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Socialism vs Communism: Do you know the difference …

WATCH:How To Use The Terms "Socialism" vs. "Communism" Previous Next What is socialism?

Socialismhas three main meanings:

1. a theory or system of social organization that advocates the vesting of the ownership and control of the means of production and distribution, of capital, land, etc., in the community as a whole.

2. procedure or practice in accordance with this theory.

3. (in Marxist theory) the stage following capitalism in the transition of a society to communism, characterized by the imperfect implementation of collectivist principles.

Socialism is a social theory makes sense. It theorizes that a collective cooperation of citizens will make all governmental institutions public. For example, no one will receive a healthcare bill when going to the doctor because they, and everyone else, have paid a hefty amount in government taxes. Thats where the collective cooperation comes in.

Communism, on the other hand, is a branch of socialism. Its similar in that its still founded on the idea of collective cooperation, but differs in that communists believe that cooperation should be run by a totalitarian government made up of one and only one government.

Russia gave communism a bad name when it reigned as the USSR. It was here that thousands who were seen as threats to the stateartists, authors, intellectuals, even those who practiced religionwere sent to be slaughtered or exiled uh, yikes. I guess you could call it socialism gone bad.

Although the USSR fell way back when, Russia is still very communist culturally, though economically theyre a capitalistic system. Countries like the Peoples Republic of China are certainly more communist than Russia, where all things are nationalized up to the point that citizens cant even make full use of the internet due to the governments fear of free thought.

So, although communism is a form of socialism its definitely the rotten egg of the two.

Democracy is a form of government in which the supreme power is vested in the people and exercised directly by them or by their elected agents under a free electoral system. The Greek demokratia is derived from demos, common people, and kratos, strength.

Basically, in a democracy, the head of state is usually a president, and the supreme power rests in the body of citizens entitled to vote (which is then exercised by representatives chosen directly or indirectly by them).Capitalismis part of democracies (not communist or socialist countries). The community as a whole does not own all of the property and wealth in a democracy.

Our modern ideas of socialism and communism tend to come from what Karl Marx outlined inThe Communist Manifestoand what was later implemented in Russia by Vladimir Lenin and his followers (theBolsheviks). Marxs manifesto called for a complete overhaul of capitalist systems of the time. It advocated for the working class(theproletariat) to uprise against the aristocracy and other elites (thebourgeoisie), followed by the implementation of a new society where everyone was equal. That sounds great on paper, but the way it played out in Russia was a bloody revolution (including the arrest and execution of Czar Nicholas II and his family). In the 1920s, Joseph Stalin took over, and he established a completely totalitarian regime. Stalins government was marked by widespread famine, poverty, and death.

Modern-day Russia is neither socialist, nor communist. That ended in 1991. However, today, North Korea self-identifies as socialist, and it operates in a very similar way to Stalins USSR. China went through a Communist revolution not long after Russia did, and today they self-identify as socialist with Chinese characteristics.

Its not all doom and gloom, though. Many Nordic countries operate associal democracies. This means they blend a lot of socialist policies (like providing state healthcare, social security, and workers compensation) with certain capitalist features (like private property and the democratic process).

To read more about other government words, take a look at our slideshow!

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Socialism vs Communism: Do you know the difference ...

COVID food pantry operators draw accusations of communism in the Philippines – CBS News

Manila, Philippines Julie Ann de Leon is homeless and jobless. At 52, she also has four children to feed. She used to make up to $15 per day helping drivers of jeepneys, the Philippines' version of mini-bus taxis, find passengers in Manila. But coronavirus lockdowns have upended the public transport sector, and De Leon is lucky now to bring home 75 cents in a day.

When she learned that food aid was being distributed by private citizens to help other members of the community get through the pandemic downturn, she wasted no time. On Friday she walked three miles to get to the community pantry in the Maginhawa neighborhood of Quezon City, a suburb of the capital, where she spent four hours in line.

"I'd be thankful for whatever is given. If it's food that's enough only for a day, that's still a huge help for us," she told CBS News.

The community pantry idea started in Maginhawa, with a single wooden cart of fresh food and essential goods being left out in the middle of April. But with so many in need, the idea quickly caught on and spread like wildfire across the Philippines. Just a couple weeks later, there are around 400 "pantries" operating around the country.

The idea is to donate only what you can and take only what you need, according to Ana Patricia Non, the young woman who set up the Maginhawa Community Pantry.

"I thought this might just be a small step, but we need to take action, because government aid has not been enough," Non said on Saturday in an interview with Manila-based online media platform, "Now You Know."

The Philippines now has to the fastest-growing COVID-19 outbreak in Southeast Asia. On Monday, the country's health department reported 8,929 new cases, bringing the total to over 1 million. There were 70 more deaths blamed on the disease on Monday.

The virus has forced the government to impose protracted lockdowns, which have pushed the economy to fall into its worst recession since World War II. More than 4 million Filipinos were unemployed in February, according to government data.

"We have a small neighborhood store but people are jobless, so our sales have also suffered. We never needed help like this," said Manila resident Maria Luisa Baradicho.

Despite the apparent spirit of goodwill behind the pantries, however, some government officials have cast doubts over the intentions of organizers.

"Why are these community pantries sprouting all over all of a sudden? Why do they have a single theme?" Lt. Gen. Antonio Parlade, spokesperson of the government's anti-communist task force, said in an interview with local cable news network, One News.

He then compared Ana Patricia Non to Satan.

"Patricia is one person, right? Same with Satan. Satan gave Eve an apple. That's how it all started."

Non closed her shop for a day out of fear for her own safety and the safety of the volunteers who work with her.

"Police officers repeatedly asked for my contact number. I also learned that they kept asking for my address from my volunteers," she told CBS News.

The clincher was a post on Facebook by a local police office, accusing Patricia and other community pantry proponents of being fronts for the armed faction of the Communist Party of the Philippines.

The practice of labeling people communists, known in the Philippines as "red-tagging," has increased under hardline President Rodrigo Duterte. Blamed for the killing of several activists, the movement has clear parallels with the Cold War-era "Red Scare" in the U.S. and the anti-communist crusading of Sen. Joseph McCarthy.

The mayor of Quezon City, where Non's community pantry is located, quickly stepped in. The Facebook post was taken down and the office of the city's police chief issued an apology.

Parlade and another spokesperson for the government's anti-communist task force, Lorraine Badoy, have been barred from publicly commenting on the community pantries.

"Kindness is everyone's color. Whatever your beliefs are, as long as you are helping wholeheartedly, you can be assured of our support," Delfin Lorezana, the country's national defense secretary, said in a statement.

Teddy Casio, a former left-leaning lawmaker and a community pantry organizer himself, said he didn't expect the red-tagging.

"I was taken aback, because it's so clear that there's nothing sinister about this thing. What's sad is that those who were harassed had to stop, and those who may have been thinking about putting up pantries, didn't anymore."

At the end of the day, Non said the community pantries aren't meant to be a permanent solution.

"Eventually donations will die down. Donors will get tired. And that's okay; Community pantries are not meant to solve poverty and hunger; it's just meant to get us through one day at a time."

CBS News' Barnaby Lo in Manila hosts the current affairs program "Viewpoint" on the "Now You Know" online civic media platform.

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COVID food pantry operators draw accusations of communism in the Philippines - CBS News

Theologian: Polish cardinal’s beatification reminder of tests of communism – The Catholic Sun

OXFORD, England (CNS) Polish Cardinal Stefan Wyszynski, scheduled to be beatified Sept. 12, was ready to seek agreements in a Christian spirit, but also firmly believed certain boundaries could not be crossed, said a leading theologian and political scientist.

Father Piotr Mazurkiewicz, former secretary-general of the Brussels-based Commission of the Bishops Conferences of the European Union, COMECE, told Catholic News Service April 27 the beatification would remind Catholics everywhere of the churchs challenges under communist rule in Eastern Europe.

In an age when its generally assumed any leadership role requires a compromise of conscience, he showed, like the English St. Thomas More, this wasnt so, the theologian said.

Beatification is a step toward sainthood, and Polands Catholic information agency, KAI, said 37 volumes on the cardinals sanctity had been amassed during his 1989-2001 diocesan process for canonization.

In October 2019, the Vatican Congregation for Saints Causes said the inexplicable recovery of a dying 19-year-old cancer patient from the Szczecin-Kamien Archdiocese in 1988 had been confirmed as a miracle attributed to Cardinal Wyszynskis intercession. His beatification, originally scheduled for 2020, was postponed because of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Mother Elisabeth Rosa Czacka, who founded the Franciscan Sister Servants of the Cross in 1918 and a pioneering center for blind children, will be beatified alongside Cardinal Wyszynski. She died in Poland in 1961.

The late Catholic historian Andrzej Micewski told Catholic News Service in 2001 that Cardinal Wyszynskis leadership had resulted in a victory that was not only political, but also had taught important lessons about securing church freedoms under hostile conditions.

Wyszynski criticized the communist state, but also compelled communist rulers to deal with him, in this way ensuring his church became Eastern Europes strongest, Micewski said.

Born in Zuzela, Poland, Aug. 3, 1901, Stefan Wyszynski was ordained at Wloclawek in 1924, later serving as a chaplain to Polands underground home army under wartime German occupation.

Pope Pius XII named him bishop of Lublin in 1946 and archbishop of Warsaw-Gniezno two years later. In 1950, despite Vatican misgivings, then-Archbishop Wyszynski signed the first church accord with a communist government, which promised the church institutional protection in return for encouraging respect for state authorities.

The deal was swiftly violated by the communist side, and Cardinal Wyszynski was arrested with hundreds of priests in September 1953. He was held until October 1956, when a new communist leader, Wladyslaw Gomulka, sought his help in calming industrial unrest.

When he was arrested, he didnt know what awaited him although it turned out to be three years detention, it could just as easily have been a show trial and death sentence, Father Mazurkiewicz told CNS.

When we read his detailed notes today, its striking how the communist rulers also treated Cardinal Wyszynski as an authority and felt morally inferior beside him, as they tried to present their own perspectives and interests, he said.

Having reached a new deal with Gomulka to allow freer church appointments, some religious teaching and 10 Catholic seats in Polands State Assembly, Cardinal Wyszynski headed the Archdiocese of Warsaw-Gniezno until his death May 28, 1981.

Among his proteges was the future St. John Paul II. When then-Father Karol Wojtyla was appointed auxiliary bishop of Krakow in 1958, the cardinal presented him to a group of priests, saying Habemus papam (We have a pope).

Father Mazurkiewicz told CNS Cardinal Wyszynskis beatification would be a form of penance against recent church scandals by recalling good and saintly aspects of Christian life. He also said the cardinals role in rebuilding ties Polish with Germany, through a reconciliatory letter to German bishops during the 1962-65 Second Vatican Council, had been important for post-war Europe.

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Theologian: Polish cardinal's beatification reminder of tests of communism - The Catholic Sun

FBI reaches out to Hasidic Jews to fight antisemitism but bureau has fraught history with Judaism – The Conversation US

The FBI wants to hear from Hasidim, or ultra-Orthodox Jews. The Hate Crimes Unit said as much when it issued announcements in both Yiddish and Hebrew asking Jews to report antisemitic incidents in an outreach campaign launched in April 2021.

The campaign follows highly visible antisemitic incidents in the U.S. in recent years, including the 2018 shooting at the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh, which left 11 people dead.

Hasidic Jews make up the overwhelming majority of Yiddish speakers in the U.S. They number about 320,000 adults, according to Matt Williams, director of the Orthodox Union for Communal Research. Outreach to this community poses distinctive challenges because Hasidic communities can be insular, often seeking to address issues from education to sexual assault without involving outsiders.

As someone who has written about Jews and the FBI, I am not surprised that the FBI now wants to address antisemitism. But the FBI has a complicated history with Jews. It is a past that suggests the FBI has loved the idea of Judaism as a religion, but not necessarily American Jews themselves.

Officially founded in 1935, the FBI was designed to take on domestic crime and surveillance. By the late 1940s, driven by Cold War ideals, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover bolstered an image of the U.S. as religious and moral as opposed to its enemy an atheistic, immoral Soviet Union. Embracing Judaism as good, lawful and American was strategic.

During his prepared remarks at a 1947 House Un-American Activities Committee hearing, Hoover called communism an evil work and a cause that is alien to the religion of Christ and Judaism. He believed that the U.S. had a superior moral foundation a religious one and that communism was built on nothing but human iniquity.

Claiming for the U.S. a Judeo-Christian heritage, as became popular in the 1950s, supported the Cold War cause in another way too. It subtly referred to both God and democracy, and implied that both were on the side of Americans.

Instead of merely emphasizing Christianity, the phrase also allowed Hoover and others to tout what they perceived as the U.S.s religious tolerance and inclusiveness. Since many Christians imagined Judaism as a precursor to Christianity, Judaism could signal diversity and democracy without seeming foreign. In practice, this meant that references to Judaism were not about anything distinctively Jewish but rather about what people thought it shared with Christianity, like the Ten Commandments.

But there was a complication to the FBIs embrace of Judaism. By the 1950s, U.S. Jews had a long history with the political left, including support of the Socialist and Communist parties, which the FBI saw as threats.

Communists have been, still are, and always will be a menace to freedom, to democratic ideals, to the worship of God and to the American way of life, Hoover told the House Un-American Activities Committee in 1947.

FBI officials and records associated Jews with communism. An American Jewish Committee document from this period reported that the FBI estimated that 50% to 60% of U.S. communists were Jews.

These accusations and investigations had sometimes devastating effects. The Jewish actor Philip Loeb died by suicide after he was blacklisted from Hollywood and investigated by the FBI and could no longer work to support his disabled son. He overdosed on barbiturates in a New York hotel room. Days later, the FBI cleared him of being a member of the Communist Party.

Internal FBI workings also demonstrated assumptions about Jews and communism as well as strategic sympathy to anti-Jewish prejudice. When an informant told agent Jack Levine that all Jews were communists, Levine was instructed to keep it out of his written report so that the bias could not discredit the informant. It did not appear to concern the FBI that the bias meant the informant might not be truthful.

The FBI today is hardly the same organization that it was during the Cold War, but its sympathies for Judaism do have historical resonance. In 1958, bombers dynamited The Temple, the synagogue of the oldest Jewish congregation in Atlanta. The blast killed no one but caused at least US$100,000 in damage. President Eisenhower told Hoover to send the FBI to investigate, and Hoover quickly complied, even though it may not have been under the FBIs jurisdiction. Hoover saw the bombing as an attack on religion, and so it was an attack on the country.

With this history in mind, Yiddish and Hebrew announcements soliciting information from Jewish religious communities should come as no surprise especially because some antisemitic attacks in the U.S. have taken place in religious spaces. For many, the mass shooting at the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh looks like an attack on America because it is an attack on Judaism, even on religion. Outreach to Hasidim the American Jews who look the most religious has become one way the FBI wants to stop those attacks.

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FBI reaches out to Hasidic Jews to fight antisemitism but bureau has fraught history with Judaism - The Conversation US

Alice Neels Communism Is Essential to Her Art. You Can See It in the Battlefield of Her Paintings, and Her Ruthless Portrait of Her Son – artnet News

Alice Neel painted the human comedy.

Its a phrase she repeated often in interviews and in text, throughout her life. It is the title of one of the sections of Alice Neel: People Come First, her outstanding and moving retrospective at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.

In one sense, what she meant is obvious. Memorable and interesting characters abound in her paintings, running from her many lovers to the luminaries of New Yorks Depression-era political and literary Left; from art celebrities like Andy Warhol to her acquaintances in the East Harlem neighborhood where she toiled in obscurity for decades; from the feminist activists and critics who championed her work in the 60s and 70s to her own self, shown naked, at 80, paintbrush in hand and gazing skeptically out at the viewer as if sizing them upone of the most indelible of all 20th-century self-portraits.

Alice Neel, Self-Portrait (1980). Photo by Ben Davis.

The text in the Mets The Human Comedy gallery explains that she meant the phrase as a reference to French author Honor de Balzacs story collection La Comdie humaine, which examines the causes and effects of human action on nineteenth-century French society. It notes that Neel wanted to chronicle suffering and loss, but also strength and endurance, as Balzac did.

Which is fine, as far as it goes, and falls in line with the shows framing of Neel as an anarchic humanist. But the effects of human action is a pretty vague phrase. As opposed to what? The effects of the movement of the planets?

Installation view of Alice Neel: People Come First at the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Photo by Ben Davis.

The truth is that the words the human comedy had a lasting magic for Alice Neel because Alice Neel thought of herself as a Communist intellectual. Every artist with an interest in Marxism would have gotten the reference, becausealmost all of Communist aesthetic theory looked for legitimacy, in one way or another, to Marx and Engelss approving remarks on Balzacs La Comdie humaine.

The authors of the Communist Manifesto thought Balzac captured not just the spirit of his time, but provided a portrait of the pathologies of bourgeois society, the toll that money took on human relations (despite Balzacs aristocratic personal politics).

Alice Neels Pregnant Woman (1971) at the Metropolitan Museum. Photo by Ben Davis.

Interviewed by the Yale Press podcast, the exhibitionss curators, Kelly Baum and Randall Griffey, seem very concerned with emphasizing that Neels politicswere independent, non-dogmatic, and that her affinities for Communist ideas softened as she aged. Which may be true: Times change, people change, art and politics and how they intersect change.

You see, its not so much that I am pro-Russia as that I am pro-dtente, she said onstage towards the end of her life. But she also said, around the same time, Reagan has said the government doesnt owe anybody anything. In the Soviet Union you get free medical careeverything is free. There the government owes you everything.

In 1981, just three years before she died, she contributed to a fundraiser for the Reference Center for Marxist Studies, a depository for Communist Party history located in the headquarters of the attenuated CPUSA. The same year she actually did a show in Moscow at the Artists Union, organized by Philip Bonosky, the Moscow correspondent for theDaily World, which was the successor to the CPs Daily Worker.(She had painted him three decades earlier, when he was editor at the Communist magazine Masses & Mainstream.)

Alice Neel, Phillip Bonosky (1948). Photo by Ben Davis.

Interviewed at the age of 82 by art historian Patricia Hills, Neel was still making the case for the significance of her portraiture by referencing Vladimir Lenins respect for Balzacs The Human Comedy (she kept a poster of Lenin in her apartment all her life, according to Phoebe Hobans 2010 biography) as well as Hungarian Marxist Georg Lukcss advocacy for Thomas Mann.

Neither Lenin norLukcs were names you brought up in the 1980s to win points for being with-it, artistically or politically.

Rather than trying to fit Neel into the framework of a rose-colored contemporary progressivism, it seems much more interestingand more accurateto consider how the artists actual, passionately felt, difficult allegiances shaped her: the sacrifices she made in her life; the specifics of her art; and her relation to the New Left feminist movements of the 1960s and 70s that pulled her from obscurity, and that now probably overdetermine the reading of her work still.

Born into small-town Pennsylvania respectability in 1900, Alice Neel went to study art at the Philadelphia School of Design for Women looking for a more interesting life. I came out of that little town the most depressed virgin who ever lived, she remembers in a 2008 documentary directed by her grandson. She met and married Carlos Enrquez, a soon-to-be-important Cuban painter, and travelled to Cuba in 1926, where the sight of poverty in pre-revolutionary Havana radicalized her.

Alice Neel, Futility of Effort (1930). Photo by Ben Davis.

Returning to New York, she suffered the loss of her first child, Santillana, to diphtheriathe subject of the ghostly Futility of Effort (1930), later featured in a 1936 issue of the journal of the Artists Union, Art Front, retitled asPoverty. The couple would separate, and Enrquez would take their second child, Isabetta, back to Cuba.

New Yorks Greenwich Village was where Neel found her most lasting community, in the demimonde that swirled together leftist radicals and artistic strivers amid the hardship brought on by the Great Depression.

Alice Neel, Kenneth Fearing (1935) at the Metropolitan Museum. Photo by Ben Davis.

When the New Deals art projects started up in 33, Neel seized the opportunity as a lifeline, painting a canvas every six weeks on government wages, her eye turning for a time to urban scenes and public demonstrations in the mode of the day.

(An anecdote she liked to tell later in life is that Harold Rosenberg, the critic of abstraction, schemed his way onto the government payroll by submitting two Neel paintings as his own, before becoming an art writer.)

Installation view of Alice Neel: People Come First at Metropolitan Museum of Art. Photo by Ben Davis.

The Communist Party was enthusiastic about the New Deal Arts Projects and a force in pushing for their expansion, and Neel soon joined the Party. It might surprise us now that a figure of Neels scrappy, bohemian independence would be drawn to the CP, even given the fact that she joined in 35, when the USSRs foreign policy needs aligned with Roosevelts agenda, and the turn to the Popular Front opened the doors for fellow-traveling artists of all kinds.

Alice Neel, Nazis Murder Jews (1936). Photo by Ben Davis.

But Cold War dogma and our knowledge of the actual evils of the Soviet system cloud our assessment of the Communist Partys on-the-ground profile at the time. Its opposition to US social order led it to engage with both racism and sexism in ways that mainstream institutions often wouldnt. As Andrew Hemingway writes in his great history of the time, Artists on the Left, Neel is representative of that type of woman artist and intellectual who gravitated to the CP becausewhatever its limitationsit offered the most sustained critique available of class, racial, and sexual inequality.

Alice Neels Death of Mother Bloor (1951) at the Metropolitan Museum. Photo by Ben Davis.

Neels role model would have been someone like Ella Reeve Bloor, aka Mother Bloor, the most well-known female leader in the CPUSA in the 20s and 30s. Born 1862, Bloor was a formidable organizer who supported six children while divorcing and marrying as she pleased. She was a comrade of Eugene Debs and Upton Sinclair, and her labor journalism inspired Woody Guthries song about the Ludlow Massacre. In her sixties, during the Great Depression, Bloor toured the Great Plains with her son, organizing farmers.

Detail of Alice Neels Death of Mother Bloor (1951) at the Metropolitan Museum. Photo by Ben Davis.

Neel painted Mother Bloors funeral in a 1951 work. She is pictured, sainted, in a coffin as a multiracial crowd of mourners files past. A wreath above her head reads COMMUNIST, the word PARTY vanishing as it wraps around a bouquet of roses.

The curators of Alice Neel: People Come First cite approvingly a line by Neel saying that she was never a good Communist, because she hated bureaucracy and the meetings used to drive me crazy. But a distaste for bureaucracy or political meetings doesnt mean she didnt imbibe the party line. (It just means she was an artist.)

In the very same interview Neel also stresses that it [the Communist Party] affected my work quite a bit.

Its one thing to join the Communist Party at a time when Communist ideas were in vogue with the artistic mainstream, and capitalism was in a crisis that was plain for all to see. Many did in the Depression years. But Neel remained faithful to the movement long after.

Alice Neel, Alice Childress (1950). Photo by Ben Davis.

In the 40s and 50s, she studied philosophy at the Jefferson School for Social Research, an adult education school in New York run by the Communist Party. She delivered some of her first slide lectures about her art there.

One of her teachers, V.J. Jerome, chair of the Partys Cultural Commission, was convicted under the Smith Act for his 1950 pamphlet Grasp the Weapon of Culture!, which described mass culture as anti-human and a narcotic polluting the masses, arguing the need for a revolutionary art to bring down capitalism. Neel made sure to visit Jerome to show support after he was released from jail.

Installation view of Alice Neel: People Come First at the Metropolitan Museum. Photo by Ben Davis.

This was the high tide of McCarthyism, when most others of the so-called New York Intellectuals were abandoning their earlier, 30s-era Marxist commitments and turning hard towards Cold War liberalism and anti-Communism.

And yet the very title of the Met show, People Come First, comes from a line in a 1950 Daily Worker interview with Mike Gold, the foremost propagandizer of proletarian art in the United States. Even as Abstract Expressionism was being coronated at MoMA, Gold had quoted Neel: I am against abstract and non-objective art because such art shows a hatred of human beings.

(Incidentally, when figuration reemerged in the art world in the late 60s, it was in the form of Photorealismand Neel hated that too. She argued that it also sinned by treating humans the same as things, replicating capitalist ideology. She thought special attention should be reserved for the human. Her particular Marxist aesthetic, therefore, gives insight into the ways she set her subjects off from less defined backgrounds and the meaning she gave to the expressive, painterly qualities of her paintings in that era.)

Alice Neels Mike Gold (1951) at the Metropolitan Museum. Photo by Ben Davis.

Gold championed Neel as a pioneer of socialist-realism in American painting, and she returned the love with a portrait from 1951. His weathered, tan features appear thoughtful and ready for debate. Depicted on the table before Gold in Neels painting is a copy of the Communist intellectual journal Masses.

Detail of Alice Neels Mike Gold. Photo by Ben Davis.

Beneath that is a newspaper. In what I take to be a deliberate suggestion of Neels continuing alignment with Golds output as a writer and propagandist, she has placed her own signature as if it is a part of the newspaper.

Neel had moved to Spanish Harlem in 1938 with her lover, the singer Jos Santiago Negrn (whom she had met when she was 35 and he a decade younger). For her, the paintings she did of neighbors, acquaintances, and comrades from the Puerto Rican community werent just sentimental or picturesque. Works such as Mercedes Arroyo, The Spanish Family, and T.B. Harlem made their debut in a show at the Communist-controlled New Playwrights Theatre, with an essay by Gold, and were presented explicitly as part of a Communist political-cultural project, bound up with the Partys advocacyand sometimes fetishizationof Third World struggle.

Alice Neel, The Spanish Family (1943). Photo by Ben Davis.

Gold quoted Neel like so: East Harlem is like a battlefield of humanism, and I am on the side of the people there, and they inspire my painting.

In the popular imagination, the story of the 60s New Left movements is that they raised issues of race and gender that the Old Lefts idealization of a white male factory worker had ignored. But its a little more complicated than that.

An interesting twist highlighted by recent museum shows reconsidering this period is that, as it turns out, the artists who were adopted as the most vital, heroic exemplars by the insurgent 60s social movements had, in fact, often been forged by the Old Left artistic scene. It was in terminally uncool Social Realism that the idea of an art that honored the experiences of the suffering, oppressed masses had been preserved and could be picked up again when new social movements rebelled against the reining formalism.

Charles White, the masterful social realist who was affiliated with the CPUSA until 1956 and was nurtured in some of the same Communist spaces and periodicals as Neel, was an example for the Black Power generation. Neel was an example for Womens Liberation.

Cover of Time magazine featuring Alice Neel painting of Kate Millet, on display at the Metropolitan Museum. Photo by Ben Davis.

The Communist Party had all but imploded after Khrushchevs secret speech in 1956 revealing Stalins crimes. Without the new feminist movement, there would have been no Neel revival.

Neel, in turn, helped shape the image of the ascendant movement, doing a steely painting of writer Kate Millett for the 1970 cover of Time magazine on The Politics of Sex, just as Womens Liberation was moving into mainstream consciousness.

Alice Neel, Cindy Nemser and Chuck (1975). Photo by Ben Davis.

She painted the luminaries of the feminist movement as faces of their time, just as she had painted the earlier Communist intellectuals: art historians Linda Nochlin (with daughter Daisy) and Cindy Nemser (nude, with husband Chuck, also nude), Redstockings founder Irine Peslikis (described as Marxist Girl), and many more.

Alice Neels Nancy and the Twins (1971) at the Metropolitan Museum. Photo by Ben Davis.

Neel also did numerous images of women nursing and pregnant nudes, among her most celebrated works. Here, her eye for honoring the realities of ordinary peoples lives hidden beneath bourgeois ideology met the feminist project of honoring the hidden world of womens work beneath the sentimental domestic cliches.

But Neel also had a famously difficult relationship with the Second Wave of feminism, even as she reveled in its attention and clearly believed in the importance of Womens Liberation. Partly, this was generational. Like Georgia OKeeffe (though a quarter-century younger) or Joan Mitchell (though a quarter-century older), Neel had spent a lifetime trying to escape the stigma of being patronizingly reviewed as a lady painter, and was suspicious of being touted for her gender.

Alice Neel, Marxist Girl (Irene Peslikis) (1972) in Alice Neel: People Come First at the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Photo by Ben Davis.

But this was also partly political, inscribed in the very creed that had allowed her to hack it out all those lonely, unrecognized, pre-feminist-movement years. She had chosen a life of poverty out of an ideological belief in solidarity with the working class and the oppressed. With a combination of insight and narrow-mindedness, she considered a lot of the preoccupations of the new feminist artists she encountered to be self-absorbed and tritein a word, bourgeois.

In 1970, her work was included in the Ann Sutherland Harris and Linda Nochlin-curated Women Artists, 15501950 at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art. The show had been the product of actual protests by feminists, who had threatened a Civil Rights complaint against the museum for not showing women.

Alice Neel, Linda Nochlin and Daisy (1973). Photo by Ben Davis.

Yet reflecting on the shows reception, Neel was characteristically salty and dismissive of those who didnt share her fundamental political outlook:

What amazed me is that all the woman criticsyou see, you are very respected if you paint your own pussy, as a womans libber. But they didnt have any respect for being able to see an abused Third World. So nobody mentioned that I managed to see beyond my pussy politically. But I thought that was really a good thing if they had a little more brain.

There is ego here: Alice Neel was never shy about saying why her art was better than anyone elses. But the judgement flowed directly from the Marxist theory she used to understand her practice, which held that capitalist life kept us wallowing in immediate subjective experiences, unable to generalize and so unable to change the world.InGeorg Lukcss 1938 essay Realism in the Balance, he had written:

[I]f we are ever going to be able to understand the way in which reactionary ideas infiltrate our minds, and if we are ever going to achieve a critical distance from such prejudices, this can only be accomplished by hard work, by abandoning and transcending the limits of immediacy, by scrutinizing all subjective experiences and measuring them against social reality. In short it can only be achieved by a deeper probing of the world.

You can see how this artistic theory of hard looking would resonate with Neels sense of what a portrait should be.Lukacsian realism was about neither simply life-like description nor the depiction of ordinary experiences in an accessible way; it was about art that moved through the specific case to a revelation of the overall social context that had shaped its meaning and identity.

Installation view of Alice Neel: People Come First at Metropolitan Museum of Art. Photo by Ben Davis.

When, in the Hills interview, Neel says that what she values most in her own art is that she tries to paint the complete person but also, though that depiction, to capture the spirit of the age, it is just such an operation she seems to have in mind.

The favorite author of Georg Lukcs was Thomas Mann, Neel continues, because Mann could see how sick the world was. But the sickness has now been transformed into junkiness. You see, the character of this era is its utter lack of values.

Alice Neels Dominican Boys on 108th Street (1955) at the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Photo by Ben Davis.

How seriously did Alice Neel take the mission of her art to capture its time, which went considerably beyond the personal satisfaction she got from organizing paint on canvas or communing with her many interesting sitters?

So seriously that, when it came time to paint the character of the 70s and its utter lack of values, she would show it in the face of her own adult son.

Having lost two daughters, Alice Neel raised two sons on welfare, in poverty, all while committed to making unsellable art. In the 2008 documentary, Richard Neel remembers Alice tolerating a lover, Sam Brody, who beat him, because she was dependent on him for money and he flattered her artistic ego. Burned by the dispiriting instability of their upbringing, both sons would reject her communist and bohemian values, steering clear of the new movements of the 60s even as they elevated their mother. They became, respectively, a doctor and a lawyeras solidly middle class as you can get.

Alice Neel, Richard (1962). Photo by Ben Davis.

She had painted Richard warmly in the handsome Richard (1962), when he was 24, with five oclock shadow and a casual sweater.

By the time Richard evolved into the late-periodRichard in the Era of the Corporation (1978-79), the real Richard had become an ardent Nixon supporter and chief executive council for Pan Am Airways. In the year she made the painting, Pan Am was okayed by Jimmy Carters Airline Deregulation Act to snap up National Airways for $437 million.

There are very few people as right-wing as I am, Richard says in the 2008 documentary. His mother would say that Richard in the Era of the Corporation was her attempt to capture how the corporation enslaved all these bright young men.

Alice Neel, Richard in the Era of the Corporation (1978-79). Photo by Ben Davis.

Now 40, Richard is shown again on a chair, this time in suit and tie. Compared to the earlier composition, this one is one step farther back, less intimate; the warm brown palette has yielded to a slightly icy climate.

Splashes of green linger around the mouth. Green veins trace his hands.

Detail of Richard in the Era of the Corporation. Photo by Ben Davis.

The 1979 Richard projects cool assurance, his legs casually crossed as beforebut the foot is suspended at a strained angle. Hes literally twisted.

Detail of Alice Neel, Richard in the Era of the Corporation (1978-79). Photo by Ben Davis.

The white patches in the hair in both the figure and his reflection suggest a man graying into middle age, but also make him look as if he is fading away or that something is literally missing from him.

Detail of Alice Neel, Richard in the Era of the Corporation (1978-79). Photo by Ben Davis.

But its his eyes that I notice. Childhood malnourishment had left Richards eyesight damaged. Uniquely among her bespectacled sitters (compare her own self-portrait from a year later), Neel has given Richard shark eyes, all pupils. His glasses, strangely left unfinished, float unevenly around them, agitated halos, as if he were spellbound or hypnotized.

Neel rightly gets credit for painting aspects of female experience that hadnt gotten a lot of play in art before, in her pregnant nudes and nursing mothers and scenes of childbirth.Richard in the Era of the Corporations depiction of political estrangement between mother and son is another intimate experience I am not sure had ever been depicted.

And this painting was telling, not just in terms of capturing a mood among the Neel family but in terms of capturing the larger zeitgeist.

The story of the backlash against the movements of the 1960s by the rising generation and the consolidation of corporate hold over life was indeed the story that defined the decades to comewith so many horrible consequences.

I love, fear, and respect people and their struggle, Neel told Hills in 1982, especially in the rat race we live in today, becoming every moment fiercer, attaining epic proportions where murder and annihilation are the end.

Banner for Alice Neel: People Come First outside the Metropolitan Museum. Photo by Ben Davis.

Finally, why bother spending so much time on Alice Neels Communist affinities?

Theres enough Neel to go around in this show: Theres an erotic Neel; a familial Neel; a Neel as painter of wonky domestic still-lifes. But clearly we are more comfortable with these aspects of her work and are embarrassed by the Communism, rendering it as a soft-focus radicalism or classless feminism that she herself would have hated.

The topic is worth lingering on, but not because you need to defend Communism to defend Marxism or activism. The opposite is closer to the truth, in my opinion. For the entire period Neel was working, there were Marxists and activists who were critical of the CP, critical of the Soviet Unionthey were just much less visible than the CP.

But Communism was a motivating passion for Neel. Its sense of destiny kept her going. Its theory offered a model of intellectualism that was committed to speaking to ordinary people. It offered critical insights that werent easy to find elsewhere along with tragic blind spots. (If you are interested in what it felt like to live these difficult dynamics, Vivian Gornicks The Romance of American Communism cant be beat.)

Neels politics were bound up with all that other stuff that made her remarkable. The art-historical dilemmas they leave us with are heritage of the fact that the society she was trying to survive and depict was actually full of awful dilemmas. The best way to honor her as a painter of difficult truths is by not smoothing these over.

Alice Neel: People Come First is on view at the Metropolitan Museum of Art through August 1, 2021.

Excerpt from:
Alice Neels Communism Is Essential to Her Art. You Can See It in the Battlefield of Her Paintings, and Her Ruthless Portrait of Her Son - artnet News