Archive for the ‘Culture Wars’ Category

Barack Obama at 60: Why he matters – Action News Now

Barack Obama's 60th birthday offers America a chance to reflect on its past, contemplate its present and look toward a future indelibly shaped by the nation's first Black President.

The occasion of Obama's milestone birthday on August 4 touches a personal chord in those of us who witnessed, participated in, or did a mixture of both during the historic 2008 presidential campaign. The former President is celebrating on Friday with an outdoor party in Martha's Vineyard, where he has long vacationed. Citing a source, CNN reported that rather than bring gifts, guests are being asked to consider supporting non-profits that aid both boys and young men of color and adolescent girls around the world, along with those that help train upcoming community leaders.

I remember watching the 43-year-old Illinois state senator deliver the 2004 Democratic National Convention keynote at Boston's FleetCenter on July 27. Obama, who looked so much younger than his age, spoke for 17 minutes about the virtues of American democracy.

That speech, which made him a political superstar, deftly introduced autobiographical themes that would become familiar beats in Obama's public narrative. Obama presented his biracial background -- as the son of an immigrant Kenyan economist and a White anthropologist with Kansas roots who met as students in Hawaii at a time when interracial marriage was illegal in parts of America -- as a lens through which to view the dynamic racial progress the nation had not yet fully achieved but remained committed to.

In retrospect, parts of the speech that pushed back against dividing America into red states and blue states appear now nave or hopelessly romantic, cynical even, considering the deadly and racially charged partisanship of our times.

But the power of Obama's keynote speech -- and his presidential campaign four years later -- was the way in which it tapped into democratic aspirations best reflected in the Black freedom struggle he took pains to both celebrate and, at times, distance himself from. Obama delivered a speech from America's cradle of liberty that could only be given by a Black politician able to acknowledge historic divisions of race, class, gender, religion and sexuality, while crafting a vision of an American citizenship capable of transcending these divides.

Obama offered his personal biography and political ambitions as a bridge between past and contemporary civil rights activists. More than that, he positioned himself as a political leader whose rhetoric and vision framed the nation as a patchwork quilt of diverse communities that grew stronger as they recognized the common ground of citizenship and dignity that united them.

As he approaches 60, Obama's hair has turned grayer, he looks even thinner now than he did as commander in chief and one can see the impact of time -- and being President -- in the wrinkles and creases that appear visible on a once unlined face.

Last summer, Obama said that "Black Lives Matter" but decried efforts to "Defund the Police" as bad politics that alienated potential allies.

Yet, time out of office has radicalized the preternaturally cautious Obama into calling for an end to the filibuster, if that's what's required to preserve democracy. His characterization of the filibuster as "another Jim Crow relic" offered further proof that Obama 2.0 displays a willingness to confront America's long history of structural racism with the kind of bracing candor he rarely embraced as President.

Obama continues to serve as a Rorschach test for the American political imagination. He likely always will. The first Black president didn't so much as flip the script of American politics as write himself into it. Obama proved to be a fervent believer in American exceptionalism.

Boston launched Obama's national political career, setting the stage for his successful campaign for the US Senate that he would win that November and for his presidential campaign, which he announced from the Illinois State House in February 2007.

Obama's keynote speech turned his memoir "Dreams of My Father," first published in 1995, into an instant bestseller. He followed this up with "The Audacity of Hope," a more conventional but still insightful book about the sources of civic nationalism that united Americans far more than they divided us.

He took the title of his second book from a phrase used by his then pastor, Jeremiah Wright, the fiery Black Liberation theologian who headed Trinity United Church in Chicago. Wright came from a tradition that criticized White supremacy with the kind of candor that -- although very much mainstream in 2021 -- proved scandalous when clips were played by conservative news outlets during the presidential campaign.

Obama's pastor problem took the lid off the most explosive issue of the 2008 Democratic primary contest and the subsequent general election: a Black man was running for president and had a good chance to win.

His candidacy blew the lid off far-flung conspiracy theories that would move from the margin to the center of American political discourse over the last 15 years. Fabricated rumors that Obama was a secret Muslim, had been born in Kenya and educated at an Islamic madrassa as a young boy in Indonesia abounded. Clips of Wright excoriating America's imperial domestic policy seemed to confirm that Obama -- handsome, telegenic, and brilliant -- was a Trojan horse (his middle name was Hussein after all) sent by America's enemies to destroy us from within.

Obama pushed back against this characterization by delivering a bravura March 18, 2008 "race speech" in Philadelphia's Constitution Hall surrounded by a backdrop of American flags that unsubtly signaled his fealty to the American dream.

In that speech, Obama portrayed both Black anger over racial slavery and Jim Crow and White resentment against affirmative action as morally equivalent. He refused to dissociate himself from Pastor Wright (but did several days later) and he recounted that his own White grandmother (Toot, short for Tutu, in the affectionate Hawaiian parlance) expressed fears of Black men that made him cringe. The speech was an enormous success, touted in some quarters as the most significant speech on America's racial divide since Lincoln.

Obama went on to be elected in what still represents the equivalent of a modern-day landslide, with 43% of White voters forming part of a new political coalition: he was also backed by 95% of Black voters and two-thirds of LatinX voters.

Obama's victory ushered in America's Third Reconstruction, a period that continues to this day and has been marked by stunning and unprecedented instances of racial progress. But it has also touched off a fierce backlash symbolically represented by Donald Trump and his MAGA followers. Black people in America experience voter suppression, racially disparate impacts of the Covid-19 health pandemic, police violence against their communities, mass incarceration and the stubborn persistence of racial segregation and economic impoverishment.

By 2020, even Obama seemed to come around and understand the existential dangers posed by the resurgence of White nationalism in American politics. Sixteen years after the fresh-faced young state senator delivered a soaring, optimistic keynote speech in Boston, the now-former President delivered a virtual address that warned that racism might produce the end of the republic.

America's long, rough and tortured road toward a renaissance that might achieve Black dignity and full citizenship has produced thunderclap historical moments. The ratification of the 13th amendment on December 6, 1865, that abolished racial slavery was one. The Brown v. Board of Education school desegregation decision announced by the Supreme Court on May 17, 1954, was another. Barack Obama's November 4, 2008, presidential election victory proved to be the third of these hinge points in our nation's history.

Each of these moments ushered in periods of reconstruction; political, legislative, legal, and personal soul searching that had far-reaching consequences, not only for their eras but most especially our own.

Obama's victory, against the backdrop of economic recession, a mortgage crisis that disproportionately impacted Black Americans, and wars in Afghanistan and Iraq inspired domestic and global celebrations and outsized political expectations.

Obama proved to be the last American President to lead under the hard-fought national civil rights consensus on Black citizenship that had been rhetorically supported by commanders in chief since John F. Kennedy. This bipartisan era compelled Democrats and Republicans to offer support for the Martin Luther King Jr. federal holiday and acknowledge the importance of Black History Month, and it led to the creation of the National Museum of African American History and Culture, the first-ever built with federal funds.

Beneath such public displays of unity around race matters lay policy divisions over affirmative action, racial integration in public schools and neighborhoods, racial disparities in health, wealth, and employment and culture wars over the very meaning of American identity, democracy and citizenship that roiled Obama's presidency before exploding during the Trump Era.

The trauma of the past four years, most notably the partisan response to a health pandemic and rioting at the US Capitol, makes many nostalgic for the era that the young Barack Obama thrived in. Such longing yearns for a period before the Birther movement, QAnon, White riots and GOP-led voter suppression and anti-Critical Race Theory legislation. Before Trump conjured the Big Lie of a stolen presidential election, there appeared an alternative course for the nation to embark on.

Barack Obama's enduring power is his ability to allow us to imagine ourselves as a better country, society and people. As a young state senator, presidential candidate, and commander in chief, Obama called America to be its aspirational best.

The Obama campaign's signature innovation was not the use of social media nor the trappings of celebrity that eventually consumed aspects of the American presidency. Obama's ability to tell Americans a fresh interpretation of their own national story helped to make history. Obama's narrative explained that "what began as a whisper has now swelled to a chorus that cannot be ignored -- that will not be deterred, that will ring out across this land as a hymn that will heal this nation -- repair this world and make this time different than all the rest."

The poetry of these words continues to resonate, now more than ever, within Americans who recognize that, however flawed and imperfect a political vessel Obama turned out to be, the freedom dreams he expressed at his best are bigger than any one political leader and can thus never be betrayed.

Obama called us to be our best selves in a manner that allowed supporters to criticize, empathize with and celebrate his successes and shortcoming as our own. He imagined America as a large national family where even political opponents could find kinship in their love of civic ideals rooted in a generous reading of the founding documents as expansive enough to include all those who had been left out at the time of its writing.

Keenly aware of the historic divisions, conflicts and disagreements that perpetually threatened to undermine the republic, for a brief period Obama allowed the world to see America as a place of endless possibilities. His 60th birthday calls us to reflect on the seemingly vast distance between that time and our own, as well as the steps necessary to renew the nation's democratic faith and confidence in the ability to achieve the country we have always imagined ourselves to be.

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Barack Obama at 60: Why he matters - Action News Now

Culture wars threaten to overtake war on COVID: The Note – ABC News

The TAKE with Rick Klein

It takes less than ever to find partisan grooves these days -- and the fact that they've been etched deeper out of the fallout from Jan. 6 serves as a case in point.

That's the reality that confronts President Joe Biden with this next uncertain phase of combatting the pandemic. New federal guidance on mask mandates and the consideration of a vaccine requirement for federal workers run into longstanding political arguments about individual liberties and personal accountability.

The push for vaccinations has become less partisan of late, with prominent Republicans adding new emphasis -- and giving special credit to the previous administration -- to make the case.

Families protest any potential mask mandates before the Hillsborough County Schools Board meeting held at the district office on July 27, 2021 in Tampa, Florida.

Yet mask-wearing and vaccine requirements have long since taken on cultural as well as political significance, and the fallout of Biden's latest comments offer just a taste. Former President Donald Trump is offering strong pushback to mandates, and consider as well how readily some Republicans are using Dr. Anthony Fauci as a foil -- raising money off the mention of his name, and even threatening legal action against him.

Biden indicated that he will outline next steps in the push to vaccinate the country on Thursday, as some statistics showing rates going up of late. The president on Tuesday also served up a reminder that as a candidate he "promised to be straight with you about COVID -- good news or bad."

Another reminder: 11 months ago, Biden said he wouldn't hesitate to order another shutdown if that's what his advisers recommended.

"I would shut it down; I would listen to the scientists," he told ABC "World News Tonight" Anchor David Muir last August.

The campaign was quick to clarify that comment at the time. Biden's statement Tuesday about masks and vaccines framed them as a way "to avoid the kind of lockdowns, shutdowns, school closures and disruptions we faced in 2020."

"We are not going back to that," the president said.

The RUNDOWN with Averi Harper

The testimony of Capitol Police officer Harry Dunn underscored the additional layer of trauma Black law enforcement officers experienced on Jan. 6.

Dunn's heartbreaking testimony chronicled the racial slurs he endured as he tried to defend the seat of our nation's democracy.

U.S. Capitol Police officer Harry Dunn becomes emotional as he testifies before the House Select Committee investigating the Jan. 6 attack on Capitol Hill in Washington, D.C., July 27, 2021.

Among the insurrectionists were attackers who carried Confederate flags, donned shirts with anti-Semitic messages and freely hurled the n-word at Black officers.

"No one had ever, ever called me a n***** while wearing the uniform of a Capitol Police officer," said Dunn.

He also brought with him the stories of other Black officers, later adding, "Another Black officer later told me he had been confronted by insurrectionists in the Capitol who told him, put your gun down and we'll show you what kind of n***** you really are."

For many, listening to Dunn recount the epithets stung as they were broadcast uncensored. The attack at the Capitol is often referred to as one of our nation's darkest days, it's particularly poignant that racism crept its way into the ugliness of it all, too.

It's a vile reminder that racism in America, even in its most blatant forms, still exists.

The TIP with Alisa Wiersema

Republicans in Washington have one more representative joining their ranks -- but the victory serves as an upset to Trump, despite his looming influence over the Republican Party on a national scale.

Nearly three months after the May 1 special election, State Rep. Jake Ellzey came out on top in Tuesday's runoff election for Texas' 6th Congressional District. Ellzey faced off with fellow Republican, Susan Wright, who had Trump's backing going into the contest due to the political legacy of her late husband, Rep. Ron Wright, who died in February from COVID and complications with cancer.

Jake Ellzey, center, campaigns for congress with other Texas Republican politicians.

The conclusion of the race is the latest indicator of the former president's looming influence over his party in a state that is increasingly becoming ground zero for intraparty battles.

On Monday, Trump waded into another high-profile Texan battle by endorsing incumbent Attorney General Ken Paxton for another term. The move served a devastating -- and complicated -- blow to Land Commissioner George P. Bush, who was the only member of his storied political family to publicly back Trump, despite the former president launching repeated attacks against his father, Jeb Bush.

THE PLAYLIST

ABC News' "Start Here" podcast. Wednesday morning's episode features former acting Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Director Dr. Richard Besser, who breaks down the new CDC guidance around mask wearing for vaccinated people. ABC News congressional correspondent Rachel Scott recaps the testimony from police officers during a Jan. 6 House committee hearing. And ESPN Senior Writer Alyssa Roegnik explains why Simone Biles pulled out of the team all-around finals in Tokyo. http://apple.co/2HPocUL

WHAT YOU NEED TO KNOW TODAY

Download the ABC News app and select "The Note" as an item of interest to receive the day's sharpest political analysis.

The Note is a daily ABC News feature that highlights the key political moments of the day ahead. Please check back tomorrow for the latest.

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Culture wars threaten to overtake war on COVID: The Note - ABC News

How Critical Race Theory Mastermind Kimberl Crenshaw Is Weathering the Culture Wars – Vanity Fair

Kimberl Crenshaw is tucked in her UCLA office with ceiling-high shelves. Behind her, two men enter the frame of our video call and bend and lift, packing stacks of books. Im moving offices, she explains. To one with a view of the lawn. Crenshaw triaged her packed schedule to speak with me; shes been in even higher demand than usual. Shes receiving, and declining, media hits left and right, mostly because shes working on three books, all set to be released by May 2022. Shes a law professor at Columbia University and UCLA. She finds time to run the African American Policy Forum, the social justice think tank she cofounded 25 years ago, and to host a podcast on a term she coined in 1989: intersectionality. All this as Conservatives from Fox Newss Tucker Carlson to Texas senator Ted Cruz melt down over another academic framework she helped mint more than 30 years agocritical race theorylanding her at the roiling center of the culture wars.

Shes felt grumpy and annoyed watching the right bastardize her decades of work, which includes a pivotal 2001 paper on race and gender discrimination for the United Nations, a foundational book on the mistreatment of Black girls by police, and articles in various law reviews and news outlets. But dogs dont bark at parked cars. Shes traversing the moment with humility, watching misinformation steer the country astray. Friends reach out, up in arms about Republican efforts to bar her teachings from schools. She asks them, Are you worried about how deep this disaffection with our democracy is when playing by the rules creates outcomes that many white people are unhappy with? Because if the overblown bans are whats drawing focus, then were all being recruited as actors in a misinformation campaign changing the rules we live by.

This recent campaign began roughly last September, when Christopher Rufo, a right-wing think tank fellow, went on air with Carlson to warn viewers about critical race theory. Saying hed spent months researching how the theory had infiltrated American systems, Rufo called on then president Donald Trump to take action. Trump, an avid Fox viewer, ordered federally funded agencies to stop teaching critical race theory and white privilege because the concepts lead people to believeincorrectly, he saidthat America is inherently racist. With months left in his presidency, Trump launched the 1776 commissiona rebuttal of warped and distorted social justice teaching concepts like the New York Times magazines 1619 Project, spearheaded by journalist Nikole Hannah-Jones, which aims to reexamine Americas history through the lens of slavery.

President Joe Biden rescinded both ban and commission on his first day. By that point, though, the issue had become a live wire. Following Bidens reversals, many Republicans pushed bills to outlaw Crenshaws academic framework in schools. In April, Idaho became the first state to pass such a bill; Governor Brad Little said it would prevent teachers from indoctrinating students to hate America. A month later, Oklahoma governor Kevin Stitt followed suit. Since then, several more red states have introduced similar measures.

I ask Crenshaw what shed say to her critics. I dont think this is about a real difference in opinion, nor is it a debate that is winnable, she says. This is about a weapon theyre using to hold on to power.

Most frustrating for Crenshaw has been watching the GOP reduce critical race theory to a cudgel to attack progress in the guise of protecting democracy. In the same way that anti-racism is framed as racism, anti-indoctrination is framed as indoctrination, Crenshaw says. Conservatives have long embraced the idea that America is a color-blind, equitable society where hard work explains who succeeds. What could be more indoctrinating than that? As an example of the systemic nature of racism, she points to the history behind traditionally white and Black neighborhoods: how federal money went toward developing segregated suburbs while Black people were denied those opportunities. And how that denial extends to todays economic disparities.

I dont think this is about a REAL DIFFERENCE in opinion.... This is about A WEAPON theyre using to hold on to POWER.

Crenshaw breaks it down. Critical race theory is based on the premise that race is socially constructed, yet it is real through social constructions. In other words, ask yourself, what is a Black neighborhood? Why do we call the hood the hood? Labels like these were strategically produced by American policy. Critical race theory says the idea of a Black personwho I am in this countryis a legal concept. Our enslavability was a marker of our degradation, Crenshaw explains. And our degradation was a marker of the fact that we could never be part of this country. Our Supreme Court said thisin the Dred Scott v. Sandford ruling of 1857and it wasnt a close decision.

Critical race theory pays attention to the ripple effects of such decisions. It asks us to scrutinize how and why society looks the way it does. These are the kinds of questions the other side doesnt want us to ask because it wants us to be happy with the contemporary distribution of opportunity, Crenshaw says.

Critical race theory grew from what Crenshaw calls the post-civil rights generation: those who watched the movement play out, learning from demonstrations that forced the government to pass laws intended to protect the rights of African Americans but that failed to address the root of the problem. In 1989, during her third year as a law professor, Crenshawalongside four thought leaders, two white allies, and three organizersintroduced the term at a workshop. The label was happenstance. We were critically engaging law but with a focus on race, she says, recalling a brainstorm session. So we wanted critical to be in it, race to be in it. And we put theory in to signify that we werent just looking at civil rights practice. It was how to think, how to see, how to read, how to grapple with how law has created and sustained raceour particular kind of race and racismin American society.

What those on the right describe as a threat to democracy in fact promotes equity. Its how weve become, historically, who weve beenhow the fiction of race is made real. Crenshaw bets none of the Republicans fighting to maintain the status quo have taken the time to understand her work, because it was never about understanding. (When an Alabama lawmaker who filed a bill to outlaw critical race theory in schools was asked by a reporter to define the term, he couldnt.) You cannot fix a problem you cannot name, Crenshaw says. You cannot address a history that youre unwilling to learn.

Crenshaw, who grew up in the industrial town of Canton, Ohio, was eight when her father started calling her a lawyer, warning people not to let her get a word in edgewise. I would argue my way out of punishment by presenting the contradiction in the rules, she says. But it was when her older brother, who died when she was 12, discovered the dashikia West African shirt made popular in America during the Black Power Movement of the 60s and 70sthat she got her first glimpse into how assertions of Black pride and culture did not always go over well in white America. A week after donning the shirt, her brother came home with it torn up, Crenshaw says. He said he had gotten into a fight with some white people who called him the N-word and tried to take it off, she recalls. This was in the 70s. I remember seeing that and asking, how could it be such a problem that my brother wore this dashiki? What is it about this that seems to be in such an affront to the sensibilities of those who had to encounter my brother in that outfit? When Martin Luther King Jr. was assassinated, her dad was a first-year law student, but he died before he could finish school. We couldnt bring Martin Luther King back to life, but we could speak about his legacy, Crenshaw says. I couldnt bring my dad back to life, but I could go on and be a lawyer like he was trying to be.

So, it was no accident she wound up practicing law. Her big break came when she clerked for Justice Shirley Abrahamson, the first female chief justice of Wisconsins Supreme Court. Abrahamson was also on a shortlist for the U.S. Supreme Courta seat that went to Ruth Bader Ginsburg. That woman gave me my career, Crenshaw says. She took a chance on me. I was a Black graduate from Harvard Law School. Hadnt been on Law Review, was writing stuff that was kind of, What is this intersectionality stuff? And she saw my potential. That led to her meeting Joel F. Handler, then a professor at the University of Wisconsin, which led to her faculty position at UCLA. That kind of network, that kind of credential is what gets you looked at, she says.

Crenshaws days are never identical. Before our chat, she had three meetings, one discussing an ongoing book project. Afterward, she plans to write a chapter for her memoir-manifesto Backtalker, which chronicles the development of some of her ideas that have shaped the discourse around gender, race, and social justice. I see my work as talking back against those who would normalize and neutralize intolerable conditions in our lives, she says of the title, which she may change as the chapters build. Social justice writing, scholarship, activism is not talking into a vacuum; its talking back against the systems of thought, against the assumptions, against the power that has lined up throughout history to tell us that some of us are not worthy of being full citizens, some of our dreams are not worthy of being realized, and some of our lives are not worthy of improvement through collective commitments to change the terms upon which we live.

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How Critical Race Theory Mastermind Kimberl Crenshaw Is Weathering the Culture Wars - Vanity Fair

Analysis: The education culture wars go full circle, and head for a showdown – Idaho EdNews

Idahos education culture wars will come full circle Thursday.

Thats when Lt. Gov. Janice McGeachins education task force meets again, focusing this time on higher education.

Where Idahos debate began, two years ago.

Theres no disputing that the controversy over critical race theory and school indoctrination has consumed a lot of education policy oxygen in 2021 fueled nationally by Fox News and other conservative networks, and stoked locally by the Idaho Freedom Foundation and its hardline legislative allies.

This year, Freedom Foundation-aligned lawmakers killed a three-year, $18 million federal early education grant and held a $1.1 billion teacher salary budget hostage. But the battle lines over higher education politics were drawn into the map in 2019.

And the debate hasnt changed much since then.

On Marlene Tromps ninth day as president at Boise State University, she received a pointed greeting from more than a third of the Idaho House of Representatives.

I dont view the current direction of Boise State to be in the tradition of what higher education has been, or should be, in Idaho, wrote state Rep. Barbara Ehardt, R-Idaho Falls, in a letter co-signed by 27 Republican colleagues. As legislators, we will seek and support academic excellence that does not pursue social or political agendas or incur additional costs.

Interestingly, Ehardts letter did not address critical race theory or indoctrination, the terms that dominate the education debate in 2021. Instead, the lawmakers criticized a menu of diversity and inclusion programs that predated Tromps arrival, including multicultural events such as Rainbow Graduation and Black Graduation, a graduate school preparation course geared toward underrepresented student groups and graduate fellowships for underrepresented minority students.

The letter foreshadowed the controversy that has followed Tromp through her 25 months at Boise State. And it signaled that a cadre of House conservatives were ready to start voting down education budgets.

Only23 of those 28 co-signers are still in the House. But if anything, the chamber is more conservative than it was in 2019, after hardliners captured additional seats in the 2020 elections.

The culture wars began to play out on the House floor in March 2020. Even as the coronavirus pandemic began to reach Idaho, and as some lawmakers fled the Statehouse over health concerns, the higher education budget became a major impediment to closing the session. The House voted down two budget bills before finally agreeing on a third version with 20 of the 26 no votes coming from co-signers of the letter to Tromp, including Ehardt herself.

The same budget later passed the Senate 31-0.

If anything, 2020 only hinted at what would follow in 2021. The House rejected the early education money, leaving a grant from the Trump administration on the table. The House voted down the first versions of the higher education and teacher salary budgets. It wasnt necessarily about the dollars. In the end, the House actually approved a larger teacher salary budget, after lawmakers passed a separate bill calling out critical race theory.

The growing uproar over critical race theory once an obscure academic concept certainly factored into the battles that marked the 2021 session. But the backlash against higher education, beginning with the letter to Tromp and growing through the 2020 Idaho elections, provided a template for a more far-reaching campaign against education.

The emotions from the 2021 session, including frustrations and fears, come through in some emails to the State Board of Education.

Using the state public records law, Idaho Education News requested all emails to the State Board containing the word indoctrination or the phrase critical race theory, written since Jan. 1. (Idaho Education News filed similar requests with McGeachin, Gov. Brad Little and the State Department of Education.)

The State Board released 38 emails, with 30 voicing opposition to critical race theory or indoctrination. And 17 of these began with boilerplate wording, replicated in full or sometimes changed slightly.

The template: Please weed out any and all political, medical, and religious indoctrination in our public schools before it gains an even stronger foothold in ldaho. While it may not yet be happening in every classroom in every school, it lS happening in many classrooms, schools, districts, and universities in ldaho.

One emailer acknowledged the obvious, saying the emails were part of a coordinated campaign while refusing to divulge the source of the wording. Its unclear whether the Freedom Foundation was that source. The group, which routinely ignores media requests, did not respond to an inquiry from Idaho Education News.

Regardless of the root source, the form emails illustrate one point. Two years into this debate, the Freedom Foundations assertion of widespread classroom indoctrination have been accepted as fact by a number of Idahoans despite a lack of specifics, and despite the State Boards categorical denials.

The State Board also released eight emails commenting on a new proposed policy on diversity and inclusion at Idahos four-year campuses. Under this policy, Each institution shall strive to create environments in which diversity and inclusion are valued, promoted, and embraced, in alignment with the goal of achieving educational equity.

Several comments came from current or retired teachers. Six commenters urged the State Board to approve the policy or strengthen it by covering LGBT students. Two commenters opposed the proposal.

A diversity and inclusion policy is not a critical race theory policy, although all of these terms tend to be thrown about as if they are interchangeable. But diversity and inclusion programs prompted lawmakers to write their letter to Tromp two years ago. And diversity and inclusion initiatives are unlikely to win support from McGeachins hand-picked indoctrination task force. The group is slated to spend 30 minutes at Thursdays meeting discussing the State Board proposal.

The State Board is scheduled to vote on its diversity and inclusion proposal at its Aug. 25-26 meeting. That same week, the McGeachin task force is expected to hold its final meeting and issue its own recommendations.

The debate has gone full circle. Now, a showdown looms.

Each week, Kevin Richert writes an analysis on education policy and education politics.In the interest of timeliness, this weeks analysis was published on Wednesday, July 28.

Coming Thursday: Look to Idaho Education News for full coverage and live blogging from the education task force meeting.

Senior reporter and blogger Kevin Richert specializes in education politics and education policy. He has more than 30 years of experience in Idaho journalism. He is a frequent guest on KIVI 6 On Your Side; "Idaho Reports" on Idaho Public Television; and "Idaho Matters" on Boise State Public Radio. Follow Kevin on Twitter: @KevinRichert. He can be reached at [emailprotected]

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Analysis: The education culture wars go full circle, and head for a showdown - Idaho EdNews

GovExec Daily: The Culture Wars, Return to Offices and Management – GovExec.com

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GovExec Daily: The Culture Wars, Return to Offices and Management - GovExec.com