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For those of us who have tried (and doubtless failed) to write about the culture wars in a spirit of honest, open-minded good faith, Jon Ronson is something of an icon, said James Marriott in The Times. His 2015 bookSo Youve Been Publicly Shamedremains the definitive account of online cancellation, and its warnings of ever more rancour to come have proved depressingly prescient.

Now he is back withThings Fell Apart, a superb BBC Sounds podcast about the genesis of the culture wars. Ronson starts by looking for their pre-Twitter history, and finds it in the battles the USs religious Right fought against abortion and gay rights in the 1970s and 1980s. He identifies this conflict as the first important intersection of moral fury and new technology, when Evangelical Christians took to the new mass medium of satellite TV to try to ban books and stir moral panic. Its a bleak but riveting listen.

Aimed at adults and older children (it includes bad language and uncensored accounts of gruesome and violent events),Lets Talk About Myths, Baby!is a millennials take on Greek and Roman mythology, said Charlotte Runcie in Prospect. This is first-class educational entertainment: witty and sarcastic commentary from a modern-day perspective is mixed with rigorous scholarly research.

On a completely different subject, Id recommendBad Cops, a BBC World Service series in which Jessica Lussenhop, ofThis American Life, looks at one of the USs most corrupt police units, the Gun Trace Task Force in Baltimore, in an effort to find out why good cops go bad.

The world is awash with cookbooks, but milestone recipes the true keepers are rare indeed, said Dale Berning Sawa in The Guardian.The Genius Recipe Tapes, a weekly pod by Kristen Miglore of the website Food52, explores one such recipe per episode, and talks to its creator. Listening to her descriptions of what she loves about these recipes from the way Rachel Roddy slow-cooks her beans in the oven, to the whole lemon Ruth Rogers puts in a startling strawberry sorbet is a lip-smacking pleasure in itself.

Another great podcast for home cooks isRecipe Club, from the American chef David Chang and the journalist Chris Ying. The fun of this one is that many of the recipes discussed are sourced the way most of us decide what to cook for dinner: by Googling. Its a bit millennial, a bit punk, very entertaining.

Less recipe-focused and more discursive isHoney & Co: The Food Sessions. London restaurateurs and columnists Itamar Srulovich and Sarit Packer talk to guests drawn from the food scene, mostly in Britain, ranging freely across food-related anecdotes, tips and experiences.

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Podcasts of the week: culture wars, cops and cooking - The Week UK

JAKARTA Indonesias Islamic conservatives are back on their moral high horse, joustingwith youthful Education and Culture Minister Nadiem Makarim over his campaign against a disturbing explosion of sexual harassment on university campuses.

In a baffling twist of logic, the opposition Justice and Prosperity Party (PKS), the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) and the Muslim organization Muhammadiyah claim a regulation issued by the 37-year-old minister, which defines sexual violence as the absence of consent, is promoting sex among students.

A similar logic was applied to a campaign against HIV/AIDS in the 1990s. When the government urged people to use condoms to protect themselves, Islamic right-wingers accused it of encouraging sexual promiscuity.

Commentators like Jakarta Post senior editor Endy Bayuni can only shake their heads in disbelief. Who in their right mind would oppose a regulation that seeks to protect students, particularly female students, from being sexually attacked, he wrote in a recent op-ed.

About 7.2 million students attend university in Indonesia, including 2.9 million enrolled at the countrys 122 state universities. All will be eligible voters in the 2024 presidential and general elections when nationalists and Islamists will square off again.

Since the dawn of democracy in the late 1990s, Indonesias religious and ethnic divide has always been brought into sharp relief during presidential elections, largely because it is normally a simple choice between two candidates.

During general elections, only 12-13% of the electorate appear to vote along religious lines. But outside of PKS and the Islamic-based United Development Party (PPP), parties are always well aware they must be sympathetic to Muslim majority sentiment.

That explains why lawmakers removed consent from the definition of sexualviolence during recent deliberations of the separate Sexual Violence Eradication Bill, saying it amounted to approval by the state of extramarital sex.

Once maintaining an adherence to sharia law, PKS now claims to recognize Pancasila, the states inclusive ideology, while defining itself as Islamist and socially conservative, all in a contorted effort to attract broader nationwide support.

The party won 50 seats in the 575-seat Parliament in the 2019 legislative elections, mostly in West Java, Jakarta and West Sumatra, and seven less than its best showing in 2009. The PPP captured only 19 seats.

PKS attacks on the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) movement get strong support from a majority of Muslim voters, with surveys demonstrating that being young in Indonesia does not always mean being progressive.

In fact, research firm Alvaras 2019 Indonesian Muslim Report showed that young Indonesians between 14 and 29 were the dominant age group among those who identify as puritan and ultra-conservative.

However, the numbers reveal little about how young people deal with religious diversity in their everyday lives and how student councils might react to the issue of sexual violence being turned on its head into a conversation about promiscuity.

The Harvard-educated Makarim, the founder of the Gojek multi-service platform, father of three daughters and son of a prominent Jakarta lawyer, issued the regulation in an urgent response to increasing reports of sexual predators preying on female students.

No learning can happen without a feeling of safety, he said, citing a 2020 survey in which 77% of college professors said they were aware of sexual harassment on their campus. We have to reach a higher ideal from a protection standpoint.

Under Indonesian law, sexual violence is only considered a crime when intercourse occurs without consent. But requests for sexual favors, acts ofphysical assault and verbal harassment escape punishment or even censure.

Anecdotal evidence suggests that many complaints have been ignored or covered up by college administrators and that some students who reported harassment have been expelled or otherwise dissuaded from pursuing their legal rights.

Issued last August, but only brought into force on November 12, the ministerial decree directs all universities to form a task force to investigate complaints of sexual impropriety, rather than brushing them under the carpet to save the college from embarrassment.

Muhammadiyahs position may have a lot to do with the fact that until Makarim came along as a surprise choice in President Joko Widodos second-term Cabinet, it had traditionally held the education portfolio.

That was because of its early introduction of a reformist platform, going back to the early 1900s, which mixed religion and secular education as a way of promoting the upward mobility of Muslims. In recent years, however, education has become bogged down in corruption.

They (Muhammadiyah) are after his (Nadiems) job, Bayuni wrote in his November 20 commentary. To the other Muslim groups, however, Nadiems decree provided an opening in pushing their conservative agenda in the ongoing cultural wars.

The role of Islam in the modern state has long been debated, going back to post-independence days. While a broad consensus has been reached on that issue, todays cultural war seems overly fixated on sexuality.

Indonesias largest mass Muslim organization, Nahdlatul Ulama, has its own conservative elements including Vice President Maruf Amin but has always been more progressive on social issues as a bulwark against extremism.

Amin is a former chairman of MUI, whichis pushing for provisions in a revisedCriminal Code that prescribe jail terms for adultery, pre-marital and homosexual sex, and inhibits the promotion of contraception and the free flow of vital health information.

The controversial amendment remains stalled in Parliament over those and other provisions that threaten freedom of speech.

But in the meantime, the legal system has found ways to punish gays using the Criminal Codes existing Article 296 on facilitating fornication and Article 7 of the 2008 Pornography Law dealing with financing and felicitating pornographic acts.

Only last year, nine young men were jailed for four to five years for engaging in homosexual activity, with the court calling their actions inconsistent with community values. One has since died in prison from an untreatedstomach ailment.

The MUI played a significant role in shaping policy during the presidencyof Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, a period marked by the passage of the misleadingly-titled pornography law and spiraling violence against religious minorities.

Makarim has locked horns with religious conservatives before. Last January, he signed a joint decree with the Home Affairs and Religious Affairs ministries banning government schools from requiring students to wear religious attire, particularly the head covering known as ajilbab.

The Supreme Court revoked the decree in May but for violating 2011 legislation which lays out a framework that ensures laws and regulations are formulated in a planned, integrated and sustainable manner to protect peoples constitutional rights.

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Indonesia's culture wars overly fixated on sex - Asia Times

Mosley Must Fall; Things Fell Apart

BBC Radio 4

Martin McNamara, the writer of Mosley Must Fall, a play on Radio 4 this week, must have had a jolt when he opened the papers to find old Oswald back in the news. Oxford University is said to have accepted 6 million from a trust set up by the fascist leaders son, the racing driver Max, using funds passed down through the family. Cries of Rhodes Must Fall have been echoing down the High in Oxford for many years now. If Mosley must fall, too, then this play may prove particularly timely.

Although set in Whitechapel, east London, in 1936, the story consciously teeters over live issues, including immigration, the polarisation of society and the threat of violent protest. The main characters belong to an Irish family living on the path Mosley and his supporters are planning to march down in their latest recruitment drive. Should they stay home and close the curtains or should they take part on one side or the other? Maureen McEnroe (Maggie Cronin), the mother of two grown sons, can hardly bear to engage with the question: What did I say about politics at the table?

Much of the play is taken up with their discussions and arguments over the best course. There is talk of Mosley leading a holy war and defending his country against foreign interlopers. There is talk of the Civil War in Spain and of Generalissimo Franco stepping in to halt the desecration. It isnt until two thirds of the way through the drama that we actually get to the march, which descends predictably into a punch-up. We hear some soundbites of Mosley, but he is largely absent, standing, like his Blackshirts, safely aloof.

Im reminded of Nancy Mitfords novel, Wigs on the Green, in which The Captain never actually appears, but still influences much of the action. In Mitfords case, removing Mosley from the narrative was partly an act of peacekeeping, intended to appease her sister Diana, who went on to marry him. In the case of this engaging play, Mosleys absence feels more ponderous. Its true that, as the head of the British Union of Fascists, Mosley excelled at stirring crowds into chaos, before slinking into the background. The fact that he remains there throughout the play reinforces the idea that he was far smaller than the movement he created. As a concept, this works, but as a dramatic choice, it feels overly conscientious. We needed Mosley, if only to realise his insignificance as an individual.

Jon Ronson, the Welsh journalist and filmmaker perhaps best known for The Men Who Stare at Goats, has launched a new podcast featuring more than a few controversial marches. Things Fell Apart is subtitled strange tales from the culture wars and seeks to uncover the unlikely origins of the debates raging today. The first episode traced the pro-life movement to the ambitions of a boy growing up in the Swiss Alps. The second, which aired this week, centred on a woman who staged a protest against the introduction of a new set of school textbooks to West Virginia in the 1970s.

The stories were astonishing. The boy in the Alps was Frank Schaeffer, the son of a fundamentalist American Evangelical pastor and art historian, who longed to be a filmmaker like his idol Fellini. When his father suggested he gain some experience by helping him to make documentaries, Frank agreed. The success in the Evangelical community of a segment in which his father discussed the evils of abortion led them to explore the subject in more depth. The films, for which Frank created a dubious installation of dolls floating on the Dead Sea, caught the attention of the press. The resulting conflict snowballed.

It can be hard to prove that any single event is responsible for a culture war when most disputes arise from various origins. The links between cause and effect are sometimes less direct than they appear. Ronsons ability to source a story and run with it is nevertheless compelling. I was particularly impressed by his interview with Alice Moore, the woman who tried to block the distribution of textbooks citing their inappropriate content. A poem printed in one, Ronson gently suggested, was not encouraging people to have sex on a bus, as she feared, but despairing that the world had descended to such a point. As he said of her reaction, what mattered, and still matters now, is not intention, but impact. He was as surprised as I was to discover that the offending verses, which caused such a stir after Moore read them aloud on US television, were written by Roger McGough.

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The astonishing stories behind today's culture wars: Radio 4's Things Fell Apart reviewed - Spectator.co.uk

Russell Arben Fox| Special to Gannett Kansas

The historical special session of the Kansas Legislature taking place this week will, I predict, thoroughly fulfill its true purpose, though not its official one. Being clear on the differences between the two is important if one wants to understand the political motivations at work.

Officially, the Republicans in Topeka have pushed Gov. Laura Kelly to call back the Legislature in order to work out rules that will defend the religious liberty and unemployment benefits of Kansans who refuse to get vaccinated against covid-19, in opposition to President Bidens vaccine mandate.

But truthfully, the session is taking place in order to produce declarations and speeches that will help keep Kansas Republican voters united and focused on the culture war surrounding the pandemic, thus benefiting their agenda in the August vote over an anti-abortion-rights amendmentand the November vote for our next governor.

That such words and images are the true aim of the special session is not to deny that Bidens requirement that all large employers require their workers to be vaccinated can be legitimately challenged. There are real constitutional controversies built into his order, and thats why multiple lawsuits have been filed against the mandate (including those which Attorney General Derek Schmidt, who will be the Republican nominee challenging Kelly, has already joined).

Those constitutional controversies, however, simply cannot be effectively responded to by a state legislature. The question of whether employers can challenge the sincerity or legitimacy of any religious exemptions that anti-vaxxers might claim in order to avoid the mandate is tied up with a long line of Supreme Court cases regarding generally applicable laws, as Bidens mandate arguably is.

If the Kansas Legislature makes it a crime for employers to pose such challenges, then current federal precedents would necessitate an immediate stay on that legislation, meaning that, once again, their work would have to wait until the aforementioned lawsuits are resolved.

As for employment protections for those who might be fired for refusing to submit to mandates implemented by their employers, business interests in Kansas most of which regularly support the Republicans in Topeka have already made it clear that providing financial support for those reluctant to get vaccinated is something theyd rather not see added states unemployment fund.

Republican leaders say that they can write the rules for who should qualify for unemployment benefits when let go for being unvaccinated carefully, but with some estimates of the costs of such guarantees ranging as high at $250 million, this legislation is likely to be kept minimal.

But the likely pointlessness of state action on religious liberty rules, and the likely small potatoes of any benefits for fired vaccination opponents, wont interfere with the sessions true purpose.

Going into 2022, Gov. Kelly wants to make her re-election campaign about eliminating the food tax and fiscal responsibility generally; the Republicans, by contrast, want to tie her as closely as possible to Bidens unpopularity.

With the Schmidt campaign lacking the base-riling fervor of a Kobach or Brownback, drawing sharp distinctions between the governor and the Kansas GOP, digging deep into the cultural conflicts the pandemic has provided, is a smart strategy for building momentum for August and November.

Will it be a successful strategy as well? That remains to be seen, but I wouldnt bet against it.

Russell Arben Fox teaches politics in Wichita.

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Kansas GOP leaders want to exploit culture wars before 2022 elections. It might be a winning strategy. - The Topeka Capital-Journal

In April 2019, I stood with Virginias Governor, Secretary of Education, and State Superintendent to declare Virginia is for Learners. It was the crescendo of a multi-year education reform effort spanning two gubernatorial administrations, led by a host of state and local education leaders.

Since then, a growing group of nonpartisan education leaders have been working hard to deliver on that promise. This has included the establishment of the Commonwealth Learning Partnership, a coalition of more than 40 education groups and universities committed to modernizing Virginias public education system; the launch of EdEquityVA, the states roadmap to and trainings on education equity; and more recently, the formation of a statewide education foundation, Virginia Learns.

These education leaders have offered constant support to the education frontlines throughout the pandemic. Even so, extended crisis schooling gave rise to heated disagreements between parents and schools, put on full display at school board meetings and on social media. Virginia, like so many places, has culture wars dominating discourse about public education, which has taken attention away from school, educator, and student needs.

Its no surprise that education ended up being the hot-button campaign issue in Virginias recent governors race. The Democratic candidate, Terry McAuliffe, campaigned on his record. Republican candidate, Glenn Youngkin, took a different approach, tapping into the fears and frustrations of his constituency. Youngkin won on the promise of more parental control in education, saying his first action would be to fire the states education chief, and that he would promote school choice.

While this was an effective way to win a race, it misses the complexity of the issues impacting education in COVID recovery. Beyond platitudes and promises, we need decision-makers who bring people together to work towards the common good of student learning, healing and recovery. Using education as a wedge issue to stoke anger, resentment and to deepen divisions will only make matters worse.

Youngkins win and the public conversation on education that took place across Virginia and the US leading up to his election, illuminates three problems we face in education: issues of trust, truth and trauma.

Pandemic experiences have made parents less trusting of their childrens schools. Campaigns and conversations have focused on who should have power over a childs education, when the reality is that parents and educators share that responsibility.

For many kids, the adults who support learning go beyond the household and school. Extended family, counselors, services providers and afterschool programs are also a part of the equation. Adults need to work in partnership to support childrens learning and well-being. Parental and family engagement, along with school-community partnerships, must be a top priority for states and schools. This requires professional development on effective engagement, working with parent groups and providing ways for parents and community partners to have a voice in education decisions.

Parents have their own role to play. This starts with taking a posture of empathy and openness towards the people running schools and teaching kids. The past two years have been hard for everybody, but the pressures and demands on educators have been extreme. Formal parent groups, like the PTA, and informal organizing groups, can establish and enforce a culture that upholds the dignity and worth of all people.

Exacerbating these trust issues are alarming disagreements over truth. Culture wars are getting worse. CRT and school curriculum debates reveal unsettling differences between what people view as truth in current circumstances and American history. We cannot move around this issue. We must work through it. Schools and communities need assistance from experienced facilitators and mediators to have difficult and necessary conversations about racism, inequity and our history. This is reconciliation work, and it is vital for the health, healing and well-being of students, families and communities. If we do not do this, then our kidsespecially those who are Black, brown, and Indigenouswill fall into the fault lines these culture wars have created.

Trauma has been an accelerant to trust and truth issues. We are nearly two years into the most disruptive period many of us have ever experienced, and trauma abounds. Left unaddressed, it will take a continued toll on student learning and mental health, educator wellness and community capacity for collective care. Healing from trauma takes time, training and focus. This is especially true in places and with people who already were experiencing trauma before COVID. It is time for leaders to prioritize and invest in mental health, to get trained on trauma-informed care and to work on improving systems of care.

The future of our schools and long-COVID education recovery is about more than power, advancement and choice. It will last longer than a campaign cycle, and even a gubernatorial term. Real recovery is about care, connection and healing. For students to learn and schools to function, we must work and heal together.

For nearly eight years, I have worked alongside Virginias most inspiring educators and education leaders. They know Virginia is for Learners is a promise that extends across political and community divides, and that it must hold true, even in times of disruption or disagreement. This is the path forward that supports students, builds great schools, and a future of learning where young people can thrive.

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How Schools Can Call a Truce in Educations Ongoing Culture War - EdSurge