Archive for the ‘Communism’ Category

‘Abdication Of Education’: French Hill Warns Students Are Being Taught About Communism – Oakland News Now

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At a press briefing on Thursday Rep. French Hill (R-AR) spoke about communism. Stay Connected Forbes on Facebook: http://fb.com/forbes Forbes Video on

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'Abdication Of Education': French Hill Warns Students Are Being Taught About Communism - Oakland News Now

Why Communism Failed – Foundation for Economic Education

Editors note: This article, written for FEEs op-ed program, has been carried by newspapers in Alabama, Arkansas, California, Indiana, Missouri, New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania, and, in Spanish-language translation, in New Mexico, New York, Mexico, and the Dominican Republic.

Three years after the Russian Revolution, an Austrian economist, Ludwig von Mises, argued that Communism would fail and explained why. Communism, or socialism, couldnt succeed, Mises wrote in 1920, because it had abolished free markets so that officials had no market prices to guide them in planning production. Mises was relatively unknown when he made his controversial forecast, but he acquired some international renown later as the leading spokesman of the Austrian (free market) school of economics. Since his death in 1973, his theories have gained new adherents, some now even in Eastern Europe.

The Soviet Union was launched with high hopes. Planning was to be done by a central committee, insuring plenty for everyone. The state was to wither away. But things didnt work out that way. The Soviet state soon became one of the most oppressive in the world. Millions of Russians starved in the 1920s and 1930s.

As Mises pointed out, the raw materials, labor, tools, and machines used in socialist production are outside the market. They are owned by government and controlled by government planners. No one can buy or sell them. No market prices can develop for them because they arent exchangeable.

Modern production is time-consuming and complicated. Producers must consider alternatives when deciding what to produce. And they must consider various means of production when deciding how to produce. Raw materials, tools, and machines must be devoted to the most urgent projects and not wasted on less urgent ones.

Consider, for instance, the planning of a new railroad. Should it be built at all? If so, where? And how? Is building the railroad more urgent than constructing a bridge, building a dam to produce electricity, developing oil fields, or cultivating more land? No central planner, even with a staff of statisticians, could master the countless possibilities. Machines might be substituted to some extent for labor; wood, aluminum, or new synthetic materials might be substituted for iron. But how will the planners decide?

To make these decisions, planners must know the relative valuesthe exchange ratios or market pricesof the countless factors of production involved. But when these factors are government-owned, there are no trades, and thus, no market prices. Without market prices, the planners have no clues as to the relative values of iron, aluminum, lumber, the new synthetics, or of railroads, oil fields, farm land, power plants, bridges, or housing. Without market prices for the factors of production, the planners are at a loss as to how to coordinate and channel production to satisfy the most urgent needs of consumers.

More than 70 years have passed since the Russian Revolution and 45 years since the end of World War n. Why then do the Russian people still lack adequate housing and many everyday items? Why does agricultural produce rot in the fields for lack of equipment to harvest and transport it? Why are factories and oil fields so poorly maintained that production declines? Because the raw materials, tools, machines, factories, and farms are not privately owned. Without the bids and offers of private owners, prices reflecting their relative market values cannot develop. And without market prices, it is impossible to coordinate production activities so that the goods and services consumers need will be available. That is why Communism fails.

In a competitive economy, where factors of production are privately owned, these problems are solved daily as owners calculate the monetary values of the various factors and then buy, sell, and trade them as seems desirable, As Mises wrote in 1920, Every step that takes us away from private ownership of the means of production and from the use of money also takes us away from rational economics.

Today, even Communists are coming to recognize that Mises was right. The U.S.S.R., a socialist society without private property and monetary calculation, is still floundering in the ocean of possible and conceivable economic combinations, as Mises foresaw in 1920, without the compass of economic calculation. Will she now take the important step Mises recommended of introducing private ownership of the means of production?

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Why Communism Failed - Foundation for Economic Education

Domino Theory – HISTORY

Contents

The domino theory was a Cold War policy that suggested a communist government in one nation would quickly lead to communist takeovers in neighboring states, each falling like a perfectly aligned row of dominos. In Southeast Asia, the U.S. government used the now-discredited domino theory to justify its involvement in the Vietnam War and its support for a non-communist dictator in South Vietnam. In fact, the American failure to prevent a communist victory in Vietnam had much less of an impact than had been assumed by proponents of the domino theory. With the exception of Laos and Cambodia, communism failed to spread throughout Southeast Asia.

In September 1945, the Vietnamese nationalist leader Ho Chi Minh proclaimed Vietnams independence from France, beginning a war that pitted Hos communist-led Viet Minh regime in Hanoi (North Vietnam) against a French-backed regime in Saigon (South Vietnam).

Under President Harry Truman, the U.S. government provided covert military and financial aid to the French; the rationale was that a communist victory in Indochina would precipitate the spread of communism throughout Southeast Asia. Using this same logic, Truman would also give aid to Greece and Turkey during the late 1940s to help contain communism in Europe and the Middle East.

By 1950, makers of U.S. foreign policy had firmly embraced the idea that the fall of Indochina to communism would lead rapidly to the collapse of other nations in Southeast Asia. The National Security Council included the theory in a 1952 report on Indochina, and in April 1954, during the decisive battle between Viet Minh and French forces at Dien Bien Phu, President Dwight D. Eisenhower articulated it as the falling domino principle.

In Eisenhowers view, the loss of Vietnam to communist control would lead to similar communist victories in neighboring countries in Southeast Asia (including Laos, Cambodia and Thailand) and elsewhere (India, Japan, the Philippines, Indonesia, and even Australia and New Zealand). The possible consequences of the loss [of Indochina], Eisenhower said, are just incalculable to the free world.

After Eisenhowers speech, the phrase domino theory began to be used as a shorthand expression of the strategic importance of South Vietnam to the United States, as well as the need to contain the spread of communism throughout the world.

After the Geneva Conference ended the French-Viet Minh war and split Vietnam along the latitude known as the 17th parallel, the United States spearheaded the organization of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO), a loose alliance of nations committed to taking action against security threats in the region.

John F. Kennedy, Eisenhowers successor in the White House, would increase the commitment of U.S. resources in support of the Ngo Dinh Diem regime in South Vietnam and of non-communist forces fighting a civil war in Laos in 1961-62. In the fall of 1963, after serious domestic opposition to Diem arose, Kennedy backed away from support of Diem himself but publicly reaffirmed belief in the domino theory and the importance of containing communism in Southeast Asia.

Three weeks after Diem was murdered in a military coup in early November 1963, Kennedy was assassinated in Dallas; his successor Lyndon B. Johnson would continue to use the domino theory to justify the escalation of the U.S. military presence in Vietnam from a few thousand soldiers to more than 500,000 over the next five years.

The domino theory is now largely discredited, having failed to take into account the character of the North Vietnamese and Viet Cong struggle in the Vietnam War.

By assuming Ho Chi Minh was a pawn of the communist giants Russia and China, American policymakers failed to see that the goal of Ho and his supporters was Vietnamese independence, not the spread of communism.

In the end, even though the American effort to block a communist takeover failed, and North Vietnamese forces marched into Saigon in 1975, communism did not spread throughout the rest of Southeast Asia. With the exception of Laos and Cambodia, the nations of the region remained out of communist control.

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Domino Theory - HISTORY

Rock Against Communism – Wikipedia

Rock Against Communism (RAC) was the name of white power rock concerts in the United Kingdom in the late 1970s and early 1980s.

The Rock Against Communism movement originated in the United Kingdom in late 1978, as a response by the british neo-fascist[1] party National Front (NF) to Rock against racism.[2] The first RAC concert was in Leeds, England in 1978, featuring the bands The Dentists and The Ventz. RAC held one concert in 1979 and another in spring 1983, which was headlined by the white power punk band Skrewdriver, led by Ian Stuart Donaldson. After that, RAC concerts were held more often. They were often headlined by Skrewdriver and featured other fascist and neo-nazi bands such as Skullhead and No Remorse. In the mid-1980s, summer concerts were often held at the Suffolk home of Edgar Griffin, a Conservative Party activist and father of Nick Griffin, an National front organiser who later became the national chair of the British National Party. By the late 1980s, the RAC name had given way to the White Noise Club (another National front-based group), and later Blood and Honour, which was set up by Donaldson when they fell out with the NF leadership. As hardcore punk music became more popular in the 1990s and 2000s, many white power bands took on a more hardcore-influenced sound.

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Rock Against Communism - Wikipedia

After the elections: Communism in the Czech Republic – Morning Star Online

SINCE the fall of the Warsaw Pact, the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSCM) has been among the most electorally successful of Europes Communist parties consistently finishing in the top five slots in the Czech Republics legislative elections.

All that changed last month when for the first time since the Nazi-aligned protectorate of 1939 to 1945, the territory which makes up the modern-day Czech Republic found itself with no Communists in Parliament. In the October elections, both the KSCM and the Czech Social Democatic Party (CSSD) finished below the threshold required to enter the Chamber of Deputies.

It was not only a setback: its generally accepted within the party that it was a historical debacle, says Jaroslav Roman, the head of the KSCMs international department. Frankly speaking, people are shocked. We had not expected such a heavy defeat.

Roman is speaking to the Morning Star shortly after an extraordinary party congress, at which MEP and former party vice-chair Katerina Konecna was elected the partys new leader.

In the partys impressive office block in Prague, which it shares with the Communist newspaper Halo noviny, Roman does not mince his words as to the scale of the challenge the party now faces. In these elections we had 193,000 voters. But in [2013] we had 750,000 So in these elections, only the strong base of the party voted for the Communists.

The KSCMs loss has been widely credited to its decision to support the previous Czech government. That was a coalition led by Andrej Babiss ANO 2011 party, a populist force with syncretic but ultimately conservative politics. Roman accepts that this was a decision that angered many. It was a topic of the congress as well, whether it was the correct thingto support the Babis government, he says. Because evidently it cost us votes.

We have been aware in the first instance that if you go into the past, when the French Communists went into the government, the Italian Communists, it cost them very expensively.

As for the Czech Republics Social Democrats, who unlike the Communists entered into a formal coalition with Babis, Roman says they ended up losing all their seats because they lost the confidence of the people. He says they only behaved like a left political force two months before the elections and were ultimately opportunists.

He cautions: Im not negative, the Social Democratic party is the oldest party in the Czech Republic, they have a place on the political map here and Im sure they will restart their activities but it must be with new people and with new policies.

But Roman suggests his own party was stuck between a rock and a hard place when it came to deciding whether to give parliamentary support to Babiss government. From our point of view, its well to remember, there was a problem to form the government. It took seven months. We had to decide, [so] first we insisted the Czech Republic needed a government. We had a choice between the bad and the worse. So we chose the better from the worse.

How can the KSCM come to terms with the unpopularity of this decision? Roman believes that the generational and factional change that took place at the extraordinary congress is part of the answer. I have to admit that in the Communist Party there are different fractions, he says. Although the expression of fractions is forbidden by the statutes of the party, its a matter of fact.

There are two fractions one is widely called like, conservatives, led by [former party vice-chair Josef] Skala and lets say the progressivists, led by Konecna, the MEP. This question has been solved because she overwhelmingly won the election.

And frankly speaking, we respect it. I dont want to judge if it will be successful or not, but shes the only one with a team of people around her its mid-generation, young generation and its without any dispute [that] the party needs rejuvenative change, rejuvenation of its membership, its leadership.

In his 60s himself, Roman does not want to discount the input of the partys older generation but he says the KSCD desperately needs to attract younger voters and activists. In Praguethe median age of the members is 80 years. And [across] the Czech Republic its 70 years. And we have lost not lost, but we have not been successful in attracting young people as sympathisers of the party.

It is also crucial that the Communists represent younger voters, he says, because frankly speaking this generation is being [impacted by] decisions on their future.

The electoral defeat has stark implications for the KSCMs finances, which Roman stresses will not only concern the centre here, the leadership, but mainly the districts, which are the base of the party.

But the international chief is hopeful that the new leadership can attract younger voters. In my opinion, Konecna is a very talented politician. She has the gift of giving straightforward answers and that is what young people want to hear.

In the mean time, Roman is concerned that the lefts lack of representation in the House of Deputies will leave a chunk of the Czech population disenfranchised.

1,000,000 votes fell under the table. All the parties that have not reached the threshold and mainly they are the voters that under normal conditions would support the left. And now their opinions are not represented in the parliament.

That will make it harder for KSCM to advance its programme. Its not a revolutionary situation here, he says, suggesting talk of implementing communism leaves many people nonplussed. What we promote and advocate and try and explain to the people, is that all the structures, the branches of the economy should be under the control of the state.

Now you see its the energy. The main major state-owned company can be influenced by the regulatory intervention of the state. All of our water supplying systems [are in] the hands of the French or Spanish, under very, very bad conditions.

Another fear is that anti-communist forces will now seek to crack down on the party, as well as on supporters of its predecessor, the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. In other Eastern European countries, Roman notes, Communist parties have been banned.

The question is, will we hold, he says. Even shortly before the elections there was a proposal in the parliament to include in the law the legislative proposal to decrease pensions to the exponents of the former regime like the members who worked in the central committee of the Communist Party, who worked with security. And this can come on the agenda now, now the right wing has an absolute majority not only in the parliament, but in the senate as well.

Roman is determined that the KSCM does not now experience the splits that have plagued other European left parties following heavy defeats. The KSCM now faces competition from a new party, Levice (the Left), which was formed last year from a merger of the the Real Left Initiative and the Party of Democratic Socialism which previously ran candidates under the KSCM ticket.

Levice is perceived to be modelled on Die Linke in Germany, but recorded mere hundreds of votes in the October elections. Its a very minor party, Roman says. But we are open to co-operation. There is no will for the time being to change the label of the party from the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia, but we have communal elections next year, [we] may go as like, United Left. We might not go as like, only the Communist Party, but its a question of negotiation.

Roman is also concerned about the impact of identity politics on fracturing the left across Europe. He is critical of other European left parties for pushing forward such issues and stresses that the KSCM is the party that are trying to advocate the interests of the majority of the people.

Does he not think it is possible to support the liberation of oppressed groups while still maintaining a class-based agenda? Romans response suggests the party is still struggling to accommodate causes that the left in many parts of Europe has placed firmly within its programme. Although we respect the rights of minorities, we do not like and do not support this public show-off, he says.

Instead, he says, Communists should focus on globalisation and how it impacts on the lives of ordinary people. He adds: We have very big problems with the energy increase here, etc and other problems to come with inflation at 5or 6per cent here now. The left forces should unite around the major issues that unite us.

The Czech-language newspaper Hal noviny can be found at http://www.halonoviny.cz.

Follow Conrad on Twitter @conradlandin.

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After the elections: Communism in the Czech Republic - Morning Star Online