Archive for the ‘Culture Wars’ Category

Zaid Jilani: Paul Ryan worried about culture war distracting from issues ‘that really concern him’ | TheHill – The Hill

Journalist Zaid Jilani on Tuesday said that former Speaker Paul RyanPaul Davis RyanZaid Jilani: Paul Ryan worried about culture war distracting from issues 'that really concern him' The Memo: Marjorie Taylor Greene exposes GOP establishment's lack of power The Hill's 12:30 Report - Senators back in session after late-night hold-up MORE (R-Wis.) in telling conservatives last week to not become too focused on culture wars showed his fear ofsuch battles crowding "out the issues that really concern him.

Ryan in a speech last Thursday, delivered at the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library in California, cautioned GOP members not to get caught up in every little cultural battle, adding, "our party must be defined by more than a tussle over the latest grievance or perceived slight.

Jilani in an interview on Hill.TVs Rising, said that Ryan, who after leaving office started the policy group the American Idea Foundation, likely sees that Republicans in public office are not mobilizing in large numbers against the welfare state, against social spending, and other issues.

It doesnt mean that theyre not concerned about it, but its not really the hot button issue, Jilani said.I think that would threaten someone like Ryan, because Ryan would prefer that we were talking about Medicare being unsustainable, social security needing some form of private accounts or privatization, the journalist added.

Jilani went on to say, I think in many ways, the reason that he doesnt want there to be culture wars is not necessarily just because the culture war can be very annoying at times to people on both sides, but because it crowds out the issues that really concern him and I think thats part of why he gave this speech.

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Zaid Jilani: Paul Ryan worried about culture war distracting from issues 'that really concern him' | TheHill - The Hill

The culture wars are a symptom, not the cause, of Britains malaise – The Guardian

Its often said that Conservatives and the rightwing press are good at stoking divisions. Whats perhaps less acknowledged is that they do so mostly by inventing them: those who campaign for more inclusive policies become the woke mob and the loony left; those who want students to learn about the darker parts of Britains history become people who hate Britain; judges and politicians who want to follow basic parliamentary procedures become enemies of the people, saboteurs, and traitors, and so on.

In every case, were told that the future of the nation is at stake. The relentlessness of this culture war narrative leaves us with the image of an irreconcilable rift at the heart of British society: between liberals obsessed with identity politics who live, literally or spiritually, in north London, and sidelined social conservatives who live or rather, are left behind everywhere else (most emotively in the red wall). These fantasy constructions are now the twin pillars of Conservative rhetoric.

But this image of an irreconcilably divided nation is just that: an image. A spate of polls have shown that we are not as divided as many would have us think. Views in the so-called red wall are largely consistent with the rest of the country and, nationwide, few people know what either the culture war or wokeness even mean. Yet the right still pushes this narrative relentlessly, railing against a lefty elite that somehow manages to both wield a hegemonic control over Britains culture and be hopelessly out of touch with it. The new rightwing television channel, GB News one of many new ventures to pitch itself as an urgent corrective will host a segment called Wokewatch, to illuminate and amplify examples of the loony lefts looniness.

As the sociologist William Davies has written, this is the logic of the culture war: Identify the most absurd or unreasonable example of your opponents worldview; exploit your own media platform to amplify it; articulate an alternative in terms that appear calm and reasonable; and then invite people to choose. Exaggeration is therefore intrinsic to culture wars: it is a battle waged mostly by straw men.

Its no surprise that Boris Johnson thrives in this environment: a journalist by trade, a liar by nature, he is all too familiar with the energising power of some well-placed hyperbole. As the Daily Telegraphs Europe correspondent in the 1990s, Johnson wrote all kinds of wild and made-up provocations about the EUs regulatory overreach: before Wokewatch there was Brusselswatch. The aim of Johnsons exaggerations wasnt any particular political agenda, but rather to stoke animosity. Everything I wrote from Brussels was having this amazing, explosive effect on the Tory party, Johnson recalled in his Desert Island Discs interview for Radio 4 in 2005, and it really gave me this rather weird sense of power. As prime minister Johnson pursues the same approach, but his plaything is now the nation at large.

The cynicism and bad faith that underlies so much of the culture war should warn us against one of the dominant tendencies within the vast and burgeoning literature on our polarised times: to blame evolutionary biology and an inherent tribalist instinct we share. The mechanism is evolutionary, New York Times writer Ezra Klein writes in his recent bestseller, Why Were Polarised, because our brains know we need our groups to survive. But by conjuring up a primordial past as the source of our divisions, we lose sight of all the contemporary forces and strategies that are deliberately designed to inflame and exaggerate our differences. The climate crisis wasnt destined to be such a divisive issue, for instance it required, in the words of climatologist Michael Mann, the most well-funded, well-organised PR campaign in the history of human civilisation. The Flintstones might not have agreed on everything either, but at least they didnt have Fox News.

The culture war is in this sense the ultimate fiction: what seems like a battle for the soul of our country is a pantomime where we are conscripted to play both gladiator and spectator and obliged to pick a side. The hope seems to be that, amid all the sparring and theatre, we lose sight of what truly frustrates us: in Britain, that is an increasingly harsh economy, imposed by a callous government, which has left us with the worst wage growth in 200 years, public services that are chronically underfunded and a third of children living in poverty a misery offset by one of the stingiest welfare systems in the developed world. If society now feels coarser, its because it is but the reason is not a sudden decline in civility.

Yet while the Conservatives, in power for over a decade, are the main architects of this dreary, resentful state of the nation, they are also its main beneficiaries. The Conservatives have always excelled at stoking resentment and redirecting it elsewhere; now is no different: they are clear favourites to win the next election, a record fifth in a row.

So even amid this total and unsettling ascendancy, the Tories will still insist that the blame for Britains woes lies elsewhere: with Londoners hoarding all the nations wealth, with university professors teaching cultural Marxism in their classes, or asylum seekers trying to cross the Channel, or any other phantom threat they can think of. This strategy goes beyond the usual divide and conquer. It was said of the Romans and their imperial dominance that they make a desert and call it peace. The Tories are trying a different tactic: make a desert and call it war.

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The culture wars are a symptom, not the cause, of Britains malaise - The Guardian

Identity politics and the culture war, according to this professor – Deseret News

Theres a famous scene from Lewis Carrolls classic Alice in Wonderland in which Alice is staring silently at a hookah-smoking caterpillar. The larva finally breaks the standoff with a question: Who are you? Alice hems and haws until the caterpillar asks again, this time more pointedly: You! Who are you?

This question is the most pressing of our time. And its answer holds the power to shape society. Indeed, the source of todays deepest and most worrying political conflicts ultimately is grappling with differing definitions of what it means to be human to be a person.

Carrolls childrens book prefigured our modern problem. And so, too, did the 20th century philosopher Sydney Shoemaker when he imagined a fictional scenario where a surgeon operated on the brains of two men, Brown and Robinson. At the end of the operation, his assistant replaced the brains in the wrong bodies. Unfortunately, one of the men dies.

The survivor, however, now has the body of Robinson and the brain of Brown. He does not recognize himself in the mirror but he thinks of himself as Brown, has Browns memories, is still in love with Browns wife. And as he slowly recovers from the operation, he slowly but surely starts to act exactly as Brown used to act.

The immediate question, of course, is: Who is he? Is he Brown, trapped in the body of Robinson? Is he Robinson but just with the wrong brain? Is he some hybrid of the two? Or is the human body simply a tool for expressing inner identity and of no significance for who we are beyond that? The answer to these questions rests upon a prior understanding of what it is that gives us our identities. What is the real us: Is it our psychological states, our feelings, our bodies or something else?

In the years since Shoemakers thought experiment, the political culture of the United States has tilted strongly toward a psychological construction of human identity. In short, public policy is increasingly driven by the assumption that private psychological states or feelings are the basic foundation for personal identity for who we think we are. The idea that bodies can contain the wrong mind and that bodies ought to be fashioned to our inner will and feelings is now widespread.

The political significance of this might not be obvious at first glance but becomes very clear when we reflect upon how our culture is changing as a result. Take, for example, the idea of freedom as traditionally understood in America. Freedom of religion and freedom of speech are or were basic to the American experiment. They are enshrined in the First Amendment of the Bill of Rights, a placement which surely points to the priority they held in the minds of the founders.

These ideas, though, were also rooted in a certain understanding of humans: that they were made in the image of God and that they were deserving of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Yet these truths once thought self-evident are under increasing scrutiny as new, and even revolutionary, ideas of the human person are sweeping Western culture.

And the alarming news for many is that, as much as religious conservatives might want to view this current trend as a simple battle of good versus evil or us versus them, Americans from across the ideological spectrum are all deeply implicated in the modern revolution of human selfhood. The way out will demand that we capture an older and more truthful understanding of who we are.

This new debate over the self has emerged as a central battleground in the ongoing culture war. Its sometimes called expressive individualism, a bit of jargon used by modern philosophers to explain how we think of ourselves these days. Expressive individualism, the American sociologist Robert Bellah explains, holds that each person has a unique core of feeling and intuition that must be expressed to be realized. In other words, our inner space, our thoughts and feelings, our emotions, are what constitute the real us. And that to be the true us we must give expression to those inner feelings. As well see, this idea carries profound implications.

Certainly, human beings have always had an inner space. This is obvious. The Psalms contain emotion and introspection. The dramatics of Greek tragedy depend on the agonies of soul. Shakespeares masterpiece Hamlet is an extended glimpse into the inner mind of a melancholy prince. But the rise of expressive individualism is not simply about humans having an inner life. No, expressive individualism is concerned with the authority and the importance we ascribe to our inner life. Today, the power of our inner life is nearly absolute. Psychological feelings more than even biology often play the decisive role in determining personal identity.

One of the most important sources in influencing societys move to prioritizing inner feelings is the 18th century Genevan philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Rousseaus most famous saying was Man is born free, yet everywhere he is in chains. This memorable statement is a neat summary of his philosophy that individuals left alone in a state of nature are the most authentic humans. By state of nature, Rousseau means free of social conventions. In short, Rousseaus thought is emblematic of the tradition of thinking that sees society and collective norms as the source of human ills.

Rousseau articulated this philosophy in numerous works, including his autobiography, The Confessions, which focused on his own inner life and demonstrated how the various wicked acts he had committed over the years from stealing a neighbors vegetables to framing a co-worker for another theft he committed were really the result of the environment in which he was raised. And in Emile, or On Education, he wrote what was to become a foundational text in modern child-centered approaches to education: The purpose of education, he argued, was not to press the child into being that which society demanded but to allow the child to develop according to the voice of nature, undamaged by society.

The artists, poets and composers of what is now called the Romantic movement built on Rousseaus ideas. When William Wordsworth and Samuel Taylor Coleridge published their poetry collection, Lyrical Ballads, in 1800, they included a preface that explained why their poems largely focused on ordinary, rural characters and scenes: It was because they were unspoiled by social artificiality. Their poetry was not simply entertainment; it was designed to help readers become truly authentic, appealing directly to natural emotions.

At the heart of this project is an assumption that humans are best when untainted by their community.

But what if that assumption is wrong?

Friedrich Nietzsche and Sigmund Freud identified the inner space of the human psyche not as the home to universal human empathy but rather as an often dark and potentially destructive space. For Nietzsche, the desire for power and control, and the exhilaration of humanitys creative and destructive urges, were central to the inner life of humans. With no God, in his view, there was nobody to whom humans were accountable except this potentially dark inner self. As for Freud, the inner voice was more often consumed with and defined by extravagant sexual desires. Happiness in this view was found in embracing and giving full expression to such desires.

After Freud, then, sex was not something we did, but something we were.

These three ways of thinking Rousseau, Nietzsche, Freud have come to influence todays brand of expressive individualism. Its why we are slightly more individualistic, hedonistic and impatient about external authority. We are self-creating in profound ways, but we are also troublingly self-orienting toward psychological states of our choosing from curated social media bubbles to ideologically affirming news feeds.

Modern technology and modern consumerism both make us feel like masters of the universe. Ever more impressive technology allows us to construct identities of our choosing, whether online or in person. Consumerism permits us to pick (and perhaps even design) what we buy and what we wear and, therefore, in a certain sense, who and what we claim to be.

Ubiquitous pornography encourages us to view others as instruments to our own pleasure. Elective abortion allows us to think of babies in the womb as intruders into our bodies and lives. All of these things, and more, are predicated on the notion that what we feel or desire is fundamentally who we are, and is of the highest importance.

Thomas Jeffersons pursuit of happiness clause has slowly, and ironically, become a foundation for social disintegration rather than cohesion. Its read today as an invitation to do as you please, rather than a uniting mantra aimed at shared ideals and the common good. Even our own bodies are now negotiable in the context of a notion of selfhood in which inner feelings have supreme authority in shaping our sense of purpose and happiness. Does your inner self feel uncomfortable in your body? Then the body should be significantly altered to fit the real you.

Some of these trends might seem innocuous or even benevolent. After all, shouldnt we foster freedom for people to make meaningful choices, to govern their own lives and to help different people feel a sense of self-determination and self-ownership? These do seem like beneficial goals. But, as conservative writer Rod Dreher has observed in reference to Dantes Divine Comedy: In Dante, sinners and we are all sinners are those who love the wrong things, or who love the right things in the wrong way. Modern societys impulse on matters of personhood is, at its best, a well-intentioned effort at inclusivity that becomes strangely tyrannical when not properly harmonized with other worthy concerns.

Indeed, while these trends would suggest that society is tilting in a fully individualistic and libertarian direction, the paradoxical truth is that it is actually driving us toward a new and worrying ideological authoritarianism. The emerging consensus in many influential circles is not that all identities are made equal, but that some identities are actually incompatible with a healthy society (i.e., those whose identities may offend anothers identity.)

In some ways we intuitively get this: The inner life and identity of, say, a serial killer, is rightly deemed illegitimate, and we attach drastic legal sanctions for any person who gives expression to this inner life. Other identities, however, we privilege and protect in more subtle ways. For example, any action that seems to not affirm someones identity say, by refusing to bake a cake for a gay couples wedding can become a matter of public concern that merits punishment.

For Jefferson, if something neither picked his pocket nor broke his leg, he did not think it something that the government should take an interest in regulating. But once the self becomes defined not by property or by a physical body but by an inner psychological space, the words and actions that hurt start to become rather more alarming.

That is why wars over words pronouns, epithets now dominate the public square, and why a careless tweet can ruin a career or reading the wrong Dr. Seuss book might get you canceled. And it is why society is becoming more authoritarian in the name of protecting the vulnerable. To protect the pursuit of happiness in a time when each decides what that means, some individuals and groups need to be suppressed so that others may flourish, especially if one group chooses to not privilege anothers chosen inner identity.

This is particularly difficult for religious conservatives. When traditional attitudes toward sexual behavior collide with modern notions of identity, religious conservatives may be labeled as anti-social or harmful to the sexual identity of others. When the belief that bodies are fundamental to who we are, and therefore no one can be born in the wrong body, crashes up against the notion of inner identities, those who hold such views are considered bigoted.

The causes for this are not entirely the election results over the last two decades or the consequences of a few liberal appointments to the Supreme Court. They are much more long-standing and deep-rooted. What we are witnessing today in the new culture wars is the latest stage in that inward, psychological turn of the human self. Only by recognizing this intellectual error can we find a way forward.

The new way forward, however, is in many regards an old way. Its restoring the common understanding of personhood that once united disparate colonies at the nations founding. As Bari Weiss recently wrote in Deseret, this consensus view relied on a few foundational truths that seemed as obvious as the blue of the sky: the belief that everyone is created in the image of God and everyone is equal because of it.

This doesnt mean abandoning our inner life, which is fundamental to who we are, but it means placing it within the balance of the outer life that hopefully reaches toward family, community, country and God. The Jewish and Christian understanding of creation and hope of the resurrection point to this: We are created as bodies; and our salvation is the salvation of the whole, body and soul. This identity is divine and calls upon us to be better and rise above our dark desires and ambitions.

Flowing from an acknowledgment of our bodily identity, we must confront our necessary dependence upon others. As bioethicist Carter Snead has argued, we humans are always characterized by dependence. As babies and children we are utterly dependent upon others. As we grow, we become less dependent to a degree, but then as we reach old age, we become more dependent once again. At no point are we ever the free-standing autonomous creatures of Rousseaus thought experiment. And it is our bodies that are the source of this dependence, our physical constitutions that connect to others and define the nature of those connections. Acknowledging this reality should transform how we think both of ourselves and of others.

Others do not exist for our satisfaction or self-actualization. Rather we all exist for the sake of one another. And that, of course, has implications for sexual morality and behavior. To those who acknowledge their bodies as who they are, not simply the raw material of self-creation, and who understand the rational, dependent nature of our life, sex can never be simply a means of personal pleasure whereby others are reduced to being mere instruments of our own satisfaction. Nor can it come to occupy a central place in how identity is understood. It is not sexual desire that defines us but the relationships of which sexual activity is a meaningful part.

None of this may make a great bumper sticker, but it has this in its favor: It is the full account of what it means to be human. Expressive individualism is a distortion, because we are not born free but rather interdependent and embodied. This may not be the modern self we want, but its this true self that we must ultimately confront to answer the caterpillars penetrating question to Alice the question we all must confront as we look into the mirror.

Carl R. Trueman is a professor of religious studies. He is the author of The Rise and Triumph of the Modern Self: Cultural Amnesia, Expressive Individualism, and the Road to Sexual Revolution.

This story appears in the June issue of Deseret Magazine. Learn more about how to subscribe.

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Identity politics and the culture war, according to this professor - Deseret News

Essex Becomes a Battlefield in the Public School Culture Wars – Seven Days

A little after 6 p.m. last Friday, people began streaming into Essex Center Grange Hall #155, an austere white clapboard building that shares a parking lot with Frank's Motorcycle Sales & Service. In sweatshirts and flannel, sweater sets and blazers, the citizens gathered for a public forum focused on critical race theory.Printouts of articles from right-wing news outlets, including the Epoch Times and the Federalist, were scattered on long tables at the back of the meeting hall. "How Public Schools Indoctrinate Kids Without Almost Anyone Noticing," one headline read.

As the crowd mushroomed, people arranged additional metal folding chairs in rows. By the 6:30 p.m. start time, an audience of more than 100, including Vermont GOP chair Deb Billado and conservative blogger Guy Page, had joined the mostly maskless, standing-room-only crowd.

Underhill Republican Party chair Ellie Martin had organized the meeting. "I love my country, and I love my grandkids, and I love all of you," Martin told the attentive crowd. "Remember, these kids of ours are our treasures. They are the future of our country. Without them, we don't have a country."

Several months ago, Martin helped arrange a bus trip for Vermonters to Washington, D.C., for the January 6 pro-Trump rally that turned into a siege of the U.S. Capitol. (Vermonters were not among the hundreds charged in connection with the riot.)

Page spoke next and led the crowd in reciting the Pledge of Allegiance hands on hearts and eyes trained on an American flag in the front of the room followed by a full-throated rendition of the first verse of "America (My Country, 'Tis of Thee)."

The first of the featured speakers was Liz Cady, a newly elected Essex Westford School District Board member who has been an outspoken critic of the Black Lives Matter movement, the school district's equity policy and critical race theory.

The theory, born in 1970s legal academia, posits that racism is embedded in systems and institutions such as schools. Last September, then-president Donald Trump propelled the term into the national consciousness when he ordered government agencies to cease staff trainings that employ it. Conservative commentators, including Megyn Kelly and Charlie Kirk, have ridiculed the concept as the epitome of liberal wokeness. In recent months, Republican-dominated legislatures in Arizona, New Hampshire, Oklahoma and other states have advancedlegislation to ban critical race theory in schools. They argue that it is unpatriotic and divisive, and teaches white children to be ashamed of themselves and their forebearers.

Cady, who lives in Essex, assailed a Courageous Conversation training for educators that the Essex Westford School District offered in 2019. Superintendent Beth Cobb described it in a newsletter as "a seminar that helps teachers, students and administrators understand the impact of race on our lives, our work and our learning" and "investigate the role that racism plays in institutionalizing achievement disparities."

Cady called Courageous Conversation an example of critical race theory and said it is premised on the idea that our country is inherently racist.

"Most people in America, certainly most people I have met in Vermont, they do not care about the color of your skin. They care about the content of your character," said Cady, paraphrasing Martin Luther King Jr.'s "I Have a Dream" speech. Her audience clapped enthusiastically.

Cady also questioned Essex Westford's proposed equity policy, which she said the school board will vote on in mid-June. She said one of its tenets that marginalized staff and students should be able to participate in affinity groups, or gatherings in which people who share common identities can connect with and support each other was just a "nicer" way to promote segregation.

"Our public schools should be free of ideologies and theories, and they should focus on providing excellent core education for all students," she said. "[Critical race theory] and all of its derivatives, no matter how nice the words are that they use, should not be in our public schools."

Directly across the street, another group of local people gathered inside Essex Center United Methodist Church. The meeting was convened by state Rep. Tanya Vyhovsky (P/D-Essex) in response to the grange hall meeting. These attendees, too, discussed their frustrations with the school district's handling of race. But their point of view was very different.

"My husband is a person of color, and we regularly question whether it is safe to have children, and I don't think that's the community we should live in," Vyhovsky told the audience. The 40 or so participants all wore masks but still socially distanced by spreading out in the church's community room. "In all of these conversations," she continued, "the voice that we haven't heard much from is our students." She then cleaned her microphone using a Clorox wipe and handed it to a panel of six Essex High School juniors and seniors. They were from the Social Justice Union, a student club created last year.

Senior Tilly Krishna, the high school's student body president, said recent efforts to bring discussions about race into school have run up against apathy and ignorance, including among the teachers who are expected to help lead them.

"Most white adults don't know how to talk about racism at all," she said, eliciting chuckles from listeners.

"It's so hard to get people to care about this," another senior, Abby Brooks, said.

For the next 90 minutes, the students fielded questions from supportive adults in search of ways to help. Maybe teachers need to be trained, one person said. Others pressed Vyhovsky and state Rep. Marybeth Redmond (D-Essex Junction) on state policies that would encourage a more diverse faculty.

One attendee, Roy V. Hill II, commanded attention with hisslow, gravelly voice. He applauded the panel of young women for their work and suggested another reason for the resistance they have encountered. The scrubbed version of American history as typically taught in public schools, he said, is a form of "indoctrination," and the ignorance that white teachers and students claim when confronted with their own racial identity serves to protect theirsocial power.

"The elephant in the room," Hill said, "is fear."

Back at the grange hall, Essex High School senior Alex Katsnelson, wearing the hipster-formal uniform of a skinny black tie, fitted blazer and bright white Vans, reflected on what he called the "overtly political presentations" that he's experienced during his school's advisory time, a nonacademic block of the school day meant for student discussion. In one instance, he said, students were shown "an artwork piece" from a newspaper depicting "characters" such as George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and Trayvon Martin, then asked to reflect on how their whiteness contributed to those individuals' deaths. "This is why we have fifth graders coming home saying that they wish they were Black," said Katsnelson.

"They're showing our children these political things and then telling them to join them in pushing their agenda. How else can you describe this except accepted indoctrination?" he asked.

Sen. Russ Ingalls (R-Essex/Orleans), who was elected to the Vermont legislature in 2020, also spoke and lambasted the Democratic Party with generalizations. When the Senate recently voted 29-1 to declare racism a public health emergency in Vermont, Ingalls cast the "no" vote.

"The Democrats believe that all police are racist, and they also believe that nobody should be in jail and that the vast majority of the ones that are incarcerated are because of no fault of their own," Ingalls said. "Democrats also want you to know that you're racist. You don't even know that you are, but you are." Several audience members snickered.

In a question-and-answer session that followed, community members asked how they could stop the teachings on race.

Running for school board or municipal or state government was the only way, Page told the crowd."You're never going to change their minds, people, so you gotta change them," he said, about incumbent officeholders.

One woman recounted an incident at Essex High School in which her daughter had watched with horror as classmates berated a student after he told them he had a Confederate flag that belonged to his deceased grandfather hanging in his bedroom.

"I think that the teacher was put in a position where, if they stepped up and said something, then are they going to get attacked?" she said. "The classroom was out of control." She asked Katsnelson whether this kind of incident was common in the high school.

"That's probably where things are headed," said Katsnelson. "And it might not even be the Confederate flag. It might just be because you are white. That's the end result of berating someone for their race and this antiwhite rhetoric."

A soft-spoken woman with a school-age child said she was dismayed that her son's teacher had told his class, "If you're not anti-racist, you are racist."

"I just hope that people will join me to point out how unfair this is to small children who shouldn't have to pick a side,"she said. "I don't think that fourth graders, third graders, second graders should be having to think about this at all."

Several people expressed their pleasure at being in a group among others with similar outlooks.

"I came in here ready to attack you guys. I didn't know I was with like-minded people," said a man standing in the back of the room. The crowd laughed.

"That's on the other side of the street," someone quipped. They laughed again.

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Essex Becomes a Battlefield in the Public School Culture Wars - Seven Days

Families of Virginia Beach shooting victims still seeking closure, culture wars in Loudoun, SWVA sheriffs switching affiliations to Republican, and…

NEWS TO KNOWOur daily roundup of headlines from Virginia and elsewhere

Two years have passed since the Virginia Beach mass shooting, and some families are still seeking closure.Virginian-Pilot

President Biden joined Virginia Gov. Ralph Northam at an indoor rock-climbing facility in Alexandria on Friday to tout progress against the coronavirus pandemic in the state and nationwide.Washington Post

A judge found state Del. Dave LaRock, R-Loudoun, guilty of two misdemeanor charges arising from a fence dispute with a neighbor.Loudoun Now

A 21-year-old asylum seeker from Venezuela missed out on Virginias in-state tuition rate due to a technicality in a new law meant to make college more affordable for noncitizens.Richmond Times-Dispatch

A Loudoun County gym teacher is fighting a suspension that came after he publicly opposed a policy requiring teachers to use transgender students chosen names and pronouns that match their gender identity.Loudoun Times-Mirror,Associated Press

Loudoun has become a battleground in the fight over critical race theory in schools, drawing significant attention from conservative media over an anti-racist Facebook groups effort to compile a list of people opposed to diversity and equity programs.NBC News

New evidence the Virginia Attorney Generals Office has characterized as compelling could prove that a fatal Augusta County fire did not happen the way a jury was told it did.Richmond Times-Dispatch

Three Southwest Virginia sheriffs elected as Democrats have switched their party affiliation to Republican.Bristol Herald Courier

Some Virginia police dogs are being forced into early retirement due to new laws legalizing marijuana and banning stops and searches based only on its smell.Associated Press

Nutria, the giant, ratlike rodents known for invading and destroying ecosystems, are pushing further into Hampton Roads.Virginian-Pilot

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Families of Virginia Beach shooting victims still seeking closure, culture wars in Loudoun, SWVA sheriffs switching affiliations to Republican, and...