Archive for the ‘Culture Wars’ Category

A Celebration of the Syllabus – The New Yorker

The artist Lynda Barry turned her syllabus into a graphic novel.Art work by Lynda Barry, from "Syllabus: Notes from an Accidental Professor" / Courtesy Drawn & Quarterly

Back in the days before college was largely virtual, one of the first things you learned as a student was that very little, if anything, happens on the first day of classes. Perhaps youve been waiting for this momentyoure eager to have your mind blown, a mix of awe and self-doubt coursing through you. Usually, the professor gives a brief, ready-made spiel about the class, an overview of expectations and policy, after which youre free to go early. Just be sure to pick up a copy of the syllabus on your way out.

Students and teachers often regard the syllabus as a dull formality. At the most basic level, its like an itinerary, offering a sense of where a class might go from week to week. Its a checklist, stating what youll need, when youll need it, and how youll be demonstrating that youve done the work. Increasingly, syllabi have a contractual feel, with language carefully vetted by a schools lawyers insuring that classrooms are accessible and free of discrimination. But, as William Germano, a professor of English at Cooper Union, and Kit Nicholls, the director of the Center for Writing at the same institution, argue in Syllabus: The Remarkable, Unremarkable Document That Changes Everything, serving all these purposes means that few people take the syllabus seriously for what it can be: a story.

Maybe you dont know this when the class starts; youre just here to learn something about astronomy or a group of poets. A good story, Germano and Nicholls write, is driven by not-knowing, just as every thoughtfully designed course should contain mysteries, problems, as-yet-unresolved difficulties with which students will wrestle all term. Narrative is also driven by turns, transformations, moments of recognition. Importantly, its up to the students to find their way through this story together, not for the teacher to simply deliver it.

Germano and Nichollss gently polemical, deeply romantic book regards the syllabus, and the work that goes into constructing one, as an opportunity to ponder the possibilities and pathways of the classroom. The document happens to be the classrooms point of entry, timekeeper, and compass, they write. Consequently, they argue that it sets a tone for the months to come, revealing the teachers philosophies, even the expansiveness of their hopes. Everything else about your teachingfrom anxiety dreams to writing assignments, from understanding testing and what its for to your choice of readings and what students are going to do with themare folded into the innocuous document.

The term syllabus comes from a fifteenth-century misreading of the Greek word sittybas, a parchment label or title-slip on a book. But it came into more common usage to refer to a collection of items in the second half of the eighteenth century. The Enlightenment didnt just result in a widespread expansion of knowledge; it also meant defining these different domains of knowledge and contemplating what they were for. Over time, education itself became more formalized, disciplines were defined, and something resembling the university emerged; in the early twentieth century, the syllabus became synonymous with the methodical organization of knowledge.

Throughout the culture wars of the past half century, the syllabus has been a site of contestation, as reading lists were scrutinized for questions of diversity, inclusion, and how much canons had changed. In recent years, this understanding of the syllabus as a kind of curated primer on a given topic has become more common outside academic settings. In 2014, the Georgetown historian Marcia Chatelain started the #FergusonSyllabus hashtag in order to explore how the Ferguson, Missouri, uprisings could be meaningfully introduced into classrooms. It was an attempt to more closely align academia with the world outside. The following year, a group of scholars started the #CharlestonSyllabus as a way of contextualizing the histories and politics that converged in a white supremacists massacre of worshippers at the Emanuel A.M.E. Church. In 2016, a Ph.D. student named Candice Benbow assembled a Lemonade Syllabus as a way of bringing together the histories, ideas, and inspirations she and others heard in Beyoncs album of the same name. There was something powerful and transgressive about adopting the syllabus, with its air of canonicity and expertise, to describe worlds that had grown in the shadows of official neglect.

Despite its title, Germano and Nichollss book is less interested in actual syllabi than in what this point of entry represents. At a time when college teaching has grown increasingly routinized, and a professors attempts at innovation are pitched as much to the schools internal assessment panels as its students, the authors remind us that education is about moments of spontaneous connection. Youre looking for opportunitiesthose temporal junctures where something special can happen. As such, their book is filled with useful insights about teaching and how, under ideal circumstances, what is transferred isnt a body of knowledge but a kind of craft, a way of reading and taking in the world. They consider the virtues of being the biggest goofball in the room, in order to demystify the student-teacher relationship. They write that the way we gain knowledge is nonlinear and recursive and that teachers should build in moments of repetition, regression, leaping ahead into a course. Maybe one class ends on a note of unease, where it seems like we find ourselves at an impasse, which gets resolved weeks later.

Germano and Nicholls do discuss a few specimens: the ambitious reading list that W. H. Auden handed out for his survey of European literature, which featured six thousand pages of text and nine operas; a law-school class taught by Barack Obama, built around fifty-page readers compiled by students so they could begin to think like teachers; Gloria Anzaldas lengthy syllabus for a feminist-theory course, filled with notes and commentary that undermine the form itself, critiquing traditional notions of mastery and expertise.

The authors of Syllabus come across like fantastic and committed teachers, although, in this case, I would have hoped to learn more about their books purported subject. I would have read hundreds more pages of examples like Audens and Anzaldas. I was drawn to Syllabus because, as a student and professor, I have always found the genre fascinating. Some syllabi are mystifyingly brief, others aggressively helpful, filled with pages upon pages of generous encouragement and auxiliary readings. Maybe the instructor has included a stirring epigraph or a striking image to distinguish theirs from all the others. In the case of the artist Lynda Barry, her entire lesson plan takes the form of a graphic novel.

There is a folder on my desktop called Other Peoples Syllabi that I consult whenever Im stumped building my own. I keep some syllabi because they offer primers for fields of knowledge that I only dimly understand; I keep others because Im curious about how a peer has taken the same collection of books I teach but shaped them into a far more provocative argument.

The literary-analysis class that David Foster Wallace taught in the nineties included airport thrillers by Jackie Collins, Mary Higgins Clark, and Thomas Harris. Underneath the course aims, he writes a WARNING to students: Dont let any potential lightweightish-looking qualities of the texts delude you into thinking that this will be a blow-off-type class. The writer Lily Hoang included a cookie policy for her M.F.A. fiction-writing workshop. As in, if your phone rings in class, you have to bring cookies for everyone the following week. In 1971, the jazz visionary Sun Ra taught a course called The Black Man in the Universe at Berkeley, and the reading list is a fascinating glimpse into his self-made cosmo-mythology, including everything from the Russian occultist Madame Blavatsky to the King James Bible (which Ra referred to as The Source Book of Mans Life and Death) and the Black fiction writer and poet Henry Dumas, who had been killed by a police officer three years earlier.

Few of us produce syllabi that fit within (or illuminate) our uvre or sensibility the way these examples do. I still look forward to constructing mine, fiddling with old ones, thinking about sequencing as though I were putting together a mixtape, even if the courses rarely go the way Id intended. A syllabus, as opposed to a monograph or journal article, is one of the rare things an academic writes knowing that it will be readalthough perhaps not when we intended, or with the care that we put into its assembly. A syllabus is the beginning of a story but also a leap of faith. You hand it out, its no longer yours, and you trust that students will know what to do with it.

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A Celebration of the Syllabus - The New Yorker

The 1619 Project will be adapted into exhibits and live events by Lionsgate with Oprah Winfrey – Orlando Weekly

During this summers historic protests for racial equality, film studio Lionsgate announced a groundbreaking partnership with the New York Times, Nikole Hannah-Jones and Oprah Winfrey to adapt the award-winning1619 Project into an expansive portfolio of new media content. At the time, Lionsgate confirmed that feature films, television series and other content for a global audience were in the works.

Late last week at a virtual attractions expo hosted by tourism industry outlet Blooloop, Lionsgate executive vice president and head of global live, interactive & location-based entertainment Jenefer Brown revealed that the company was developing exhibitions and live events based on the concept.

In speaking at the Blooloop V-Expo, Brown explained that Lionsgate was looking into developing content from the 1619 Project into exhibitions and experiences, and perhaps live events. Lionsgate film franchises Now You See Me, La La Landand The Hunger Games were all successfully translated into live performances, and The Hunger Games also saw success with a traveling exhibition.

Even before this summers rise of Black Lives Matter protests, there wasincreasing interest in uncovering and understanding the racist actions that fill U.S. history. Demand has meant that despite being open for four years, the Smithsonian National Museum of African American History and Culture (another project Oprah Winfrey was involved in, including making a $13 million donation to ensure its realization) still required timed entry tickets on select days. (It currently requires them as part of its COVID safety protocols.) In 2019, the museum ranked among the most visited Smithsonian museums in the nation, with an estimated 2 million visitors. Meanwhile, the nations first memorial dedicated to lynching victims saw thousands in attendance for its opening in 2018.

Trumps thrusting of the 1619 Project into the middle of the modern culture wars has helped make the New York Times Magazine project a household name. Conservatives, especially President Trump, have been vocal critics of the project, condemning its conclusion that systemic racism is at the root of many decisions that have had significant impacts on present-day realities. In September, Trump vowed to investigate the use of the 1619 Projects resources within public schools, claiming "This project rewrites American history." Trump also vowed to limit federal agencies from conducting racial sensitivity training that it finds offensive, especially those that teach from a Critical Race Theory perspective or acknowledge the existence of white privilege.

None of the partners working on the upcoming events or exhibitions have yet shared timelines regarding the new collaboration.

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The 1619 Project will be adapted into exhibits and live events by Lionsgate with Oprah Winfrey - Orlando Weekly

‘Owning the libs’: how Donald Trump Jr became the unlikely political heir apparent – The Guardian

Donald Trump Jr stood on the flatbed of an 18-wheel truck at rodeo grounds in Williams, Arizona, and made his fathers re-election pitch to a seemingly unlikely audience: Native Americans.

The US presidents campaign claims he has been the fiercest ally of the Native American community. Don Jr was here on 15 October to launch the Native Americans for Trump coalition drawn from the Navajo, Chickasaw, Cherokee, Lumbee, Zuni and White Mountain Apache tribes.

But Don Jr, 42, had also come to bash Democrats. They pander, he said, according to the Arizona Daily Sun newspaper. They tell you everything you want to hear and do exactly the opposite. They lie to you for years you guys understand that better than everyone.

It was one of numerous campaign stops for Trumps eldest son, seen by many as the heir apparent to the Make America Great Again (Maga) movement. Like his father, Don Jr delivers fiery populist speeches, tweets conspiracy theories and, above all, relishes goading, shocking and outraging liberals on air and online. Like his father, he has come to personify modern Republicanism.

And as Trump continues to trail his Democratic challenger, Joe Biden, in the polls, attention has turned to who may take up his mantle after November.

Trumpism replaced conservatism as the ideological underpinning of the Republican party and, because of that, they dont really fight about issues any more, said Rick Wilson, a longtime Republican strategist co-founder of the anti-Trump group the Lincoln Project.

They fight about affect and whether or not theyre winning these ephemeral social media battles and, in that world, the highest order goal is the owning of the libs. It is a throwaway phrase substituting the validity or strength of an argument with a sort of self-satisfaction that you have been transgressive in some way towards liberals or progressives.

Wilson added: Donald Trump Jr is a master of that. He is a post-Republican Republican. He is there only to engage in that performative dickery that is lib owning in the Trump world. It is a political performance art to show your contempt for norms, institutions and education.

It has become the ideological underpinning of the GOP [Grand Old Party, or Republican party]. Theres no party of ideas any longer. Theres no there there except for sort of the screeching fury of Trumpism.

After spending some years finding his path, including a stint as a ski bum, Don Jr has followed in his fathers footsteps. He is a graduate of his fathers alma mater, the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania, and went into the family business. He is now an executive vice-president at the Trump Organization and a leading campaign surrogate for the president.

Now, Don Jr, whose father worried about naming his son after himself in case he turned out to be a loser, is adept at throwing red meat to the base, sometimes with greater discipline and precision than his father. He has written books entitled Triggered: How the Left Thrives on Hate and Wants to Silence Us, and the self-published Liberal Privilege: Joe Biden and the Democrats Defense of the Indefensible.

His girlfriend, the former Fox News personality Kimberly Guilfoyle, often joins him at rallies and virtual fundraisers. She delivered a memorably raucous speech to an empty room at this years Republican national convention, culminating in the stentorian battle cry: The best is yet to come!

When a SurveyMonkey poll for Axios in January asked who Republicans would consider voting for in 2024, Don Jr was second only to Vice-President Mike Pence (Ivanka Trump, who had been considered for the role of her fathers running mate in 2016, came fourth).

Asked if he is considering running for political office during an interview last month on CSpans Books TV, Don Jr replied: People have been doing that after the RNC [Republican national convention], Its Don Jr versus Nikki Haley for 2024! I go, Oh, thats interesting, I didnt even know I was running.

He added: Whether Im going to run or not, I have no plans on it right now. My goal is 2020. Well worry about everything after that but I will stay involved, one way or another, thats for sure.

Wilson, author of Everything Trump Touches Dies and Running Against the Devil, argues that Don Jr speaks fluent Maga and is in fact the frontrunner.

What I tell all these Republicans who think theyre going to run in 24 for president Ben Sasse and Marco Rubio and Ted Cruz is theyre not going anywhere, he said. They should stop right now, theyre wasting their time and everyone elses, because the nominee in 2024 is going to be Donald Trump Jr. He will come in, he will have his fathers endorsement and he will promise great feats of lib ownership.

Leading exponents of owning the libs including Charlie Kirk, founder and executive director of Turning Point USA, a non-profit that wages culture wars at schools and universities, and Candace Owens, founder of the Blexit organisation which urges Black people to desert the Democratic party and a sense of permanent victimhood.

Their social media point-scoring is symptomatic of an age of negative partisanship in which many voters support is motivated more by loathing for the other side than belief in their own. Some Democrats have also acknowledged that their enthusiasm for this years election is about voting against Trump than voting for Joe Biden, a 77-year-old white moderate making his third run for the White House.

Conversely, when Don Jr and his father bash Barack Obama, Hillary Clinton and Biden at campaign rallies, they generate louder reactions from the crowd than when they set out agenda items or achievements. Don Jrs Twitter feed offers his 5.8 million followers little by way of policy but a torrent of Democrat-baiting and conspiracy theories.

In May he posted on Instagram a meme that falsely insinuated Biden is a paedophile, later insisting that he had merely been joking around, though the disinformation has made its way into the minds of voters.

His current pinned tweet is a video that asserts, without evidence, that: The Biden family has spent decades in Washington DC enriching themselves by selling access to Joe Bidens taxpayer funded office. Hunter Biden is corrupt. Jim Biden is corrupt. Joe Biden is corrupt.

Critics say this invective is filling a vacuum where ideology used to be. David Litt, a former speechwriter for Obama, asked: What does the Republican party under Trump stand for? They dont stand for small deficits. They dont stand for the rule of law. They dont stand for exporting democracy around the world. So they really stand for making Democrats upset.

The one way you can be sure that youre a member of the Trump- era conservative movement is that respectable liberals are either scared or appalled or both by some of the things you said. So it becomes this kind of identity politics where the identity is based not on who you are but on who you arent and who you make upset.

Litt, author of Thanks, Obama: My Hopey Changey White House Years and Democracy In One Book or Less, added: I think Donald Trump Jr is a perfect example of this because he is a white, straight male who is set to inherit hundreds of millions or billions as long as the tax situation works out and, despite all of that, he seems quite certain that hes persecuted.

I think that idea of saying the real civil rights movement is the fight for Republican billionaires to be able to do whatever they want has become this strange core tenet of the Trump-era Republican party.

But Don Jrs fate could be decided on 3 November. If, as polls suggest, his father suffers a humiliating defeat, he could be thrust into a battle for the future of the Republican party with senators, governors and other political veterans.

Joshua Kendall, author of First Dads: Parenting and Politics from George Washington to Barack Obama, said: It really all depends on the election. There are basically two scenarios. If his father loses, Don Jr and his father might use all those Twitter followers to form some sort of rightwing media empire. If his father wins then Don Jr is going to be front and centre.

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'Owning the libs': how Donald Trump Jr became the unlikely political heir apparent - The Guardian

What Are States Doing about COVID-19? This BU Database Has Answers – BU Today

The discussion of best practices for containing COVID-19 has become another front in Americas culture wars. Do lockdowns suppress the virus? Should masks be mandatory? What about bolstered unemployment benefits and freezes on evictions to help with the economic fallout?

Julia Raifman cant broker peace, but she does oversee the go-to information warehouse on these questions. Starting in March, Raifman, a School of Public Health assistant professor of health law, policy, and management, has been leading a team of about 30 grad students in creating the COVID-19 U.S. State Policy Database (CUSP), cataloging 100 policies enacted by various states and the District of Columbia to combat the medical and financial woes of the pandemic.

Their handiwork has proven the adage, Build it and they will come.

At least 25 academic papers have cited the database, and the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation has given Raifman a grant to build a website for the information.

Meanwhile, the website Journalists Resource, run by Harvard Kennedy Schools Shorenstein Center on Media, Politics and Public Policy, calls the database a useful tool for journalists who want to keep their communities up-to-date on the latest mandates.

Journalists Resource notes that others have compiled online sites for COVID-19 information, but what makes Raifmans COVID-19 U.S. State Policy DatabaseCUSPparticularly useful for journalists on deadline is that its a quick way to find out when a state policy started, ended, and possibly restarted. Including that particular datum, Raifman says, grew out of her own experience as a policy analyst, which made her realize the importance of knowing the dates when states changed their policies, to evaluate how outcomes changed before and after policy changes.

News illustrators found another purpose for CUSP, she adds: The Wall Street Journal used the database to visualize when states implemented mask orders.

As a scholar, Raifman has reseached how policies targeted towards people having trouble paying rent during the pandemic, and whove been made lonely by it, might help prevent sucide. People are having trouble paying rent, she says, which has led some states to pause evictions. (The Massachusetts freeze currently is scheduled through mid-October.) She also led a study in which she, Jacob Bor, an SPH assistant professor of global health, and a UPenn colleague suggested that the temporary federal unemployment insurance premium this summer cut food insecurity by almost one third.

Given these food and rent realities, Raifman says, theres an urgent need for more research on which policies have been most effective for supporting people to inform federal and state actions.

Rapid-response research on the pandemic was her goal in creating the database. I specifically wanted to facilitate research on both COVID prevention, so we could learn from early policy decisions, and wanted to encourage researchers to consider how policies such as eviction freezes and unemployment insurance may be just as important as COVID prevention policies in shaping health and well-being,she says.

With scores of state policies in the database, Raifman and her team update it weekly or monthly, depending on the topic, prioritizing policies that are most relevant to peoples health and well-being in the present moment, she says. Those are state mask policies and reopening and reclosing of indoor gathering spaces. We can also see that really serious economic precarity is causing increases in food and housing insecurity, so we are spending a lot of time considering unemployment insurance policies, eviction policies, utility shut-off policies, and food security policies.

Making the database public was crucial. I knew that the harms that COVID and its economic ramifications would cause were so much larger than any one research team, Raifman says. I wanted everyone who could work on these topics to have access to this database if it would help them.

There was a personal angle to that teamwork approach as well, she admits.

I also had limited ability to take time for deep thought and careful data analyses while working from home with an infant and no childcare from March through August. The database was something I could contribute in my limited capacity to work in two-hour periods as my husband and I took turns caring for our baby.

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What Are States Doing about COVID-19? This BU Database Has Answers - BU Today

Christians wont see another Reformation, but maybe we need one – The Dallas Morning News

This column is part of our ongoing opinion commentary on faith, called Living Our Faith. Find this weeks reader question and get weekly roundups of the project in your email inbox by signing up for the Living Our Faith newsletter.

On Oct. 31, 1517, Martin Luther accidentally kicked off the historical era known as the Reformation.

This obscure German professor began a rather technical argument about sin, forgiveness and purgatory that turned into a violent crisis that reshaped Christianity ever since. As a Lutheran pastor, I am duly obligated to mark the anniversary of this event (usually on the preceding Sunday), which, as complicated as its causes were and as mixed as its outcomes have been, is certainly a point from which most Protestant churches can trace their origins.

But the Reformation was never supposed to be remembered as a single moment in history. It was supposed to be an ongoing process of reform and renewal within the whole Christian tradition.

So I startled myself when a friend asked me recently: Could another Reformation happen in American Christianity? With churches heavily polarized along political and sometimes racial lines, with leaders growing increasingly out of touch with both dissenters in their own flocks and people just outside of them, and with increasing numbers of Americans departing the church traditions in which they were raised (if they were raised in church at all), it was a good question. But I didnt hesitate to answer: No, theres no second Reformation coming. Even if thats what we need.

The danger signs for American Christianity are obvious and growing. The conservative evangelical establishment, having largely embraced Donald Trump since his 2016 campaign for the presidency, increasingly appears to take its doctrinal cues from whatever culture wars are being pushed in national media and politics. The summer wave of protests against racial injustice have been answered with calls to defend the policing status quo. The Rev. Robert Jeffress of First Baptist Dallas said on Fox News that to resist law enforcement officers is to resist God himself, paraphrasing the words of Paul the Apostle.

But among other evangelical groups, that deference to civil authorities is nowhere to be found when public health authorities restrict public gatherings (whether those restrictions apply to worship or not) to restrain the spread of the coronavirus. In October, evangelical entertainer Sean Feucht did not have a permit when he held a huge worship protest in Nashville, where churches are largely open and not prohibited from gathering, and he falsely claimed Christians are being persecuted there. From the outside, white American evangelicalism appears less concerned with doctrine or theology than with a continuous adaptation to Republican electoral fortunes.

My own mainline Protestantism, meanwhile, has had different but related struggles. If the public profile of conservative evangelicalism can seem like a pious extension of Fox News talking points, our public profile (to the extent it even exists) hews closely to the rhetoric and priorities of progressive activist groups and liberal institutions. And while our denominational leadership leans vocally but rather indistinctly left on issues of racial justice, gender and immigration, our congregations are often politically mixed.

The local pastors job is very often a balancing act that leads some of us to compulsively lower the stakes of political conflict and to stigmatize the very fact of conflict itself. Everyone is a little bit right and a little bit wrong, and in the end the important thing is not what decisions get made but how well we come together to keep the Sunday school and the church budget functioning. (I know this happens because Ive been guilty of saying this many times.)

The Catholic church has at times avoided this secular co-opting by mixing liberal positions on immigration and poverty with conservative positions on abortion and sexuality. But in recent years even the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops has been a barely audible voice in our national life, mildly lamenting things like racism and mistreatment of migrants while some members freelance by promoting claims that climate change is a hoax and Democrats cant be Catholic.

How so many American Christian leaders ended up sounding like talk radio hosts or school administrators is a long story. But here we are now, as likely to be found barricading our rhetorical doors to keep our constituents inside as trying to throw them open to people outside. Rather than trying to serve as the conscience of a party or nation, plenty of us are content to tag along with the people who have real influence.

Seems like as good a time as any to nail some theses to a door and start something, right?

But part of the reason the Reformation happened in the first place is that the stakes were so high for pretty much everyone. You couldnt just opt out of the church, and the decisions of your prince or of a council of bishops or a theological faculty could determine the faith you lived by (not to mention the often dreadful consequences for heresy). Churches lived on rents and subsidies more than voluntary offerings. While the relationship between the church and the state was a big topic in the Reformation (though not nearly the biggest), the place of the church as a state-protected monopoly really wasnt. If the prince decided against your faction, it was possible to migrate to an area with a friendlier prince, but not to go across the street and start up Second Lutheran Church.

Today we can argue to our hearts' content and define our faith as precisely or broadly as we wish without fear of being banished or executed. Thats a considerable improvement since the era of the Reformation. But now the solution to deep conflict within a Christian tradition is usually not to try to win a consensus or even a concession within it. Today the solution is more typically to just leave for the church across the street, for another denomination, or for the eloquent arguments for sleeping in on Sunday.

Lutherans, Episcopalians and now Methodists have all gone through this at a national level, and in countless individual cases in churches all over the country. Catholicism and evangelicalism have recently joined the Protestant mainline in numerical decline. Reform becomes more and more urgent even as it becomes harder and harder to accomplish.

So on this years Reformation Sunday, I will try to remember that Martin Luther had no idea he was starting anything so consequential back in 1517. I wouldnt wish for history to repeat even if it could. If theres a possibility of renewal in all our futures, if theres another path for Christianity in America, it will have to be something unlooked for and unexpected. And the sooner the better.

Benjamin J. Dueholm is pastor of Christ Lutheran Church in University Park.

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Christians wont see another Reformation, but maybe we need one - The Dallas Morning News