the radical left, but it does raise important questions. If even Antifa knows that the presence of the RCP at protests is bad news, why cant Hillary Clinton and other Democrats come to the same conclusion?

Kyle Shideler is the director of the Counter Islamist Grid, an initiative of the Middle East Forum. Kyle has worked for several organizations involved with Middle East and terrorism policy since 2006. He is a contributing author to Saudi Arabia and the Global Islamic Terrorist Network: America and the Wests Fatal Embrace, and has written for numerous publications and briefed legislative aides, intelligence, and law enforcement officials and the general public on national security issues.

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Hillary-Endorsed Abortion Group Targeting Churches Is A Front For Revolutionary Communists - The Federalist

Valerio Evangelisti Used Literature to Point the Way to Communism – Jacobin magazine

In a small cemetery nestled in the Apennine valleys of Italys Emilia-Romagna region, about a hundred people of all ages gather. The persistent rain leaves four unmarked red flags drenched. A visibly moved man lovingly places a fifth flag on the coffin: it is the red and black banner of the Confederacin Nacional del Trabajo, the anarchist union that waged the resistance to Francoism from 1936 to 1939. From under the umbrellas rises the hymn of the Internationale, then someone selects a song from Spotify on a smartphone and turns the volume up to the max. I seem to recognize Sepultura, a Brazilian death metal band.

On April 18, Valerio Evangelisti, author of more than thirty novels translated in more than twenty countries, as well as an infinite number of short stories, essays, articles, and prefaces, died at age seventy. On the day of his funeral, the trade unions had called a demonstration in Rome with the slogan: Lower your weapons, raise your wages. A banner carried by dozens of workers reads: From the factories to the ports, we shall be all! Ciao Valerio! The slogan We shall be all belongs to the Industrial Workers of the World and gives the title to one of the novels that this writer from Bologna dedicated to the heroic struggle of the American revolutionary union.

This was not the first time that social movements had taken up Evangelistis books as their own: a decade ago, the Book Block students took to the streets with large book-shaped shields to defend themselves from police charges. Their message was clear: our imagination defends us from your violence. The titles that came out of this writers pen were also present on their covers. Id much rather see myself on these shields than win the Strega award, Evangelisti commented. Ive never been so proud as when I saw myself up there. Strega, in addition to being a saffron-colored herbal liqueur, is Italys most prestigious mainstream literature award. But there was very little mainstream about Evangelistis life.

He began to serve in the revolutionary left-wing parties in 1969, earning the nickname So Long (as he was called, in English) on account of his height: In those days we were essentially referred to by first names or nicknames, he said. Last names were for the police. Nobody else asked for them. When in 1977 those political groups headed into crisis, becoming institutionalized or dissolving into the workers autonomy movement, Evangelisti continued his militant activity by participating in dozens of committees and then, in the 1980s, in the nascent social centers.

These territorially based organizations were the spontaneous response to the fragmentation of what had hitherto been the subjects of social revolt, with the end of the Fordist cycle of accumulation. Occupying disused buildings to turn them into meeting places, where music was made and film forums were organized, made it possible to resist even if only partially repression, political reversals, and the rampant plague of heroin. Through them, the heritage of the struggles of the previous decade was passed on to younger generations.

Evangelisti, however, had a second, a third, and even a fourth life. After graduating in political science in 1976, he continued to pursue academic research, publishing volumes and essays on history concerning the Jacobin plebs of Bologna, early Italian socialism, the anarchist band Bonnot, and punk cultures. He had also won a contest to be admitted to the Superior School of Public Administration, in 1981 becoming an executive civil servant at the Finance Ministry.

This new occupation did not change his political attitude in the slightest: as he recounted on more than one occasion, he passed information to the grassroots unions as best he could, so that they would have as much ammunition as possible in their negotiations with the other side. But this revolutionary researcher who infiltrated behind enemy lines had also begun writing fantastical stories and novels, which he circulated for fun among friends and comrades.

This was soon met with success. In 1993, his Nicolas Eymerich, inquisitore won the Urania Award, a contest for unpublished works of science fiction, organized by Italys biggest publishing firm, Mondadori. The following year, the book became a bestseller in this field, and in 1995, a sequel was published in instalments in the weekly magazine of Repubblica, Italys second most read newspaper. Radio adaptations, comics, and video games followed.

Nicolas Eymerich was a Catalan inquisitor who really existed in the medieval era, but his literary transposition by Evangelisti makes him an educated, cunning, cruel, misogynistic, insectophobe, and especially schizoid character, in whose person elements of paraliterature, gothic, horror, space opera, cyberpunk, detective, Western, historical novels, and Bildungsroman converge. If Italian science fiction had hitherto been considered substantially foreign to the national tradition, it was born in its own right with this Dominican priest.

The style of the novels of the Eymerich cycle is clear, fluent, and without linguistic experimentation. The plot is articulated around various temporal planes: the fourteenth century in which the inquisitor lives, the later settings where we meet the scientist Marcus Frullifer, the psitronic spaceships, the three US states with a single army, and the Nazicommunists of the Rache in eternal conflict with Euroforce, the political front for the Eurobank. In this literary metaverse, Eymerich solves an enigma at each conjuncture and restores the Churchs reactionary order wherever heresy and subversion might risk taking root.

But why does the revolutionary Evangelisti encourage the reader to identify with a hero who, in the course of his inner journey, instead of redeeming himself, turns into a completely evil monster? According to Alberto Sebastiani editor of a monumental work that collects the thirteen novels dedicated to the Dominican his psychopathology, his coldness, his hostility to the Other, is in embryo the same as contemporary capitalisms own: Eymerich is a form of evil, a shadow. And it must be recognized. Thats why the reader, in his heros journey, must investigate the character, understand how he works and defeat him.

After all, not only the Eymerich cycle, but the Bologna writers entire oeuvre is configured as one enormous novel in which the forces of reaction and of rebellion eternally clash. However totalizing and desperate the scenarios evoked may be, the possibility of resistance is never completely silenced. Worthy of note is the final dialogue of Black Flag in which Carl, standing in front of the tanks reimposing domination by the powerful, cries out:

Its useless! Theyve already won anyway! The world is theirs! The future is theirs!

Sheryl answered: Maybe. The important thing is that they know that there are those who resist.

She advanced towards the wagons firing all six shots of the drum, in succession. Six silver bullets pierced the screaming metal.

Resistance is never futile: If the cause is just, the battles lost are the most beautiful, says an Irish teenager in the Western novel Antracite. Here the protagonist is Pantera, another serial character created by Evangelisti. A Mexican gunslinger, he is a quite different figure from the inquisitor, although they do share some common traits. While Eymerich is ready to eliminate anyone who questions power, Pantera is the hireling of his paymasters but, out of an irrepressible sense of justice, he rebels against those who commit abuses against the weakest.

In Evangelistis poetics, if the principle of rebellion is resilient in the face of power, it has the same weapon at its disposal as reaction does: the imagination, in this case serving to conceive a different future. Narratives, and especially those of popular literature, evoke archetypes, allow readers to make a journey together, and recreate the social bond destroyed by capitalism.

Evangelistis imaginary included fantastical figures (vampires, the living dead, ghosts, werewolves), but was not limited to this. His output also included many works of historical fiction without supernatural elements. Among these we should mention the three novels of the Il Sole dellAvvenire (Sun of the Future) cycle. This saga of a family from Emilia-Romagna tells the story of Italian socialism from 1870 to the early years of World War II, passing through the biennio rosso of factory and land occupations in 191920, Fascism and the years of the Resistance.

The writer weaves into these new adventures a phenomenology of class consciousness, dramatic, articulate, and not without humorous elements. Family separations, stories of emigration, unemployment, and poverty intersect with popular myths and the forms of an alternative sociality, produced by the class composition of time and place. Very interesting is the case of the cameracce (bad rooms) that allowed workers to cheaply drink and eat, to have places to meet and play cards after work. It is no coincidence that a character in the book sees therein an embryo of the future society. The authors role in the social-centers movement of the 1980s is strongly evoked here.

Evangelistis last novel was entitled Gli anni del coltello (The Years of the Knife). The revolution has been defeated and the patriots who fought for the Roman Republic in 1849 are dispersed throughout the Italian peninsula. They try again to attack the Habsburg-Austrian authorities in a plethora of farcical micro-insurrections, they delude themselves that the Savoy monarchy will aid the national cause, they quarrel among themselves, end up in prison, suffer tortures, and betray one another.

This is the narrative world in which a dark protagonist again operates: an ethical terrorist who kills in the name of the republic and the word of Giuseppe Mazzini. Dressed in a cloak and a wide-brimmed hat, Gabariol is a fierce folk hero who, through his long and bloody odyssey, never has a real change of consciousness. He always remains true to himself, even as events force him to confront the contradictions of the revolution. For this is a revolution that does not address the social question and continually pushes patriots into the bloodbath, to fulfill the calls for armed struggle coming from a republican party now transformed into the Company of Death.

Again in this work, the peculiar elements of Evangelistis sociological poetics recur: the taverns as fortresses of the antagonistic social fabric with their related popular food and wine culture, their songs and their imaginary; womens agency, with a surprising mixture of subversive radicalism and pragmatism; and the historical novel as a multilayered device, whose fluid and entertaining narration harbors a deep analysis of the human experiences that result from social conflict.

Reading this last bequest of the Bologna writer, our thoughts immediately turn to Italy in the early 1980s. We think of the expectations for a better world which lasted for a decade and vanished within a few months; to the militarization of the political confrontation; to the special laws; to the five thousand political prisoners; to the enforced disappearances; and to the rapes and tortures which were identified during trials but never followed by punishments for the guilty. Millions of men and women, after having tasted the thrill of an authentic life, turned back into the private sphere, into withdrawal, depression, heroin, clandestinity, self-referentiality, and then, in many cases, even into reporting on their former comrades.

Valerio Evangelisti had a past as a historian, and mastered the tools of scholarship. To these he added the imaginary models drawn from literature to push research further, and above all to forge weapons of rebellion. Despite becoming a successful writer, he never abandoned his political commitment, supporting the Sandinista revolution, anti-imperialist struggles in Latin America, and the movement against the unnecessary and costly environmental destruction caused by the project for a high-speed train line through the Val di Susa. His last battle was against the current military escalation: in video conferences he appeared in front of his vast library making the case calmly and with many historical examples against rearmament. We must not give up an inch, he insisted.

One of his creatures that he particularly cared for is still among us: Carmilla, a political-literary magazine that takes its name from the vampire that sprung from Sheridan Le Fanus pen. Evangelisti was its editor in chief until his last day of life. Born in a paper version in 1995, it turned into a webzine after a few years. It hosts reviews, serialized novels, humorous pieces, reportages, articles on political, sociological and philosophical theory; interventions by dissident writers, activists, researchers and other supporters of the imaginary way to communism.

A fitting expression of the importance of the imaginary to political struggle comes from Evangelistis preface to Jack Londons The Iron Heel. Here, he recalled how partisan commanders never failed to mention this book of social science fiction among the works to be read between actions. Im sure that in the backpacks and smartphones of the partisans of the future, there will always be a book by Valerio Evangelisti.

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Valerio Evangelisti Used Literature to Point the Way to Communism - Jacobin magazine

Prague’s First Private Museum Is Haunted by the Specter of Communism – Hyperallergic

PRAGUE The specter of communism is haunting Pragues art scene. The citys first private museum, Kunsthalle Praha, opened in February, marks a move away from the state-funded culture industry that once thrived but has struggled in recent years.

For almost a century, Pragues artists and curators have relied on the Czech government to fund exhibitions and residencies. Under communism, the state was the sole provider of cultural funds. After communisms fall in 1989, the city clung to this communist-era relic even as other European art hubs embraced private funding. Pragues National Gallery is still entirely funded by the state, as are several of the citys numerous residency programs.

That support structure has made the city particularly appealing to younger artists from elsewhere in Europe. Prague is centrally located near other major art hubs like Vienna and Berlin, so it is an ideal crossroads for Central and Eastern European artists. Czech artists and collectors tend to have close relationships with counterparts in the art communities of nearby cities, such as Dresden and Katowice. Artists from all over Europe come to Prague. This kind of exchange is the best way of making an arts scene more dynamic, notes Christelle Havranek, chief curator at Kunsthalle Praha.

Prague is often the first stop for recent art school graduates in France and Germany. State funding also means that there is ample funding for upstarts looking to relocate, and the citys relatively small arts scene is easier to break into than larger ones in London or Paris. Theyll come here for two, three, or four years, says Piotr Sikora, who curates artist residencies at MeetFactory. The scene is quite welcoming and there are structures in place to help them live here.

Unlike most other European cities, which have several major museums that share cultural significance, Pragues museum scene remains concentrated in a single institution. In addition to serving as a steward of the countrys national art collection, the National Gallery is also responsible for championing younger Czech artists and hosting traveling exhibitions.

However, funding cuts have stretched the already overworked institution to the brink. During the pandemic, the Czech Republic implemented an austerity plan that resulted in sharp cuts to its cultural budget. Artists have complained of poor pay and less than luxurious treatment, as well as a significantly reduced acquisitions budget.

Part of Kunsthalle Prahas proposition for the city is to introduce a private funding model as a means of assuaging the financial woes of the publicly run National Gallery. The museums founders and primary donors are Petr and Pavlina Pudil, one of the Czech Republics most prominent art-collecting families. Through their family foundation, the Pudils funded the museums construction and donated their entire collection to the Kunsthalle on permanent loan.

This approach has allowed the Pudils to bypass many of the constraints publicly funded institutions encounter, including funding limitations and the climate of the political environment. Public institutions tend to be vulnerable to political influences, which is something weve seen here and in nearby countries like Poland and Hungary, says Ivan Goossen, Kunsthalle Prahas director. In contrast, Goossen notes, private institutions are only limited by the desires of their members and donors, which allows them to develop a more robust program. Indeed, in 2020, the annual budget for the National Gallery was around $20 million, half of what it cost to build the Kunsthalle Praha.

Like the German kunsthalles, temporary exhibition spaces that lack permanent collections, Kunsthalle Praha is focused primarily on rotating exhibitions featuring works from a variety of collections. Unlike the National Gallery, which mostly centers on Czech art and building out its own collection, Kunsthalle Praha has a lean collection and focuses its efforts internationally.

Kunsthalle Prahas inaugural show, Kinetismus: 100 Years of Electricity in Art, does just that. Curated by Christelle Havranek and Peter Weibel, the director of the Zentrum fr Kunst und Medien in Karlsruhe, Germany, the exhibition traces the history of electricity in art over the past century. Kinetismus pairs works from art history textbook stalwarts like Marcel Duchamp and Man Ray with internationally recognized contemporary names like William Kentridge and Olafur Eliasson to explore how electricity has transformed artistic practices. Drawn from collections around the world, the chosen works lean heavily on live spectacle (lights, sound, physical magnitude) and interactive participation a clear sign that the museums inaugural exhibition is meant to be remembered.

In addition to its global aspirations, Kinetismus seeks to magnify the work of Zdenk Penek, a little-known Czech artist who was a key figure in the countrys early 20th-century avant-garde scene. In 1932, Penek was also selected to design a series of sculptures intended to adorn the facade of the Zenger electrical substation, which now houses Kunsthalle Praha. As part of the exhibition, the museum recreated the neon and plastic works, which mysteriously disappeared in the 1930s after being displayed at an exhibition in Paris.

Despite being privately run, artifacts of the communist state are deeply ingrained in Kunsthalle Praha. In the past, the Zenger substation was a crucial element in the citys electrical grid, powering parts of Pragues legendary tram system. And like many aristocrats in the former Eastern bloc, the Pudils profited from the wave of privatization that occurred in the 1990s. In Petr Pudils case, he acquired the countrys state-owned coal-mining operations.

When plans to launch the museum were first announced in 2019, Pudils role in post-1989 privatization came to the fore. After a local art outlet published an investigation into the familys finances, some artists and curators began to oppose the new institution. Their concerns were rooted in both Pudils libertarian ideology, which they saw as detrimental to the local arts community, and his involvement in an environmentally destructive industry. For their part, the Pudil family maintains they have long since divested from coal and now focus on solar and other more environmentally friendly energy sources.

I think the 90s really left a bad taste in some peoples mouths. A lot of people really see that period as the core of our troubles today, explains Tereza Stejskalov, the program director of the Czech branch of Tranzit, a pan-European arts organization. Those troubles which extend to other art hubs, such as Warsaw, Bratislava, and Berlin include increasingly unaffordable housing and decreasing funding for the arts.

In Berlin, a city whose rapidly developing art scene has served as a model and a warning for many in Prague, another private kunsthalle project has attracted unwelcome attention. The debate around the Kunsthalle Berlin has similarly focused on the privatization of arts institutions and its effects on the city. Earlier this month, more than 650 artists, critics, and curators signed an open letter denouncing the new exhibition hall.

The shadow of late communism has also affected the priorities of artists in Eastern Europe. A younger generation of artists and curators have grown up in a post-communist landscape that was far wealthier than that of their parents. Greater resources for travel and better funding opportunities have pushed them to foster connections with other art scenes in former Eastern bloc countries. Curator Sikora and others have been instrumental in refocusing attention inward, while organizations like the East Europe Biennial Foundation have formed regional alliances.

Theres a movement that says: Maybe we dont need the West as much anymore. Maybe we can connect with other Eastern European countries instead, states Stejskalov. By offering an internationally focused program that emphasizes Czech artists, Kunsthalle Praha seems determined to walk the line between East and West, as well as past and present.

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Prague's First Private Museum Is Haunted by the Specter of Communism - Hyperallergic

Labor Day: A Celebration by Communists Adopted from the West – Hungary Today

Almost all of Europe (and many other nations outside the continent) celebrates Labor Day, the origin of which goes back to the history of the USA. On May 1, 1886, trade and labor unions organized a large general strike. It was triggered by poor working conditions and the underpayment of industrial workers. It is a day off from work for the vast majority of Hungarian workers. In the past, in communist Hungary, it was celebrated with many events and huge parades where the political leadership could further spread communist propaganda. How is it possible that a western celebration was adopted by communist countries?

This article was originallypublishedon our sister-site, Ungarn Heute.

Despite its U.S. origin (a general strike on May 1, 1886), this day is celebrated in the U.S. and Canada not on May 1, but on September 1. Originally, the strike was aimed at reducing daily working hours, which were then 10-13 hours, to eight hours. At that time, it was decided to start the campaign on May 1, because in many American companies the new fiscal year began on that day, which also meant that many labor contracts would have gone into effect on May 1.

Around 340,000 people participated in the strike. A major center of the demonstrations was Chicago, where some companies went on strike for several days. On May 3, three striking workers at the McCormick Harvester factory were killed in a demonstration. The next day, a protest march took place, and in the evening, as the march was breaking up, the Haymarket riot broke out. Someone threw a fragmented bomb at police officers. The police responded by firing on the workers. Seven police officers and at least four civilians were killed. Because of this event, there is a tradition of May Day marches. Although we date the origin to 1886, there were earlier labor movements fighting for the establishment of the 8-hour workday, such as April 21, 1856 in Australia.

Related article

The pictures of the first official May Day in Hungary perfectly capture the spread of the communist dictatorship's ideology among the members of the society.Continue reading

How can it be that a Western event became a communist tradition? It is perhaps a mitigating circumstance that the Briton, Robert Owen, who as early as 1817 wanted to improve the situation of workers with the slogan Eight hours labour, Eight hours recreation, Eight hours rest, was one of the founders of utopian socialism. He was a socialist who had the interests of workers at heart. The fact that he came from a capitalist country was dwarfed by his socialist virtues.

Fact The communist regimes, whose ideology centered on working people, treated May Day as a special holiday. After the communist takeover, the day, originally called Workers Holiday, was politically transformed into a holiday of workers, peasants, and intellectuals, known as Labor Day, in the countries of the Eastern bloc. In Hungary, May 1 has been a national holiday since 1946. After the fall of communism, the name of the day of workers solidarity was retained as Labor Day. As in most countries of the world, it is now an official holiday in Hungary. /source: Wikipedia/

Although the holiday did not become an official state holiday in Hungary until 1946, it already existed in 1919, when the Hungarian Soviet Republic was created. The day was celebrated even though the country was practically in ruins after World War I, the situation was chaotic, the Czechoslovakians in the north, and the Serbs and Romanians in the south were invading the Hungarian territories.

Long live the proletarian dictatorship painting by Albert Baky (18681944). Source: wikipedia.org

Andrssy Street on May 1 in front of the building of the Hungarian State Opera. Photo: Fortepan / SK

In the Kdr era (1956-1989) the day also had a special meaning. In the ideology of communism, the concept of the working man, the working people, played a very important role, and people were obliged to have a job. People took to the streets all over the country. Parades were held all over Hungary, and people paraded through the capital with banners, flags and signs. Participation in the celebrations was mandatory and the various factories, companies and offices had to take part in groups.

There are typical delicacies that people still like to eat nowadays even on this day, such as various sausages, beer, or cotton candy.

Jzsef Boulevard on May 1, 1946. Photo: Fortepan / Pl Berk

Stalin Square (today tvenhatosok tere) on May 1, 1955. Photo: Fortepan

May 1, 1964, From left: Istvn Dobi, immediately next to him Soviet cosmonaut Adrian Nikolayev and Jnos Kdr, Photo: Fortepan / Gyula Nagy

The parade was so important for the socialist countries that it was even held during the worlds biggest nuclear disaster: On April 26, 1986, Chernobyl reactor unit 4 in Ukraine exploded without the knowledge of the Atomic Energy Commission, enveloping the area in a cloud of nuclear dust. Forty times more radioactive material was released into the atmosphere than in the atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Three million people in Ukraine and two million in Belarus were exposed. The mass media in the socialist countries first denied the disaster and then tried to minimize it. On Gorbachevs orders, artificial rain clouds were created in Moscow on May 1 and the radioactive cloud was directed at Belarus so that a parade could be held in the Russian capital. In Hungary, hundreds of thousands celebrated Labor Day in the streets without knowing that they were actually in danger.

Fact It is important to mention that in 1955 the Roman Catholic Church, led by Pope Pius XII, decided to declare May 1 the feast of St. Joseph the Worker. Since then, May 1 has been the holiday of workers in the Catholic church as well.

Featured photo via Fortepan

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Labor Day: A Celebration by Communists Adopted from the West - Hungary Today