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Lois Frankel won reelection in her South Florida House district, fending off a challenge by the right-wing self-described Islamophobe Laura Loomer.

The Associated Presscalled the race in the states 21st district shortly after 8 p.m. Tuesday evening.

The race pitted two Jews at different poles of the sociopolitical culture wars against each other a moderate Democrat in Frankel and a far-right agitator in Loomer, who plays on her Jewish identity in her adamantly anti-Muslim rhetoric.

Were putting the Jews on trial here in District 21, Loomertold the Jewish Telegraphic Agencyin September. They have a choice between a Republican Jew who is going to advocate for their survival in their best interests, or they can stand with self-hating Jew Lois Frankel, who is doing the bidding for the jihadists in the Democrat Party who are just literally walking Jews to the gas chamber.

Loomer, who has been banned from platforms such as Twitter for her rhetoric, was supported by the Trump campaign. President Trumps daughter-in-law Lara campaigned for Loomer in Florida in the fall.

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South Florida race that became a Jewish culture war ends in GOP defeat - The Jewish News of Northern California

Two important books of cultural history are worth a renewed reading as explorations of the late-20th- and early-21st-century roots of Trumpism. Together, they show how Trumpism was a symptom, rather than the creator, of grievance politics and our rigid polarization. He hardly invented the racism he employed, but he had honed it well in his plutocratic and hyper-entitled world.

In The One and the Many: Americas Struggle for the Common Good, the theologian-historian Martin E. Marty posited that the motto E pluribus unum had collapsed into almost shattering controversy.

By the end of the 20th century, Professor Marty argued, Americans had engaged in myriad culture wars that rendered stories of any shared past all but impossible. He saw the country divided into totalists and tribalists. Totalists were people who felt left behind, cast aside by elites, and who craved a story of wholeness about the American nation. These folks felt assaulted by mass media and wanted nothing to do with complexity and conflicting identities.

The tribalists, who might assert race, gender, ethnicity or religion, demanded their story as the source of group cohesion against claims of any unifying whole. Professor Marty saw Americans retreating into separatenesses by choice, and he worried, with Reinhold Niebuhr, that the chief source of mans inhumanity to man seems to be the tribal limits of his sense of obligation to the other man.

In Age of Fracture, the historian Daniel T. Rodgers brilliantly studied the big ideas and debates in political culture over the past three decades of the 20th century down to the attacks on Sept. 11. Mr. Rodgers found a culture in which the very notion of human nature had changed from the post-World War II moment of stress on context, social circumstance, institutions, and history to a 90s emphasis on choice, agency, performance, and desire.

Baby boomers, on the left and right, now ran the country, but they inherited a politics shaped by Reaganism, which thrilled to city on a hill mythology, but sought votes by stoking resentments and hatreds born of vast changes wrought by the 1960s. Ronald Reagan largely avoided explicitness, but his legion of followers believed civil rights, feminism and various liberation movements had gone too far. The sense of society as imagined collectivities shrank, Mr. Rodgers said. Americans were splintering into increasingly divided enclaves of thought. The last quarter of the century, he wrote, was an era of disaggregation, a great age of fracture. The country may have unified in the immediate wake of Sept. 11, but soon broke into political camps already formed and growing in tenacity.

Mr. Trumps presidency is the result of a long history of the Republican Partys descent into moral bankruptcy, but also of a culture of social media-driven alienation involving all of us. The presidency of Barack Obama was startling progress, but the bitter reaction to him on the right came from well-cultivated precincts of media, think tanks, racial nationalism and corporate organizing.

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For Biden and Harris, Defeating Trump Is Just the Beginning - The New York Times

AT THE end of Black History Month, it is important to reflect on the crucial juncture for race relations that we find ourselves in. Across the world, racism and the far right are on the rise. Yet we have also seen the largest mobilisation of anti-racist protest for decades in the form of the inspiring Black Lives Matter movement.

It has never been more important for us to learn from the history of racial oppression and to end the injustices that exist to this day. Yet the government has chosen Black History Month to wage war against an accurate teaching of institutional racism in our schools.

During a debate on Black History Month, Kemi Badenoch MP, the Exchequer Secretary to the Treasury who is also the Women and Equalities Minister, strongly criticised the Black Lives Matter movement and declared that schools teaching critical race theory will be breaking the law. She prohibited teachers from telling children about the fact that white privilege exists.

This means that our government is in auspicious company, as a month previously President Donald Trump declared that critical race theory (CRT) is like a cancer, and signed executive orders banning its use in federal agency training schemes.

We should be very alarmed that our government is directly copying culture war strategies from Donald Trumps racist playbook. Yet even more than that, we should be worried by their refusal to recognise the reality of institutional racism.

During the Black Lives Matter movement, weve rightly seen renewed calls for our schools to teach the true brutal history of the British empire and the legacy of imperialism, colonialism and racism which continue today to have generational impact.

Present day global inequalities remain permanently shaped by the horrors of extractive colonialism and racialised subordination. It is unacceptable that instances of appalling murder and violence at the hands of the British state have been erased from present-day memory of empire.

It is barely known, for instance, that one fifth of the billionaires in Britain owe their wealth to the transportation of our Black ancestors. If we are to end the scourge of institutional racism and the destructive legacy of colonialism, it is vital that young people are taught the true history of race relations.

Despite what our government believes, it is simply not the case that the existence of institutional racism is up for debate. For instance, it is beyond dispute that Covid-19 has had a disproportionate impact on Black, Asian and minority ethnic communities. The latest ONS data on ethnic contrasts in Covid-19 deaths showed that in England and Wales, males of black African ethnic background had the highest rate of death, which was 2.7 times higher than males of white ethnic background. Women of a black Caribbean ethnic background also had the highest rate, which is 2.0 times higher than females of white ethnic background.

These inequalities are grounded in class inequalities and reflect the severe racial disparities in our economy. The Resolution Foundation think tank estimate that Black, Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi employees experience an annual pay penalty of 3.2 billion. The grim intersection of racial and class discrimination has had a deadly consequence during this pandemic.

In May, I asked the Prime Minister how he intended to protect African, Asian and minority ethnic communities from the virus.

Five months later, his government has refused to take any actions that would specifically protect our communities. If it is unwilling to even recognise the connection between economic and physical wellbeing, it is clear this government is not serious about combatting health inequalities.

Many have tried to dismiss the imbalance in deaths as being explained by cultural or even genetic differences. Yet discrimination is deeply ingrained in our social, political, and economic structures.

The scourge of institutional racism results in unequal access to quality education, healthy food, liveable wages, and affordable housing which are the foundations of health and wellbeing.

According to the Office for National Statistics, key workers are more likely than average to be from Black, Asian or minority ethnic communities, be women, be born outside the UK, and be paid less than the average UK income. An Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR) study in September 2020 showed that of all the people from minority ethnic groups who were employed or self-employed at the start of the crisis, 13 per cent had lost their job by June compared to 5 per cent of the overall population.

The IPPR thinktank, who published research with the Runnymede Trust, found that almost 60,000 more deaths involving coronavirus could have occurred in England and Wales if white people faced the same risk as black communities.

It is two years since the Conservative government launched its consultation on ethnicity pay reporting which sought to enable government and employers to move forward in a consistent and transparent way. The consultation closed in January 2019 but still the government have not reported back on it or confirmed a date for mandatory ethnicity pay reporting to start.

The governments decision to wage war on critical race theory reveals their contempt for African, Asian and minority ethnic communities. We on the left cannot allow their divide and rule culture wars to win. We must keep pushing for economic and public health support for our communities, and keep fighting against the divisive tactics of this administration.

Claudia Webbe MP is the Member of Parliament for Leicester East. You can follow her at facebook.com/claudiaforLE/ and twitter.com/ClaudiaWebbe

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The government's divide and rule culture wars must be opposed - Morning Star Online

NewsOpinionColumnistsIn America, they call them counters; the old British-English word tellers seems to have vanished from Americas election vocabulary, at least in the knife-edge states that still remain undeclared as I write, following this weeks US election.

Friday, 6th November 2020, 7:00 am

Whatever the differences of language, though, the intense coverage of the election process over the last few days has served to remind us of how little we see of everyday America, on our screens, and particularly of America outside New York, Washington and Los Angeles. We see crises and killings and protests, of course; and we see the glamorous high-profile journalists who rush to cover those dramatic events for the main television channels.

Its relatively rare, though, for us to spend hours watching ordinary America, in Georgia, or Arizona, or Pennsylvania, just going about its business; in this case, huge rooms full of volunteers and state staffers counting votes, verifying them, inviting adjudicators from both main parties to rule on any uncertain ballots, and trying in the face of a historically high voter turnout, and a pandemic that has decimated the labour force while generating an unprecedented surge in postal votes to deliver a fair and accurate result.

In the face of this calm and methodical effort to get a vitally important job done, the disruptive comments emanating from Donald Trumps White House seem not only tasteless and insulting, but also somehow unreal; as if they come from some different planet where Trump is not the leader of the Republican Party, and his party does not have designated observers present, at every count currently under way.

This sense of detachment from reality, though, has been a distinguishing feature of Trumps politics since the start of his first presidential campaign. Like right-wing populists across the world from Nigel Farage in the UK to Viktor Orban in Hungary and Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil he relies on his ability to conjure up, for his followers, a largely fictional world of dire threats and simple, aggressive solutions.

The classic example is Trumps characterisation of most migrants crossing the Mexican border as criminals and rapists, and his declared policy of "building a wall to stop them. Such tropes and visions, though, are the common stuff of reactionary politics in our time; and its therefore perhaps not surprising that this week, America has seen the election to Congress of at least one, and possibly several, elected representatives who are fully paid-up subscribers to the Qanon conspiracy theory, a complete bizarre belief-system entirely elaborated and spread via social media, since 2017 that now commands the support of millions worldwide; to the extent that the family and friends of those affected in the US, Europe and beyond are beginning to seek advice on how to get through to loved ones who have become obsessed by their Qanon beliefs.

Whoever emerges as the winner of this weeks historic US election battle, in other words, the country will remain deeply divided between those who have embraced Trumps world-view and the conspiracy theories to which he has often given online support and those who regard these beliefs as delusional and dangerous.

It is good, of course, to hear Joe Biden affirm that he will, if elected, try to unite the country; but its also wise to note that under 21st-century conditions, those who seek unity and reconciliation will often be dealing not just with the usual differences of political opinion about ends and means, but with differences of world-view so categorical that they seem, at first glance, to make conversation, argument or persuasion all but impossible.

Whether the subject in hand is the Trump presidency, the Brexit debate, or the idea of Scottish independence, What world are you living in? has become one of the most commonly used phrases in all internet debate; and in these times, it is often something more than a rhetorical question.

Yet there are still, I think, a few reasons to be cheerful about the long task of restoring a more productive and realistic dialogue about our possible futures; not least because persuasion does not always have to be verbal.

If people who believe in a society founded on freedom, democracy, equality, and mutual respect among citizens make a point of going out into their communities and trying to embody those beliefs; if they set agreed goals for that community, and work to deliver those with the same practical, methodical dedication shown by those vote counters this week; if they are kind, accepting of diversity, willing to listen and to share small pleasures well then, they can show by example how a good society should look, and draw people into that network of shared values and conversation.

National politicians can try, of course, to win the culture wars that have disfigured our recent politics by meeting rhetoric with rhetoric, and toxic speeches with more conciliatory ones.

In the end, though, it seems likely that a renewed sense of unity, in any nation wounded by division, can only be rebuilt from the grassroots up, through the kind of patient, hard work that draws people away from their screens, and forms real human bonds.

On Wednesday night, those thousands of patient counters across the United States succeeded in making the strident voices from the White House look both marginal and irrelevant. And with that kind of dedication, ordinary people in communities across the world can finally deliver the same verdict on those who attempt the politics of hysteria and hate; the judgment that, while frightening and sometimes alluring, those ways of thought are finally, in the practical business of life, just empty of substance, and of no real use at all.

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Can democracy cope amid the rise of dangerous conspiracy theories and toxic culture wars? Joyce McMillan - The Scotsman

Ding-dong, the jerk is gone. Finally, we have come to the end of Donald Trumps season of extreme misrule. Voters have rejected what can only be described as the crassest, vainest, stupidest, most dysfunctional leadership this country has ever suffered.

Congratulations to Joe Biden for doing what Hillary Clinton couldnt, and for somehow managing to do it without forcefulness, without bounce, without zest, without direction and without a real cause, even.

It is a time for celebrating. Let us praise God for victory, however meagre and under-whelming. But let us also show some humility in our triumph. Before we swing into a national sing-along of the Hallelujah Chorus, I urge you to think for a moment about how we got here and where we must go next.

We know that 2020 has been a year for reckoning with the racist past, for the smashing of icons and the tearing-down of former heroes. Also for confronting the historical delusions that gave us this lousy present.

In the spirit of this modern iconoclasm, let me offer my own suggestion for the reckoning that must come next, hopefully even before Biden chooses his cabinet and packs his bags for Pennsylvania Avenue: Democrats must confront their own past and acknowledge how their own decisions over the years helped make Trumpism possible.

I know: this was a negation election, and what got nixed was Maga madness. The Democrats are the ones who won. Still, it is Joe Biden who must plan our course forward and so it is Biden who must examine our situation coldly and figure out the answer to the burning question of today: how can a recurrence of Trumpism be prevented?

Bidens instinct, naturally, will be to govern as he always legislated: as a man of the center who works with Republicans to craft small-bore, business-friendly measures. After all, Bidens name is virtually synonymous with Washington consensus. His years in the US Senate overlap almost precisely with his partys famous turn to the third way right, and Biden personally played a leading role in many of the signature initiatives of the era: Nafta-style trade agreements, lucrative favors for banks, tough-on-crime measures, proposed cuts to social security, even.

What Biden must understand now, however, is that it was precisely this turn, this rightward shift in the 1980s and 90s, that set the stage for Trumpism.

Let us recall for a moment what that turn looked like. No longer were Democrats going to be the party of working people, they told us in those days. They were new Democrats now, preaching competence rather than ideology and reaching out to new constituencies: the enlightened suburbanites; the wired workers; the learning class; the winners in our new post-industrial society.

For years this turn was regarded as a great success. Bill Clinton brought us market-friendly reforms to banking rules, trade relations and the welfare system. He and his successor Barack Obama negotiated grand bargains and graceful triangulations; means-tested subsidies and targeted tax credits; tough-minded crime measures and social programs so complex that sometimes not even their designers could explain them to us.

Almost all of the celebrated policy achievements of the centrist era lie in ruins

In the place of the Democratic partys old household god the middle class these new liberals enshrined the meritocracy, meaning not only the brilliant economists who designed their policies, but also the financiers and technologists that the new liberalism tried to serve, together with the highly educated professionals who were now its most prized constituents. In 2016 Hillary Clinton lost the former manufacturing regions of the country but was able to boast later on that she won the places that represent two-thirds of Americas gross domestic product the places that are optimistic, diverse, dynamic, moving forward.

However, there are consequences when the left party in a two-party system chooses to understand itself in this way. As we have learned from the Democrats experiment, such a party will show little understanding for the grievances of blue-collar workers, people who by definition have not climbed the ladder of meritocracy. And just think of all the shocking data that has flickered across our attention-screens in the last dozen years how our economys winnings are hogged by the 1%; how ordinary people can no longer afford new cars; how young people are taking on huge debt burdens right out of college; and a thousand other points of awful. All of these have been direct or indirect products of the political experiment I am describing.

Biden cant take us back to the happy assumptions of the centrist era even if he wants to, because so many of its celebrated policy achievements lie in ruins. Not even Paul Krugman enthuses about Nafta-style trade agreements any longer. Bill Clintons welfare reform initiative was in fact a capitulation to racist tropes and brought about an explosion in extreme poverty. The great prison crackdown of 1994 was another step in cementing the New Jim Crow. And the biggest shortcoming of Obamas Affordable Care Act leaving peoples health insurance tied to their employer has become painfully obvious in this era of mass unemployment and mass infection.

But the biggest consequence of the Democrats shabby experiment is one we have yet to reckon with: it has coincided with a period of ever more conservative governance. It turns out that when the party of the left abandons its populist traditions for high-minded white-collar rectitude, the road is cleared for a particularly poisonous species of rightwing demagoguery. It is no coincidence that, as Democrats pursued their professional-class third way, Republicans became ever bolder in their preposterous claim to be a workers party representing the aspirations of ordinary people.

When Democrats abandoned their majoritarian tradition, in other words, Republicans hastened to stake their own claim to it. For the last 30 years it has been the right, not the left, that rails against elites and that champions our down-home values in the face of the celebrities who mock them. During the 2008 financial crisis conservatives actually launched a hard-times protest movement from the floor of the Chicago board of trade; in the 2016 campaign they described their foul-mouthed champion, Trump, as a blue-collar billionaire, kin to and protector of the lowly the lowly and the white, that is.

Donald Trumps prodigious bungling of the Covid pandemic has got him kicked out of office and has paused the nations long march to the right. Again, let us give thanks. But let us also remember that the Republicans have not been permanently defeated. Their preening leader has gone down, but his toxic brand of workerism will soon be back, enlisting the disinherited and the lowly in the cause of the mighty. So will our fatuous culture wars, with their endless doses of intoxicating self-righteousness, shot into the veins of the nation by social media or Fox News.

I have been narrating our countrys toboggan ride to hell for much of my adult life, and I can attest that Bidens triumph by itself is not enough to bring it to a stop. It will never stop until a Democratic president faces up to his partys mistakes and brings to a halt the ignoble experiment of the last four decades.

Should Joe Biden do that, he might be able to see that he has before him a moment of great Democratic possibility. This country has grown sick of plutocracy. We dont enjoy sluicing everything we earn into the bank accounts of a few dozen billionaires. We want a healthcare system that works and an economy in which ordinary people prosper, even people who didnt go to a fancy college. Should Biden open his eyes and overcome his past, he may discover that he has it in his power to rebuild our sense of social solidarity, to make the middle-class promise real again, and to beat back the right. All at the same time.

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Ding-dong, the jerk is gone. But read this before you sing the Hallelujah Chorus - The Guardian