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President Donald Trump has reduced the U.S. troop presence in Afghanistan to its lowest level since 2001, but as he prepares to leave the White House, it is clear the latest Forever War is raging here at home.

Acing Defense Secretary Chris Miller announced on Friday that the U.S. military now has 2,500 troops in Afghanistan and another 2,500 troops in Iraq, completing the drawdowns that he announced on Nov. 17.

Miller did not mention Syria, where about 900 U.S. troops are operating as part of a shadowy proxy conflict with Russia.

The nearly 6,000 U.S. troops downrange pales in comparison to the roughly 21,000 National Guardsmen that Army Secretary Ryan McCarthy has authorized to be called up to protect President-elect Joe Bidens inauguration on Jan. 20.

This surge comes amid questions about why the roughly 340 D.C. National Guardsmen who had been mobilized for a Jan. 6 pro-Trump rally that turned into a violent insurrection were not quickly dispatched to the Capitol building, where police had been overwhelmed by a mob of Trumps supporters.

The Defense Department Inspector Generals Office announced on Friday that it is looking into exactly what help the U.S. military was requested to provide before and during the Jan. 6 riots and how the Pentagon responded.

While the attempted insurrection failed this time, it revealed that the partisan divide in this country which is often referred to as the culture wars is looking more like a civil war.

Now the nations capital has been transformed into a gigantic forward operating base out of fears that more insurrectionists will return to attempt to prevent Biden from being sworn in.

The fact that a number of the rioters who came to Washington, D.C., on Jan. 6 were veterans shows just how deep the political fault lines in the United States run.

While the Defense Department is ostensibly committed to rooting out extremists in the ranks, a recent independent report on diversity found that the Pentagon is not doing enough to track service members who have been radicalized by white supremacist ideology.

As the war on terrorism approaches its 20th anniversary in September, it is clear that we have seen the new enemy, and it is us.

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Trump to leave office with vastly more troops in DC than in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria combined - Task & Purpose

He claims this in part by seeming not to have character at all in the classic sensean internal compass that operates independently of his garish public performance. Even Richard Nixon had brooding, tormented dimensions to his personality, which suggested a conscience, which in turn led him to try to hide cynical and illegal behavior under a mask of righteous piety. By contrast, news and book revelations about outrageous behavior by Trump in private are not remotely in tension with how Trump presents himself in public. He acts as if self-absorption, self-delusion, bullying, bluster and disdain for rules or precedents or standards of propriety are all good things.

Here is the uncomfortable truth, highlighted by yet another impeachment: These are good things, if the goal is to ensure that supporters and enemies alike are obsessing about you in the final hours of a defeated presidency, and even after that presidency ends, while a successor is wanly trying to command attention for a new one.

And they are good things if the goal is to be the emblematic figure of a generation guided by the ethos that the point of politics is not to illuminate and resolve big argumentsit is instead to continue the arguments endlessly, no matter the circumstances.

If the Senate debate follows the House lead, the impeachment exercise will slump to a snarling, ash-in-mouth end. What should be clearit is wrong to claim a stolen election without evidence, wrong to prod a mob to action with a demagogic speechwill somehow turn muddy in an overwhelmingly partisan vote. Perhaps there is a slight chance the complexion in the Senate will be different.

If so, that would require breaking a very old cycle. Trumps generationpeople born in the 1940s, who came of age in the 1960s, and who dominate public life even now in their 70sgrew up in the wake of what Tom Brokaw memorialized as The Greatest Generation, the one that fought WWII as young people and saw the end of the Cold War at the end of their careers. At least in political terms, these baby boomers, now late in their own careers, are a contender for the title of Worst Generation. As with worst presidents, there are other candidates. But there arent many who argued so much and clarified so little, or presided over so much institutional decay.

Argue about ideological wars, about culture wars, about identity politics, about who is the real victim, about who is divisive, about who is the bigger hypocrite and menace to decency. Trumps generationwhich includes Bill Clinton, Newt Gingrich and George W. Bushhas been arguing these subjects for more than a half-century. Little surprise that there were raspy versions of the familiar standards in Wednesdays impeachment debate.

Trumps is also the generationone that included Roger Ailes and Rush Limbaughthat invented commercialized contempt and a political-media complex that profits on malice, division and indignation. For accounting purposes it does not matter if these are real or feigned.

As the nation reels from a violent insurrection and a devastating pandemic, President Trump has become the first president in U.S. history to be impeached twice. So how did we get here?

For most Democrats and 10 Republicans who backed impeachment, it seemed plain the disgust and incomprehension on Wednesday were genuine: How is Trumps postelection behavior not beyond defense?

There were two standard replies. One, with at least a measure of plausibility, came from House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy, who said what Trump did was wrong but that a rushed vote on impeachment for a president who is about to leave is an impractical and divisive remedy. He said he would have backed a resolution of censure, but Democrats werent satisfied. With considerable understatement, he said, I understand for some this call for unity may ring hollow.

But the main defense of Trump was to practice his own brand of accusation and irrelevant distraction. What about rude things that Robert De Niro, or Madonna, or Kathy Griffinall called out by Rep. Ken Buck (R-Colo.)have said about Trump? What about unruly elements of Black Lives Matter? What about the Red Hen restaurant down in Lexington, Va., which did not want to serve Trump press secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders?

Wheres the accountability for the left after encouraging and normalizing violence? said Rep. Lauren Boebert, also a Colorado Republican. I call bullcrap when I hear the Democrats demanding unity.

Boebert is 3440 years younger than Trumpand a reminder that the brand of self-righteous, accusatory politics invented by an older generation is a transferable inheritance.

Rep. Cedric Richmond (D-La.), who is leaving to join Joe Bidens White House, said Trumps false claims and erratic behavior during the transition were merely an extension of behavior throughout his presidency. Simply put, we told you so, Richmond taunted.

In fairness, an earlier generation of conservatives might also have a claim of told-you-so. This old critique of baby boomer culture was that it was too indulgent, too permissive, too willing to blur old lines of right and wrong. Once you start letting standards erode, the line went, you may find that the foundations of a civilized and functional society are more fragile than you knew.

How many Republican leaders, in their private thoughts, might acknowledge that this is fair description of the compromise the GOP made in its embrace of Trump and his brand of disruptive politics?

How many congressional leaders of both parties would acknowledge that letting old standards of institutional respect erode is what often makes life in their branch so unpleasant and unproductive?

In a week, 78-year-old Joe Biden will take office. Among the other most important people in Washington will be 80-year-old House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, 78-year-old Mitch McConnell, about to go from leading a narrow Senate majority to a narrow Senate minority, and 70-year-old Chuck Schumer, taking over as Senate majority leader.

In the closing phase of their careers, perhaps they will decide they wish to take themselves out of the running for the worst generation. The way to do it is by finding something more constructive to do than continuing an argument about Donald Trump.

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Donald Trump Is the Perfect Leader of the Worst Generation - POLITICO

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Monday brings Martin Luther King Jr. Day, a federal US holiday for celebrating the life and achievements of the late civil rights leader, and an opportunity to recommit to better understanding and combating systemic racism and oppression.

After thekilling of George Floydby police in Minneapolis last year sparked protests around the world over racial injustice, manyshared resources to help others better understandlong-standing racial inequities and learn how to be better alliesto Black Americans. Dozens of books, novels, films and TV series addressing the discrimination that people of color face circulated online, some recommended by libraries like the Chicago Public Library and theOakland Public Library. One Twitter thread of antiracist children's books, shared by teacher Brittany Smith, wentviral. And a Google doc compiled by Sarah Sophie Flicker and Alyssa Klein also sharedrecommendations of what to watch and read. Netflix now showcases TV shows, movies and documentaries addressing racial injustice and the Black experience.

Get the latest tech stories with CNET Daily News every weekday.

Ahead of Martin Luther King Jr. Day, here are some recommendations pulled from those lists and crowdsourced from CNET staff. If you can't get to your local library or bookstore, here's some information on e-readers. If you're struggling with how to stream, read more about the best streaming devices andstreaming services.

Jump to the recommendations:

The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness by Michelle Alexander: This book challenges the idea that President Barack Obama's election welcomed a new age of colorblindness.

Ain't I a Woman: Black Women and Feminismby bell hooks: This work explores issues such as the impact of sexism on black women during slavery and racism among feminists.

Between the World and Me by Ta-Nehisi Coates: Framed as a letter to his son, Coates pursues the question of how to live free within a black body in a country built on the idea of race, a falsehood most damaging to the bodies of black women and men.

The Autobiography of Malcolm X by Malcolm X: In this classic text, Muslim leader Malcolm X shares his life story and talks about the growth of the Black Muslim movement.

White Fragility: Why It's So Hard for White People to Talk About Racism by Robin DiAngelo: This book explores how white people uphold racial inequality when they react a certain way to their assumptions about race being challenged.

Sister Outsider by Audre Lorde: Black lesbian poet and feminist writer Lorde shares a collection of essays and speeches exploring sexism, racism, ageism, homophobia and class.

Freedom Is a Constant Struggle: Ferguson, Palestine, and the Foundations of a Movement by Angela Y. Davis: The activist and scholar shows the link between several movements fighting oppression and state violence.

I Know Why the Caged Bird Sings by Maya Angelou: The author's debut memoir explores themes like loneliness, bigotry and love.

Slavery by Another Name: The Re-Enslavement of Black Americans From the Civil War to World War II by Douglas A. Blackmon: This text explores the period following the Emancipation Proclamation in which convicts were brought back into involuntary servitude.

Stamped From the Beginning: The Definitive History of Racist Ideas in America by Ibram X. Kendi: The historian chronicles how racist ideas have shaped US history and provides tools to expose them.

The Warmth of Other Suns: The Epic Story of America's Great Migration by Isabel Wilkerson: This book tells the story of the migration of black Americans who left the South seeking better lives.

The Price for Their Pound of Flesh: The Value of the Enslaved, From Womb to Grave, in the Building of a Nation by Daina Ramey Berry: This text explores how in early America, slaves were commodities in every phase of life.

White Rage: The Unspoken Truth of Our Racial Divide by Carol Anderson: The historian addresses the forces opposing black progress in America throughout history.

How to Be an Antiracist by Ibram X. Kendi: The founding director of the Antiracist Research and Policy Center uses history, science, class, gender and his own journey to examine racism and what to do to fight it in all forms.

Locking Up Our Own: Crime and Punishment in Black America by James Forman Jr.: The author explores the war on crime starting in the 1970s and why it had the support of several African American leaders in urban areas.

Eloquent Rage: A Black Feminist Discovers Her Superpower by Brittney Cooper: In a world where black women's anger is portrayed as negative and threatening, Cooper shares that anger can be a source of strength to keep fighting.

Heavy: An American Memoir by Kiese Laymon: This memoir explores the impact that lies, secrets and deception have on a black body and family, as well as a nation.

Me and White Supremacy: Combat Racism, Change the World, and Become a Good Ancestor by Layla F. Saad: This book asks readers to address their own biases, and helps white people tackle their privilege so they can stop harming people of color, even unconsciously.

The Possessive Investment in Whiteness: How White People Profit From Identity Politics by George Lipsitz: This text looks at white supremacy and explores how the concept of "whiteness" has been used to define, bludgeon and control the racialized "other."

Killing the Black Body: Race, Reproduction, and the Meaning of Liberty by Dorothy Roberts: This book illustrates how America systemically abuses Black women's bodies.

Post Traumatic Slave Syndrome: America's Legacy of Enduring Injury and Healing by Dr. Joy DeGruy: This book explores the impact that repeated traumas endured across generations have on African Americans today.

The Souls of Black Folk by W.E.B. Du Bois: In this influential collection of essays, Du Bois, who played a critical role in shaping early 20th-century black protest strategy, argues that begging for rights that belong to all people is beneath a human's dignity, and accommodating to white supremacy would only maintain black oppression.

So You Want to Talk About Race by Ijeoma Oluo: The author provides a blueprint for everyone on how to honestly and productively discuss race and shares ways to bring about change.

The Underground Railroadby Colson Whitehead: This novel follows a young slave's desperate journey toward freedom.

The Nickel Boys by Colson Whitehead: Two boys are sentenced to reform school in Florida during the Jim Crow era.

Passing by Nella Larsen: This novel explores the fluidity of racial identity through the story of a light-skinned woman who's married to a racist white man who doesn't know about her African American heritage.

Homegoing by Yaa Gyasi: The book tells the story of two half-sisters born in different villages in 18th-century Ghana and their descendants, with one sister later living in comfort and the other sold into slavery.

Americanah by Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie: A young couple leaves Nigeria for the West, each following a different path: She confronts what it means to be black in the US, while he lives undocumented in Britain. They reunite 15 years later in Nigeria.

Their Eyes Were Watching God by Zora Neale Hurston: The 1937 classic follows the journey of an independent black woman, Janie Mae Crawford, in her search for identity.

Roots: The Saga of an American Familyby Alex Haley: This novel is based on Haley's family history, and tells the story of Kunta Kinte, who is sold into slavery in the US.

On Beauty by Zadie Smith: This novel tells the story of an interracial family impacted by culture wars.

Invisible Man by Ralph Ellison: A nameless narrator describes growing up in the south, going to and being expelled from a Negro college, moving to New York and, amid violence and confusion, ultimately going to the basement lair of the Invisible Man he sees as himself.

The Sellout by Paul Beatty: This satire follows a man who tries to reinstate slavery and segregate the local high school, leading to a Supreme Court case.

13th (Netflix): Filmmaker Ava DuVernay explores racial inequality in the US, with a focus on prisons.

When They See Us (Netflix): Ava DuVernay's gut-wrenching -- and essential -- miniseries is based on the true story of the falsely accused young teens known as the Central Park Five.

Stay Woke: The Black Lives Matter Movement (BET): This documentary explores the evolution of the Black Lives Matter movement.

Dear White People (Netflix): Based on a film of the same name, this series shows the biases and injustices that a group of students of color face at Winchester University, a predominantly white Ivy League college.

American Son (Netflix): An estranged couple meet at a police station in Florida to try to find their teenage son.

If Beale Street Could Talk (Hulu): Based on the James Baldwin novel, this Barry Jenkins film centers on the love between an African American couple whose lives are torn apart when the man is falsely accused of a crime.

Blindspotting (Hulu with Cinemax): Collin needs to make it through three more days of probation, and his relationship with his best friend is tested after he sees a cop shoot a suspect during a chase.

The Last Black Man in San Francisco (available to rent): A young black man dreams of reclaiming his childhood home in a now-gentrified neighborhood in San Francisco.

Fruitvale Station (available to rent): Written and directed by Ryan Coogler, the biographical film tells the story of Oscar Grant III, who was killed by a white police officer in 2009.

Selma (available to rent): Directed by Ava Duvernay, the historical drama follows civil rights demonstrators in 1965 as they marched from Selma to Montgomery.

The Hate U Give (Hulu with Cinemax) -- Based on the young adult novel by Angie Thomas: The story follows Starr Carter's struggle to balance the poor, mostly black neighborhood she lives in and the wealthy, mostly white school she attends. Things become more complicated after she witnesses a police officer killing her childhood best friend.

16 Shots (Showtime): This documentary investigates the 2014 shooting of 17-year-old Laquan McDonald in Chicago.

Rest In Power: The Trayvon Martin Story (Paramount): This six-episode series follows the life and legacy of 17-year-old Trayvon Martin, who was fatally shot in 2012 in Sanford, Florida.

America to Me (Starz): The documentary series provides a look into a year at Chicago's Oak Park and River Forest High School, one of the nation's top performing and diverse public schools.

Wyatt Cenac's Problem Areas (HBO): Comic and writer Wyatt Cenac explores the police's excessive use of force in black communities and discusses solutions with experts in this late-night talk/comedy series. The show is currentlyfree to watch on YouTube.

Do the Right Thing (available to rent): Salvatore "Sal" Fragione, an Italian owner of a pizzeria in Brooklyn, and neighborhood local Buggin' Out butt heads after Buggin' Out becomes upset that the restaurant's Wall of Fame only shows Italian actors. Tensions flare up as the wall becomes a symbol of racism and hate to others in the neighborhood.

BlacKkKlansman (HBO Max): Ron Stallworth, the first African-American detective to work in the Colorado Springs Police Department, sets out to infiltrate and expose the Ku Klux Klan.

The Wire (HBO): This show explores Baltimore's narcotics scene from the perspectives of both law enforcement and drug dealers and users.

It's Okay to Be Different by Todd Parr: This book shares the importance of acceptance, understanding and confidence.

Malcolm Little: The Boy Who Grew Up to Become Malcolm X by Ilyasah Shabazz: Written by Malcolm X's daughter, this book tells the story of the boy who became one of the most influential leaders.

Let's Talk About Race by Julius Lester: Lester tells his story and discusses what makes us all special.

The Undefeated by Kwame Alexander: The award-winning picture book, based on a poem by Alexander and with illustrations by Kadir Nelson, chronicles the struggles and triumphs of black Americans.

Let it Shine: Stories of Black Women Freedom Fighters by Andrea Davis Pinkney: This book tells the stories of courageous black women who fought against oppression, including Rosa Parks, Sojourner Truth and Harriet Tubman.

The Story of Ruby Bridges by Robert Coles: This tells the story of the first African American child to integrate a school in New Orleans.

Something Happened in Our Town: A Child's Story About Racial Injustice by Marianne Celano, Marietta Collins and Ann Hazzard: The story follows a white family and a black family discussing a police shooting of a black man in their town, and aims to answer children's questions about these kinds of events and to inspire them to challenge racial injustice.

My Hair is a Garden by Cozbi A. Cabrera: When a girl named Mackenzie is taunted by classmates about her hair, a neighbor shows her the true beauty of natural black hair.

Separate is Never Equal: Sylvia Mendez and Her Family's Fight for Desegregation by Duncan Tonatiuh: Nearly 10 years before Brown vs. Board of Education, an American citizen of Mexican and Puerto Rican heritage was denied entry into a "whites only" school, which led her parents to organize the Hispanic community and file a lawsuit. This ultimately ended segregated education in California.

Blended by Sharon Draper: This story about 11-year-old Isabella's blended family explores themes like divorce and racial identity.

Young Water Protectors: A Story About Standing Rock by Aslan Tudor, Kelly Tudor and Jason EagleSpeaker: A few months after 8-year-old Aslan came to North Dakota to try and stop a pipeline, he returned to find the world was now watching.

My Family Divided: One Girl's Journey of Home, Loss, and Hope by Diane Guerrero and Erica Moroz: Actress Diane Guerrero tells the story of her undocumented immigrant parents being taken from their home, detained and deported when she was a child in Boston.

The Other Side by Jacqueline Woodson: Two girls form a friendship atop a fence that separates the segregated African American side of town from the white side. The book is illustrated by E.B. Lewis.

We Are Grateful: Otsaliheliga by Traci Sorell: A citizen of the Cherokee Nation tells the story of modern Native American life.

Schomburg: The Man Who Built a Library by Carole Boston Weatherford: This book tells the story of Arturo Schomburg, who loved to collect books, letters, music and art from Africa and the African diaspora and to shed light on the achievements of people of African descent. His collection ultimately made it to the New York Public Library, and is now known as the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture.

Lailah's Lunchbox: A Ramadan Story by Reem Faruqi: When Lailah is enrolled in a new school in a new country, she's worried her classmates won't understand why she isn't joining them in the lunchroom during Ramadan.

The Day You Begin by Jacqueline Woodson: The book, with art by Rafael Lpez, is about how to be brave and find connection with others, even when you feel alone and scared.

Bud, Not Buddy by Christopher Paul Curtis: This classic tells the story of a boy's journey to find his father.

IntersectionAllies: We Make Room for All by Chelsea Johnson, LaToya Council and Carolyn Choi: Nine characters share their stories and backgrounds in this book celebrating allyship and community.

Black Lives Matter. Visitblacklivesmatter.carrd.coto learn how to donate, sign petitions and protest safely.

CNET's Anne Dujmovic contributed to this report.

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Martin Luther King Jr. Day: Movies, TV shows and books on systemic racism - CNET

Seven hundred years after his death, updating Dantes Divine Comedy continues to be an enjoyable pastime. What, for example, would Minos, the mythological judge in Inferno, make of Boris Johnson? Snake-tailed and scowling, Minos sits at the mouth of hell, assessing sinners before sending them to their appropriate location in the nine circles of torment. Popes, emperors and Dantes personal enemies are all blown downwards to their just deserts by a bitterly cold wind.

For Mr Johnson, the upper circles, where sins of passion and unrestrained appetite are punished, might seem a natural home. Alternatively, remembering the notorious 350m for the NHS Brexit pledge, the eighth circle where falsifiers and promoters of schism languish could be a good fit.

The artistic aspirations of the Divine Comedy were, of course, more profound than a mere settling of scores with people Dante didnt like. His great work, completed in 1320, helped structure the theological imagination of the Catholic world. But as this years anniversary celebrations begin, it is the poets reflections on politics that strike a particular chord. He was as preoccupied with the consequences of factionalism and tribalism as we are.

The explanation for that lies in Dantes own turbulent biography. Prominent in the ferocious power struggles of medieval Florence, he at various points took up arms, held high office, was double-crossed by Pope Boniface VIII and subsequently died in exile. Writing the Divine Comedy, the author deals ruthlessly with those who engineered and profited from the poets banishment. Bonifaces card is marked in Canto XIX of Inferno. Filippo Argenti, a political rival, is placed in the fifth circle of hell, reserved for the wrathful, where he bites lumps out of himself for all eternity.

But as Dante is guided by Virgil towards heaven, he learns how politics should be done differently on earth. The Roman poet embodies the four cardinal virtues of the ancient world: prudence, courage, justice and moderation. In Paradiso, Saint Thomas Aquinas emphasises the need for moral and intellectual humility. Fallible human beings, he tells Dante, should never become too sure of themselves. In Canto XVIII, we learn that the souls of just rulers dwell in the temperate sphere of Jupiter, well away from the extremes of fiery Mars and cold Saturn. Saint Thomas acidly sums up heavens view of opinionated blowhards at the end of Canto XIII: Let not every Bertha and Martin think/ Because they see one a thief, another respectable,/ That they see how they are in the eyes of God;/ For one may rise, and the other one may fall.

In our own age of divisive culture wars, this celestial wisdom, dutifully written down and delivered to the world by Dante, could be very usefully deployed. In recent years, hectoring Berthas and Martins have dominated far too much of the political stage. If we could channel some of the pacific spirit of Dantes Paradiso into our everyday lives, it would be a fitting anniversary tribute to Europes greatest poet.

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The Guardian view on Dante: heavenly wisdom for our troubled times - The Guardian

On Thursday afternoon the governments preferred candidate for the chair of the BBC, Richard Sharp, will appear before the Digital, Culture, Media and Sport (DCMS) committee as part of the process that leads to his formal appointment to a four-year term at the apex of the BBC hierarchy.

When news of Sharps appointment broke last week, left-leaning commentators were quick to call it another example of Tory cronyism: Sharp has given more than 400,000 to the party or its MPs since 2001. He is also reported to have mentored the chancellor, Rishi Sunak, at Goldman Sachs and to have acted as an economic adviser to Boris Johnson when he was London mayor.

Conservative commentators replied, reasonably enough, that Labours record was no better. Twenty years ago, Blair appointed the Labour donor (and Goldman Sachs partner) Gavyn Davies as BBC chair. Davies, who was later forced to resign after the Hutton inquiry, was also very close to the then chancellor, Gordon Brown, whose office was headed by Daviess wife, Sue Nye.

This unedifying debate distracts from the real issue with all these appointments that the chair of an organisation with a self-described mission to hold power to account is appointed by the government. As one BBC insider remarked on Sharps appointment: Whatever you think of bankers, he is very client-friendly, and our biggest client is the government. At best, it is a system that threatens the BBCs independence; at worst, its very public purpose.

The first chair to have ambitions and a mandate to change the culture of the BBC was the Conservative peer Charles Hill. His appointment in 1967 signalled the beginning of the end for the much celebrated golden age of growth and innovation at the BBC under director general Hugh Greene. As chair, Hill marginalised Greene, strengthened governmental oversight and commissioned a series of reports from McKinsey, leading to unpopular organisational reform and a severe loss of morale.

If appointments to the role of BBC chair have usually been less controversial, it is not because the mechanism itself has become more political, but that there has usually been a higher degree of elite consensus. Lord Hill was not appointed by his own party, but by the Labour prime minister Harold Wilson. Davies was certainly close to the Labour party, but he had served as an adviser to the Conservative treasury and as an investment banker, he was hardly a figure of the left. When establishment consensus and constitutional niceties are broken, it tends to be by the right. It was the Thatcher era that saw the most overly politicised appointments to the BBC, with the chair Marmaduke Hussey eventually orchestrating the removal of the director general Alasdair Milne.

To some extent, therefore, Sharps appointment as chair follows the general pattern: an establishment figure with close ties to the government of the day. Just like the incumbent chair, David Clementi, Sharp studied PPE at Oxford, worked in investment banking and has held a position at the Bank of England.

Given the context of his appointment, however, and what we know about his political affiliations, there are very good reasons to be concerned.

First, Sharp will serve alongside a director general, Tim Davie, who was a Conservative party member and business executive, creating a rightwing, market-oriented duo at the top of the BBC. Second, like Clementi, he arguably has more power than previous BBC chairs, who headed boards kept at one remove from the management.

Finally, Sharp is not merely a Conservative, and not even merely a Conservative donor. Since 2002 he has been a director of the Centre for Policy Studies (CPS), the Westminster thinktank founded by Margaret Thatcher and Keith Joseph to win over the Conservative party to what would later be called neoliberalism. Given the size of his donations to the Tories, Sharp is also likely to be a major donor to CPS (the CPS refuses to identify its funders).

Sharps family foundation donates to the Institute for Policy Research, an obscure charitable organisation that funnels money to the CPS as well as to other organisations aligned with the right of the Conservative party, among them the Taxpayers Alliance, MigrationWatch UK and News-watch, an organisation that has produced a number of reports alleging anti-EU bias in BBC reporting. His foundation has also funded the controversial counter-extremism organisation Quilliam, which lobbies in support of strict counter-terrorism policies.

Sharps prominence in the British conservative movement is a worry for the political independence of the BBC but what is more worrying still is that he arrives at a time when the future of public media is in jeopardy. BBC supporters breathed a sigh of relief at the departure of Dominic Cummings from No 10, but Sharp is drawn from the same political milieu; if his CPS affiliation is anything to go by, he will be no friend of public service broadcasting. Allegations of liberal-left bias and endless culture wars make the headlines, but what has really driven government media policy is the commercialisation of programme-making and the erosion of the BBCs public service ethos.

Central to the rightwing critique of the BBC is the assumption that culture is not a common resource to be publicly supported, but a matter of personal preference something to be consumed or, for the wealthy, patronised. What truly offends the neoliberal sensibility about the BBC is that citizens are compelled to support an organisation that offers no mechanism for market-based consumer preference. The BBC has never really mounted an effective response to this critique.

Generally, it has instead pointed to the quality of its output and, quite correctly, to the greater efficiency and value for money that public provision offers. The latter point might seem counterintuitive given that we normally associate efficiency with the private sector. But profitable private media requires considerable investment in marketing and customer management, which have significant costs.

The challenge for public provision is that it requires political support. The right has always been more attentive to the politics of the media than the left, and there is now a concerted effort under way to reshape the media environment in the UK, as is evidenced by GB News, Times Radio, and a new broadcaster in the offing from News UK.

The rights strategy is not to take the BBC head on, but to usher in a new media regime dominated by corporate players. The debates and negotiations around the future of the BBC between now and 2027 will determine what shape this emergent media system takes. The present direction of travel promises highly politicised broadcasters and a global oligopoly of rival digital content platforms perhaps with some requirements for public interest content at the margins. Such a system of journalism and cultural production will be no more responsive to audiences than the BBC, and crucially will not offer the universal provision that should be core to its mission.

A BBC headed by Davie and Sharp is highly unlikely to publicly champion universality in news, education and culture, still less a vision of accountability outside market mechanisms or the state, which is exactly what a modern public platform might offer us. If we want a BBC that can deliver on the great promise of public media in the digital age, these arguments and this vision will have to come from elsewhere.

Tom Mills is lecturer in sociology at Aston University. He is the author of The BBC: Myth of a Public Service

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Richard Sharp's arrival at the BBC will entrench conservative influence - The Guardian