Archive for the ‘Communism’ Category

Former Professor in China Finds Hope in Shen Yun – The Epoch Times

KNOXVILLE, Tenn.Although the Chinese Communist Party holds power in China, they do not represent the people of the nation. Shen Yun Performing Arts is sharing the beauty of China before communism with audiences around the world.

Greg Hutchens, a health and safety professional, used to be a professor in China. He saw firsthand how the people of China wish for an end to communism. After experiencing Shen Yun, he shared his thoughts on the performance and his time in China.

[Shen Yun] is very transcendent. Its much like Chinese culture. I lived and worked there for many years, said Mr. Hutchens.

They do not want communism, they want freedom. They want American capitalism, capitalism of any kind, he elaborated.

But you have to be a member of the Communist Party to be a teacher, to be a doctor, to be a lawyer. You have to pay under the table. They dont like communism, but people are good, theyre wholesome. They love family.

Having lived in China, Mr. Hutchens could tell that todays society was also approaching a dangerous place.

Todays family is falling apart. When the family falls apart, the culture and the country follow, he said.

The community and the society falls apart, added Lynne Hutchens, his wife.

Shen Yun is based in New York and each year it puts on an all-new production that portrays scenes in the heavens as well as Chinas 5,000 years of history. Even dances that portray modern-day China are filled with hope.

They portrayed an innocence and beauty about life and living before communism came in and crushed that beauty. Being able to see this reminds us of what can be again and inspires us to want that again, said Ms. Hutchens.

This was beauty and light, communism is oppression and darkness, added Mr. Hutchens.

Audiences around the world have found that seeing Shen Yun gave them a sense of hope.

It shows the good in people, that the divinity in each one of us can overcome that ugliness, said Ms. Hutchens. [We] can triumph over that oppression, through self-expression and through values that are shared in a community.

Mr. Hutchens said that the pandemic caused a lot of worries and concerns and added that seeing Shen Yun is a release. It goes back to a simpler time when values were much more apparent in individuals and in family life.

Shen Yun is filled with spiritual meaning, including the belief that good will be rewarded and evil punished.

Were all a piece of divinity and we have a purpose to learn so we can go back home and become even greater, said Ms. Hutchens.

We come from somewhere before this earth, we lived in another time and we come here with divinity in our spiritswe have nobility in our souls. Part of the reason were here is to find what that purpose is, and to bring glory to that individual who brought us here, added Mr. Hutchens.

Reporting by Sally Sun and Maria Han.

The Epoch Timesis a proud sponsor ofShen Yun Performing Arts. We have coveredaudience reactionssince Shen Yuns inception in 2006.

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Former Professor in China Finds Hope in Shen Yun - The Epoch Times

The U.S. and Our Allies Must Stand Up to China on the Human Rights Council | Opinion – Newsweek

Will the U.N. Human Rights Council finally take up the issue of Communist China's oppression of the Uyghurs? That's the most important question as the council begins its latest session on June 13. Since the end of its most recent regular session in April, the most damning evidence to date of Beijing's tyranny in Xinjiang province has emerged. It may be now or never for the United States and like-minded countries to push the council to hold the Chinese Communist Party accountable.

The backdrop to the new session was informed by two events. First, the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Michele Bachelet conducted an embarrassing tour of China, including Xinjiang, in late May. She praised the regime's "tremendous achievements" on human rights, while repeating Beijing's propaganda that internment camps in Xinjiang are part of "deradicalization" policies. Having worked with her at the U.N. in Geneva, I fear the commissioner will maintain these claims in the council's session. She will also likely continue to withhold her office's official report on Xinjiang, which has been three years in the making and repeatedly delayed.

The second event coincided with Commissioner Bachelet's trip, when my organization published a massive trove of documents and images from Beijing's de facto concentration camps in Xinjiang. The Xinjiang Police Files, provided to us by an anonymous hacker who broke into the province's police database, show the grim reality the commissioner ignored.

The cache contains more than 2,800 images of detained Uyghurs, many crying, in handcuffs, or behind bars, with ages ranging from 15 to 73. It also includes internal police documents detailing the methods of detention, including unmistakable phrases like "shoot first, report later." Finally, we obtained private speech transcripts in which senior Communist officials call for detaining Uyghurs en masse while stating the direct involvement of Chinese President Xi Jinping in the genocidal campaign. These images and documents, which we have independently authenticated, blatantly expose Beijing's lie that what's happening in Xinjiang is really "vocational education."

The Xinjiang Police Files deserve the Human Rights Council's full attention. At least six current membersincluding the United Kingdom, Germany, the Netherlands, France and Finlandhave already denounced Communist China in response to our reporting. Germany has even committed to changing its China policy to put a stronger emphasis on human rights.

The final member, the United States, has also reacted to our reporting by criticizing Beijing. Secretary of State Antony Blinken said the findings "offer further proof of arbitrary detention," and U.N. Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield said she was "horrified." Yet as the council's latest session prepares to start, there is no indication any of these countries plan to run a resolution calling for an official investigation or condemnation.

This is a grave mistake. Having served at the U.N. in Geneva, I suspect the U.S. and its allies don't think such a resolution would pass. Yet that's not necessarily true. Forcing a debate is essential to bringing other countries on board and even spurring the council to rare positive action. It has happened beforemost recently with Russia, Venezuela and North Koreaand it should happen again.

The U.S. and its allies should work behind the scenes to convince like-minded countries to join it, while pressuring other nations to abstain using a combination of carrot and stick, thereby lowering the number of votes needed for passage. Most members of the Human Rights Council may not care about human rights, but they can still be encouraged to vote the right way. If the vote succeeded, the council could compel the commissioner to begin a full and honest investigation of Communist China's atrocities. Hopefully that won't be Commissioner Bachelet, who should either resign, as more than 200 human rights organizations have called for, or be replaced when her term expires later this year.

Even if a resolution did fail, it would be worth the effort, not least for the moral message it sends. The U.S. and other human-rights-loving countries could honestly say they tried to push the Human Rights Council to live up to its name. When rejoining the council last October, President Joe Biden promised the U.S. would be a "constructive voice," while Secretary Blinken vowed to "work hard to ensure the Council ... better supports those fighting against injustice and tyranny." Surely that means calling out Communist China in light of the latest evidence.

No one expects the Human Rights Council to become a beacon of freedom and justice. Yet we should still expect the council to do its job and debate real human rights abuses, particularly the most egregious violations. The latest evidence decisively dispels Beijing's longstanding denials and obfuscations. If the U.S. and its international partners don't make Communist China's oppression in Xinjiang a main focus of the council's new session, then it's hard to see it ever happening.

Andrew Bremberg is president and CEO of the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation. He served as the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations in Geneva from 2019 to 2021.

The views expressed in this article are the writer's own.

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The U.S. and Our Allies Must Stand Up to China on the Human Rights Council | Opinion - Newsweek

Conservative maverick’s fringe theories persist today – Winnipeg Free Press

President Dwight Eisenhower was a communist agent. President Kennedy schemed to place the American military under the control of the United Nations as a step towards incorporating the United States into the Soviet Union and establishing a one-world socialist dictatorship. The Civil Rights movement, womens liberation, sex education and abortion are communist plots. Communism itself is the creation of the members of a two-hundred year old secret society called the Illuminati.

If you believe any of that, you wont like this book. On the other hand, if you dont live in fantasyland, you will find Edward H. Millers book helpful in understanding how we became a culture of alternative facts.

Miller, a professor at Bostons Northeastern University, uses the life of Robert Welch to explain how the Republican Party shifted to the extreme right and beyond.

Born in 1899 in North Carolina, Robert Welch grew up in an affluent family which revered religion and the myth of the Old South. He was highly intelligent. At 12 years old, he became the youngest student ever to enroll at the University of North Carolina. He excelled at English literature, German, French and, above all, math.

Determined to achieve the financial freedom that would allow him to lead a life of intellectual inquiry, he founded a candy manufacturing company which went bankrupt but eventually prospered, thanks in large part to a lollipop called the Sugar Daddy (this is not an alternative fact).

Roosevelts New Deal, with its government-subsidized projects, support for labour and a social safety net, horrified American business leaders. They retaliated with waves of propaganda extolling the free market, low taxes and the rugged individualism of the frontier as the foundations of American greatness.

Welch was one of those business leaders. Miller tries to explain, not altogether satisfactorily, how, of all these rightists, Welch came to believe his outlandish conspiracy theories. He suggests that his addiction to math may have made him seek out pure logical sequences as explanations of world events.

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Nevertheless, Welch did develop his theories and, according to Miller, sincerely believed them. All he had to do to save Western civilization was to reveal the truth to the American people.

For decades, Welch spread his message through radio, books, newspapers and support for organizations such as the America First Committee and authoritarians such as Charles Lindbergh and Joe McCarthy. Eventually in 1958, he decided that a more focused grassroots organization was necessary and founded the John Birch Society. Named after an American missionary killed by Chinese communists, the Society opened branches across the country to spread Welchs message and elect supporters to school boards and state and federal governments.

Although Miller is at pains to excuse Welch of being antisemitic or anti-African-American, the society attracted many notorious racists. Welchs own denials of bigotry cannot hide his views that a Zionist conspiracy contributed to the origins of communism, or that Black Americans would have been happy with their lot except for communist agitators.

Initially popular, the society began to lose mainstream Republican support when Welch attacked Eisenhower as a willing agent of the Soviet Union. However, Welchs views took on new life in the 1970s with revelations of government lies about Vietnam, Watergate, the Equal Rights (for women) Amendment campaign, the acceptance of homosexuality and the legalization of abortion.

Free-market industrialists and ultra-evangelical religious groups found common cause in opposing the emergence of a more tolerant, socially responsible country. Welch died in 1985, just before digital media arrived to lock the public into toxic echo chambers endlessly reinforcing their prejudices. Far from repudiating conspiracy theories, todays Republican Party embraces them. It seem Welchs version of truth just goes marching on.

Every night, Winnipegger John K. Collins leaves out a glass of whisky to keep the fairies at the bottom of his garden happy.

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Conservative maverick's fringe theories persist today - Winnipeg Free Press

‘The Red Witch’: how communist writer, intellectual and activist Katharine Susannah Prichard helped shape Australia – The Conversation

Nathan Hobbys The Red Witch: A Biography of Katharine Susannah Prichard takes on the challenging task of sorting out the complicated details of Prichards life as a child, sibling, governess, teacher, friend, lover, wife, mother, aunt, grandmother, traveller, celebrity, journalist, poet, novelist, short-story writer, social activist, public speaker and communist.

Prichard spent critical years as a wife and widow writing fiction in her Western Australian home, but the image of her as an isolated writer captures only a small fraction of an otherwise crowded and committed public life.

Review: The Red Witch: A Biography of Katharine Susannah Prichard Nathan Hobby (Miegunyah Press).

It is remarkable that we have had no full-scale independent biography of Prichard to this date. There has been nothing since the work of her son Ric Throssell, who edited two volumes of his mothers writing and published a biography, Wild Weeds and Windflowers: The Life and Letters of Katharine Susannah Prichard (1975).

So The Red Witch is timely. It will prompt what we might call recalibrations of Prichards life adjustments to how we imagine the life and the combined literary and political careers even if it is unlikely to produce any major reassessment of her standing as a writer or, for that matter, a political activist.

It can be read alongside works by figures such as Carole Ferrier and Drusilla Modjeska, and later literary scholars, who have been rediscovering the role of Australian women as novelists, journalists and critics in the interwar and postwar decades.

Read more: Hidden women of history: Leila Waddell, Australian violinist, philosopher of magic and fearless rebel

Prichard is a key figure in Australian literary history, a key figure in Australias intellectual history, and a key figure in Australias left-wing political history.

These are challenging dimensions to summon and sustain in a single narrative, not least a biography that is centrally concerned with the details of its subjects family and friendships, her aspirations and fears, her domestic presence, her colleagues and comrades, and her sexual life.

Hobby manages the shifting focus of these concerns clearly, in such a way that there is no simple separation of public and private spheres. Friends and collaborators were continually struck by Prichards thoughtfulness and sensitivity in the public domain. But there are also few moments of private or intimate life that are free from the tensions and obligations of public, political or intellectual involvement.

Prichard was controversial as a communist activist, for those inclined to discover such controversy, but her friendships and family ties were seldom bound to political allegiance in any narrow way. They were more often defined by the intensity and commitment of the friendship she asked for and offered. Her letters share the passionate language of her fiction and some of its seductiveness, but also its toughness and directness.

The Red Witch is not written for scholars, Hobby explains, despite Prichards ongoing interest for literary critics and historians. It has been written for

a general readership drawn to the peculiar pleasures of biography: the true drama of a life, the glimpses of a lost but familiar world, the recoverable details of the past.

Hobby aims to show a lived life. The biography is largely successful in this aim.

Prichards father, a committed journalist and editor, was an arch-conservative. He was religious, later depressed, and eventually suicidal. The early portraits of him in Fiji with his family at the time of Prichards birth remain entangled in much of the story beyond his life, despite the outrageous distance Prichard travelled from her fathers aspirations.

Prichards early religious entanglements were in dialogue with her father. So were her later departures towards the causes of labour, womens rights and socialism.

Her initiative and originality emerged early in her taking on the tasks of governess, teacher, part-time student, and then journalist. These qualities were evident, too, in her early writing and involvement in local drama societies. Early contacts became lifelong friendships. She remained on close terms with Hilda Bull (later Hilda Esson), Nettie Palmer, and Christian Jollie Smith three women who also had remarkable careers.

In May 1906, with Prichard aged 22, the first episode of her series A City Girl in Central Australia appeared in New Idea. Soon after, she met her Preux Chevalier, W.T. Reay, a married newspaper editor and politician, who, the evidence suggests, became her lover, his presence coinciding with her stays in London, Paris and Australian cities.

Prichard remained a great traveller. Hobby also underscores the significance of Melbourne in Prichards maturation as a writer and in shaping her complicated political engagements. Her family connections and her activities in journalism and literary circles led to influential contacts, from Alfred Deakin to the academic and essayist Walter Murdoch, the poet Bernard ODowd and, later, Miles Franklin.

Prichards politics developed over the same period, through the whole range of socialist philosophies. She embraced pro-suffragist, rationalist and materialist positions, with what Prichard herself later called idealistic naivety.

The Great War confirmed her left-wing politics. She voted no in the second (not the first) referendum on conscription. Her commitment to peace was cemented in place at this stage, not least because of her brothers death in France.

The Russian Revolution would reinforce the directions her politics were taking, although its effect was largely delayed until the 1920s. Prichard was famously a founding member of the Communist Party of Australia in 1920, but her full political engagement did not materialise until the 1930s and 1940s.

Read more: Stuart Macintyre's rich history of the Communist Party of Australia recaptures a lost political world

Prichards political activity in this period, and right through to the 1960s, is extraordinary. She participated in a wide range of social groups, left-wing and womens associations, the Movement Against War and Fascism, the Writers League, the Australian Peace Council, and many more.

Her support of communism and the Soviet Union remained firm from the 1920s on. In her utopian book The Real Russia (1935), she displays an extraordinary passion and, in her own way, a modernist desire for change.

Prichards career as a novelist began in London, where she wrote Windlestraws, a forgettable light romance (albeit with an intriguing plot) that was not published until 1916, and her first published book The Pioneers (1915), which won Hodder & Stoughtons prize for novels from colonial and Indian authors.

The Pioneers has recently attracted new critical interest for its romantic investments, but also for its complicated portrayal of the Australian bush, its relative quietness, and its structure and characterisation. Prichards potential significance for literature, and Australian literature in particular, was noted in reviews at the time.

Hobby identifies Prichards major creative period as extending from the novel Black Opal (1921) through to Haxbys Circus (1930), a period that incorporates what remains her most read work, Coonardoo (1929), plus major short stories and drama.

Intimate Strangers, published in 1937 after numerous delays and revisions, just misses out in this listing, but its stories of sexual desire and violence and its psychological entanglements remain confronting.

What comes across throughout much of The Red Witch, right through to Prichards death, and alongside her sensuous identifications with nature, region and character, is the unglamorous dimension of the life of a working writer (with the adjective understood in its fullest sense).

The biography records this sense of her, evident from early existing notebooks through to her goldfields trilogy The Roaring Nineties (1946), Golden Miles (1948), and Winged Seeds (1950) and her last novel Subtle Flame (1967), published just two years before her death. It also reminds us that Prichards short stories and plays and her poetry are much less known than her novels.

Hobby covers the recent controversies surrounding Aboriginal representation in Coonardoo, but asserts the novels ongoing power. The goldfields trilogy has also attracted recent criticism. The trilogys take on historical scale and its persistent concern with key Aboriginal characters has been re-evaulated. Miles Franklin, its interesting to see, was one of the first to emphasise the central role of both women and Aboriginal peoples in Prichards fiction.

Prichards life was marked by the suicide of those closest to her her father and then her husband, Hugo Throssell and beyond her marriage by threats of sexual violence or rape. Personal life often exposed the tensions between fidelity, desire and intimate relations.

These later elements reappear directly or indirectly in her fiction, making it edgier and more powerful than the work of many of her contemporaries. It is more powerful, too, than any simple celebration of rural or regional Australia, for the two dimensions can be closely linked. There is little in Prichards fiction that sits comfortably with more mainstream investments in the Australian bush.

Prichards marriage to Hugo is, of course, central to the story, although it is placed here in the context of other romances, before and after. If a slow starter, Prichard was not addicted to celibacy, though close relationships seem more important to her than sex itself.

Hobby emphasises tensions and differences within Prichards marriage. Difficult marriages are analysed, sharply, if sometimes comically, in Prichards writing. But she kept returning to the marriage throughout the rest of her career, investing in the bonds of love and intimacy it represented. Her absence overseas when Hugo committed suicide no doubt burnt the story deeply into her sense of self and community.

Nathan Hobby offers a full account of Prichards private and public lives, but if I can read now as a literary scholar rather than a general reader The Red Witch presents only limited interpretations of Prichards fiction. It considers how and why her writing mattered in the past and again today, and the way the distinctive qualities of her literary work are often reproduced in her letters and other writings, but such readings are often present only in a sentence or two.

Similarly, The Red Witch offers only notes towards a sense of Prichards engagement in the intellectual history that her politics and literary aspirations demanded. Her extensive reading of Marx and other political literature is noted, but little of the intellectual or political imperatives of such reading at such a time is explored.

Despite disagreeing with the Communist Partys recent criticism of the Soviet Union, Prichard paid up her membership three days before her death in October 1969. Events such as the Spanish Civil War and Soviet communism itself are sometimes presented as being very remote from readers understanding. (The books referencing system asks a good deal from readers too!)

Read more: Judith Wright, an activist poet who was ahead of her time

The Red Witch joins a cluster of recent publications about Australian women authors from the interwar and post-war decades. This year has given us Georgina Arnotts edited Judith Wright: Selected Writings and Ann-Marie Priests My Tongue Is My Own: A Life of Gwen Harwood. Last year saw Eleanor Hogans Into the Loneliness, her account of the unholy alliance between Ernestine Hill and Daisy Bates.

Previous years saw new work on Miles Franklin, Nettie Palmer, Henry Handel Richardson, Zora Cross, Dymphna Cusack and Aileen Palmer. There was also Arnotts biographical take on Judith Wright, The Unknown Judith Wright (2016), and further back Susan Sheridans Nine Lives: Postwar Women Writers Making Their Mark (2011).

This cluster of titles suggests that we now have a rich archive of stories and studies of these writers lives and their personal and intellectual networks.

And yet my impression at the moment is that the institutional structures and support for such a grouping are disappearing rather than emerging, despite the enthusiasm we see for contemporary Australian fiction in our festivals, bookstores, reading groups, and among new postgraduates. Lets hope The Red Witch attracts new readers, for much of it will be news to many.

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'The Red Witch': how communist writer, intellectual and activist Katharine Susannah Prichard helped shape Australia - The Conversation

Russian Jews have long been forced to sacrifice one freedom for another – JNS.org

(June 12, 2022 / Jewish Journal) In early 1917, shortly after the deposition of the last Russian czar, the Provisional Government of the Russian Empire abolished all restrictions on Jewish civil rights. Until then, Jews were largely restricted to the Pale of Settlement along the Empires western border, faced quotas in schools and experienced other forms of professional, economic and political discrimination. For about half a year, until the October Revolution that overthrew the Provisional Government and brought the Bolsheviks to power, Russian Jews experienced true political and religious freedomat least by the standards of the time.

When the Bolsheviks took control of Russia, that freedom vanished for all of the Empires citizens, including its Jews. Having established a dictatorship of the proletariat, the Communists banned all other political parties. In practice, Soviet citizens now had fewer voting rights than they did under the czar after the 1905 revolution, which had led to the creation of a representative legislative assembly based on a multiparty system.

The officially atheist Communist Party also cracked down on religious practice and institutions. This included imprisoning and even murdering religious leaders, destroying places of worship (or repurposing them for secular purposes) and suppressing religious education. For Soviet Jews, this meant that most synagogues were closed, rabbis were either forced to resign or violently repressed and Hebrew language and religious instruction were effectively outlawed, replaced by an officially sanctioned Yiddish culture that preached the new Bolshevik religion. This was nothing less than a state-sponsored effort to erase Jewish culture and traditions throughout the empire.

Nevertheless, many Russian Jews welcomed Bolshevik rule. They comprised disproportionate numbers in early Soviet governments and state institutionsas did other ethnic groups denied such opportunities in the Russian Empire. Despite newfound prohibitions on their religious, ideological and social practices, in the 1920s Soviet Jews excelled in Soviet political, cultural and professional life.

During the early years of the USSR, Soviet Jews continued to experience the (relative) legal equality first granted them by the Provisional Government. Anti-Semitism was even officially outlawed by the government. In exchange, the Jews had to sacrifice the ability to practice their religion, one of the few rights afforded them by the czars (albeit with various restrictions). However, this de facto legal equality would disappear after World War II, though it remained de jure until the USSRs collapse.

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Shortly after the Holocaust, Stalin initiated what historians have called the black years of Soviet Jewry, during which the government forced Soviet Jews out of prestigious professions and universities, arrested and in many cases murdered Jewish leaders and fomented an atmosphere of anti-Jewish hysteria throughout the USSR. Stalins death in 1953 brought an end to the worst of this official anti-Semitism, but Soviet Jews would continue to face unofficial discrimination and legal inequality. This took the form of university and professional quotas, the widespread dissemination of state-sponsored anti-Semitic propaganda under the fig leaf of anti-Zionism and arbitrary refusals by the government to allow them to emigrate. This legal and unofficial discrimination began to wane only during the final years of perestroika and glasnost, before dying along with the Soviet Union.

What does this have to do with Jews in Russia today? Like their ancestors under the Russian Provisional Government of 1917, Jews in Russia and the other nations of the former USSR are free to practice their religion without government interference. Like Jews in the early years of the Soviet Union, they have excelled politically, economically and culturally since the collapse of communism. And in recent years, just like those early Soviet Jews, they have had to sacrifice one kind of freedom for another. Whereas the former had to relinquish their religious freedom for political equality, Jews in Russia today increasingly find themselves losing the political freedom theyand other Russian citizensexperienced after the collapse of the USSR, while successfully defending their freedom of worship.

While the relative political freedom of the Boris Yeltsin era has steadily eroded during Vladimir Putins (and Dmitry Medvedevs) rule, it has taken a nosedive since Russias invasion of Ukraine in February. Since then, the government has shut down what little remained of Russias independent press. It has passed laws allowing Russians to be imprisoned solely for criticizing its attack on Ukraine, which the government calls a special military operation. It has jailed opposition leaders like Alexei Navalny and Vladimir Kara-Murza on unsubstantiated charges of extremism and terrorism after first poisoning them.

Russias 150,000 Jews are now watching developments in the relationship between their government and community leaders with baited breath, wondering if (and how) it will affect the unimpaired religious freedom they have enjoyed since the fall of communism. Jewish religious and communal leaders have faced increasing pressure from the Russian government in recent months to publicly support its invasion of Ukraine. Like Moscows Chief Rabbi Pinchas Goldschmidt, most have refused to do so. Goldschmidt, who is also president of the Conference of European Rabbis, is now in exile in Israel. Rabbi Berel Lazar of Chabad, one of Russias two chief rabbis, has called for an end to the madness of the invasion and demanded an apology from Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov after he claimed on Italian television that Hitler had Jewish roots.

Thousands of Russian Jews have emigrated since Russias invasion of Ukraine began in 2014. Israel has seen the biggest influx of Russian olim since the fall of the USSR. Former Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir, who was also the countrys first ambassador to the USSR, once said, Pessimism is a luxury that a Jew can never allow himself. If pessimism is a luxury, it is one that the Jews of the former Soviet Union have too often denied themselves to their detriment. As the history of Russia and its Jews has repeatedly shown, even when things have been looking up for a while, they can always get worse again. In the midst of a Russian economy facing its greatest decline in decades, Russian Jews should allow themselves the luxury of pessimism as they plan for their future in (or out) of the country.

Oleg Ivanov is a freelance writer and editor.

This article was originally published by Jewish Journal.

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Russian Jews have long been forced to sacrifice one freedom for another - JNS.org