Archive for the ‘Culture Wars’ Category

Introducing… Culture Wars with Andrew Doyle – spiked – Spiked

The culture wars have spiralled out of control. Cancel culture has run amok. The once-fringe ideology of wokeness has graduated from the campus safe space to the adult world, colonising politics, the media and corporations.

Culture Wars with Andrew Doyle, a new spiked podcast, will provide a monthly antidote to all this, with stand-up comedian, satirist and spiked columnist Andrew Doyle joined by guests to discuss the latest in woke idiocy.

But Culture Wars will also go beyond the headlines and the partisan bickering to understand whats really going on, while having fun along the way.

The guest for the first episode will be writer and comedian Bridget Phetasy host of the YouTube show, Dumpster Fire, and the podcast, Walk-Ins Welcome. Phetasy is a fearless advocate for free speech, an acerbic critic of woke culture, and best of all, shes brilliantly funny. Make sure you catch the episode as soon as its out, by subscribing to Culture Wars with Andrew Doyle now.

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Introducing... Culture Wars with Andrew Doyle - spiked - Spiked

Coronavirus and the Culture Wars – PopMatters

Science fiction as adverb, instead of genre shorthand for our uncanny present-day reality. A run to the grocery, a moonwalk down the block, quick errands in N95 masks and latex gloves, maintaining six-foot intervals. Our daily existence is a communal narrative in a Crichton-esque thriller. Tourist attractions are bereft of tourists, metropolis ghost towns. The commute to send a package to one of the few FedEx stores still open becomes an exercise in urban exploration evoking scenes from Danny Boyle's 28 Days Later (2002) or Ken Hannam's Day of the Triffids (1981) or a Timothy Morton essay. A cyclist bikes the center lane of a highway. Billionaires advance on the frontiers of space in privatized rockets leaving burning American streetslittered with shattered glass and flaming wreckagein their wake.

It makes sense. The pandemic of our sociological imagination, something I have spent over a decade contemplating (read: obsessing over) was formed more by the science fiction and horror fringes of literature. For every meditation by a Boccaccio, Defoe, Camus, or Garca Mrquez there are hordes of B movie zombiesfast and slowtransmitting the metaphors of contagion. A recent salon-style conversation of pandemic authors Lawrence Wright, Geraldine Brooks, and Tom Perrotta noted that for its ubiquity today there are not a lot of mainstream literary treatments of the subject in the canon. "I think plague fiction is marked by its scarcity," Lawrence Wright observes.

"There are some wonderful booksbut what is really distinctive about pandemics and horrible disease outbreaks in the past is how little was made out of them. How little remarked they are in human consciousness. This was true even in the plague years. Chaucer just has a sketchy mention of it...People that actually lived in those times. And after 1918, for instance, a disease that killed more Americans, 675,000 it is estimated, than all the wars in the 20th century and yet that was completely purged from consciousness." As if an amnesiac pact of collective denial was made to erase the pain.

Photo by on Unsplash

Megan O'Grady writing for the New York Times takes up a similar thread in her essay What Can We Learn from the Art of Pandemics Past? states: "A marked silence surrounds illness in our culture, and yet it was always there, buried in our cultural consciousness, long before the advent of photography, in concepts that illustrate our sense of death's inevitability motifs that act almost as woodcuts of the mind, such as the Danse Macabre, or the Grim Reaper, connecting us across time with the living and the dead."

A societal fugue state serves as a metaphor in the post-apocalyptic feminist drama Into the Forest (2015) written and directed by Patricia Rozema based on a novel by Jean Hegland. Psychologically, the term refers to a dissociative state where an amnesiac loses details of their personal identity assuming another life in its stead imprinting over the first. Rozema uses this set up to say that civilization itself is a false identity that supplants our original state. As civilization collapses the internet abandoned, gas stations emptied, grocery stores overrun, food supplies dwindledthe characters turn to forging in the woods. Nell (Ellen Page) says to sister Eva (Rachel Wood) as they identify plants: "This was here the whole time."

O'Grady observes that works of art from pandemics past serve as a scar tissue transmitting knowledge of the disease even after the events fade from memory. In short stories of Poe, nursery games like ring-around-the-rosy, the painting of Edvard Munch, Gustav Klimt, and Egon Schielethe latter two artists who died of the 1918 Flu pandemicand other artifacts our impressions of disease echoes between pandemics. This was here the whole time.

Marcus Aurelius who ruled the Roman Empire for 15 years of a plague that claimed five million lives mentions it only once in his Meditations. Chaucer grew up under the specter of Black Death, lost his wife to an outbreak, yet scarcely mentions it in his poetry. Shakespeare saw the Globe closed as part of a stay-at-home order and lost his son to an epidemic, yet makes only allusions in his work. Over the centuries, pandemic narratives are unmoored from their context or pushed underground, where society always goes to exorcise collective demons.

In mid-March of this year, during the early weeks of the (inter)national emergency, I took an unusual assignment unusual even in this uncanny reality. I run a boutique social change communication consultancy that specializes in storytelling. My assignment was to develop public education messaging to navigate conspiracy theories and promote CDC health guidelines. The messaging, for populations distrustful of government, used health communication techniques designed to introduce health positive habits (exercise, diet) to populations facing personal, social, and structural behavioral barriers. As I turned my attention toward collecting and countering myth and misinformation in these early days of the pandemic, we had to create a whole new behavioral health strategy, bringing together community voices, health professionals, and communication experts.

This is a different frontwhat the WHO dubbed an "infodemic" where the struggle to provide accurate, reliable, trustworthy information in the storm of confusion, contradiction, and conspiracy takes on life-threatening urgency. In an interview I produced for a public health webcast, Amy Laurent, an epidemiologist with the Seattle King County Public Health Department, depicted the earliest days of the outbreak as the first case on American soil touched down in her backyard. Information was flying all over the place at the tail end of a long, harsh, flu season that it was like trying to drink from the firehoses at the same time. If this is true of an educated public health professional with over 20 years in the field, it is dizzyingly mind-numbing for the rest of us.

Meanwhile, a New York Times survey, found roughly 36,000 media workers in the United States have been laid off, furloughed, or seen their pay reduced as businesses slashed advertising budgets in response to COVID. Sylvie Briand, the architect of WHO's strategy to counter the infodemic risk, told The Lancet, "We know that every outbreak will be accompanied by a kind of tsunami of information, but also within this information you always have misinformation, rumours, etc."

Image by Michael Knoll from Pixabay

This phenomenon has existed as far back as we have a recorded history of outbreaks. During the 2nd Century Plague of Galen, a ruthless outbreak of measles or smallpox or both (depending on which historian you consult) that lasted 15 years was similarly plagued by misinformation and rumor. As Galen, physician, and namesake of the epidemic, traveled to Asia Minor for two years to observe and document in an act of proto-epidemiology, competing distorted reports reined on Rome like Apollo's arrows in a verse from the Iliad. The death toll climbed to 2,000 a day. Chaldean sorcerers, who booby-trapped an abandoned Temple of Apollo with a supernatural pestilence in a golden chest were to blame. Or, Apollo himselfGod of Medicinefiring diseased arrows on an ailing Rome as punishment for his defiled tomb. Or, dozens of other arguments for profit or political gain.

Author Donald Robertson writes of invented religions that arose in the tumult. Alexander of Abonoteichus, a con-artist who created a human-headed snake-god named Glycon, built a shrine where his followers would puppeteer the deity for paying visitors. Robertson notes, "Alexander became very wealthy and powerful as a result of receiving payment for his prophecies and magical charms. Coins were even cast in honor of the god "Glycon" and statuettes made of him. During the height of the plague, Alexander was claiming to heal the sick with incantations. A crude verse from his oracle was used on amulets and inscribed over the doors of houses as a protection against the plague."

In the Middle Ages, the Biblical God presiding over the Bubonic Plague was no less punishing -- to Kaffa or Sicily or Venice or Marseille or London or any other infected city across Europe, Asia, and North Africa -- than Apollo was in punishing Rome. Plague was carried by demons. It was scapegoated onto Jewish communities, who were perceived to be getting sick less frequently than their Christian neighbors, which was taken as evidence they were contaminating wells, rivers, and springs. Witches in league with the Devil were burnt alive. Xenophobia and racism were chased up and down the Silk Road to Asian cities where the plague was believed to have originated.

Cholera outbreaks of the 19th and 20th centuries were believed to be caused by toxic air and class-based conspiracies against reigning monarchies. In Russia and the UK, they led to riots in the streets. In France, a cholera outbreak in 1832 spread rapidly through the country leaving over 100,000 dead, a rate disproportionately outpacing their European neighbors. Tensions erupted in Parisian slums as the rich blamed the poor for the spread of the disease, while the poor insisted that the rich were attempting to poison them. King Louis-Philippe's mismanagement of the cholera crisis led directly to the revolutionary/ counter-revolutionary eventsclashing fringe right and left-wing forcesdepicted in Victor Hugo's epic novel, Les Misrables.

Braind continues in her interview with The Lancet, "the difference now with social media is that this phenomenon is amplified, it goes faster and further, like the viruses that travel with people and go faster and further. So it is a new challenge, and the challenge is the [timing] because you need to be faster if you want to fill the voidWhat is at stake during an outbreak is making sure people will do the right thing to control the disease or to mitigate its impact. So it is not only information to make sure people are informed; it is also making sure people are informed to act appropriately."

In the weeks that followed, after we adapted our behavioral mapping to messaging for the pandemic, other conversations were had. We talked to public health departments and organizations across the country about applying this strategy to navigate conspiracy theories for other populationsSyrian refugees, gang-involved youth, homeless encampments, Latin-X immigrants, libertarians in Washington statebefore the lockdown protests, George Floyd's murder, international outcry, protests, and political uprising. The exercise became seismology of semiotics. Exploring fault lines beneath the Fractured States in America, trembling.

From the cover of The Leftovers, by Tom Perrotta

Tom Perrotta chose an unexplainable event, a rapture-like disappearance of two percent of the population, as the backdrop of his brilliant novel The Leftovers and equally brilliant HBO series by the same name (2014-2017) to explore "the emotional and psychological cost of a collective trauma", but coronavirus has shown that this literary device seems unnecessary in the real world.

Or, as the case may be, narratives plural, activating those fault lines of the culture war and amplifying splinters, fractures, and fissures. In the WBUR salon, Geraldine Brooks, author of the Bubonic Plague novel, Year of Wonders takes up the thread from Perrotta observing, "My book was set at a time where science and superstition were still fighting it outI would have thought that we had moved on from there but unfortunately all this crackpot superstitious, anti-vaxxer, deep state is coming for our liberties craziness makes me think that we haven't really moved on at all."

The Atlantic identified two kinds of conspiracy theories to have emerged in response to the coronavirus. The first doubts the severity of the virus, even as states reopen only to close again in the face of spikes in the number of cases. The second considers coronavirus as a bioweapon that has been released on an unsuspecting public. These theories overlap and interconnect in some places. They come in a range of variations and expressions. Many predate the outbreak of the virus, conspiracy classics, and alt-right greatest hits, remixed with a COVID-19 focus. As Paul Farmer, physician and anthropologist, once noted: "Blame was, after all, a calling card of all transnational epidemics."

Zignal Labs, a media insights company, tracked the spread of coronavirus misinformation online for a week in early May and identified the five most widespread misinformation topics on COVID-19. They are a microcosmic snapshot of broader myths expressed throughout this infodemic timeline and throughout the entire timeline of infodemics past. Echoes of earlier searches for answers crashing into this present-day search. Chaldean sorcerers become Wuhan scientists. Biomedical labs and biological warfare stand-in for ancient curses. New age hucksters hawking their Glycon-esque shrines and political agendas are grafted onto the fear, ignorance, and powerlessness experienced at this moment.

That George Soros, a conspiracy strawman favorite for the American right over the past 15 years, any week before or since. Or, it was Democrat-funded or China or Russia or the World Health Organization itself as a deep state effort to seize liberties or an outside agitator destroying the US economy or more.

Claims of hydroxychloroquine as a treatment were the second most popular measured by Zignal that same week with 88,166 mentions. Only the most recent topic on treatments trending in the lineage of snake-headed Gods and snake oil salesman even that week. That disinfectants like bleach as a cure for the virus, a concept that spurned a cult in Florida and caught the President's attention, received 85,240 mentions in that same span.

Meanwhile, QAnon enthusiasts glommed onto the 5G cellphone upgrade as the cause of the outbreak, accounted for 87,776 mentions, which led to the more zealous of enthusiasts to damage cell towers in Europe. The "Plandemic" theory, a kind of conspiracy mash-up, got 28,607 mentions that week and a half-hour documentary that received over a million views online before Facebook removed it. The "Plan" is an Illuminati-esque cabal, including Gates and others, to dominate and control the public using the pandemic and the measures put in place to contain it. Incorporating elements of the anti-vaxxer movement and adopted as part of the Lockdown Protests, the Plandemic is a pastiche of grassroots anti-government arguments aimed at appealing to a populist base.

There are some elements of truth, often class-based, that run through many conspiracy theories. Whitney Phillips, assistant professor of communication and rhetorical studies at Syracuse University, argues that conspiracy often operates along our "deep mimetic frames"a theoretical fusion of sociologist Arlie Hochschild, "deep stories", George Lakoff's metaphorical "frame" constructs, and Ryan Milner's "mimetic logics"that encompass "what we believe in our bones to be true about the world."

As a disillusioned former QAnon devotee called "Sam" tells Kevin Roose on his podcast Rabbit Hole, "I know the financial system is rigged against us. I've watched it. I lived it." The entire Rabbit Hole series is a meditation on the ways our "deep mimetic frames" operate accelerated by social media algorithms.

After Hurricane Irma struck Florida, the former QAnon devotee was unemployed, living with a friend, spending most of her time viewing YouTube videos. She describes the clicks it took to move video after video from Elizabeth Warren's economic analysis to QAnon conspiracy theories. The conspiracies appealed to her because it explained her experience and the economic reality she was living.

When Delaney Hall, an editor for the podcast 99% Invisible set out to determine if the coronavirus pandemicthe first pandemic in the era of widespread vaccinationswas shifting anti-vaxxer sentiment she found the reverse was often true. Those who held hardcore, politically motivated anti-vax arguments doubled down, but a second groupreferred to as "vaccine-hesitant"held conflicting beliefs in their head about the issue. They wanted what was best for their children, but were swayed by arguments on both sides. This group could be persuaded.

Photo by Massimo Virgilio on Unsplash

An actual earthquake occurs when the energy generated by the friction of jagged-edged fault plates is released. The racial health disparities ignored for decades African Americans have higher rates of diabetes, higher rates of chronic illness in general, higher rates of cancer, higher rates of anxiety and depression revealed by the pandemic is one such jagged edge. A novel virus, scarcely understood. Overwhelmed hospitals. Mass unemployment. One in four US workers claiming jobless benefits. A shuddered economy. Jagged edges, all.

Inequities of the American health system. Jagged edge. Inequities of the American justice system. Jagged edge. The disproportionate rates by which communities of color are impacted by the disease. Jagged edge. Systemic structural racism implicit in the systems designed to treat, to heal, to cure, to serve, to protect, revealed. Jagged edges. Released energy radiates out in all directions, like ripples on a pond, shaking the earth's surface violently.

I have been spending a lot of time going down rabbit holes these past few monthsalways tethered to a mission, always seeking to message for the equivalent of Delaney Hall's "vaccine-hesitant" audiences in these discoursesconsuming the fringier elements of these conversations. I have been reading a lot of chatter about a Second Civil War from the latest incarnation of the Patriot Movement-turned-Tea Party-turned-alt-right driving the Lockdown Protests.

The most postmodern of extremist groups, the Boogaloo Bois, named for Sam Firstenberg's breakdancing film, Breakin' 2: Electric Boogaloo (1984) originally emerged from racist posts in the early 2010s, now exist as walking memes with an iconography composed of inside jokes and weird wordplay. A loose confederation in the way the alt-right brought together a broad range of disenfranchised whitesmilitiamen and neo-fascists alongside land rights activists and libertarians trading Michigan Militia camo for Hawaiian shirts because boogaloo sounds vaguely like a big luau. They have been staples on the periphery of lockdown protests and some Black Lives Matter demos alike, arguing that they are for protecting liberties, not white supremacy.

Absurdist characters from a Pynchon novel, that might be more ridiculous than frightening, if it weren't for the success in shutting down the Michigan capital and the number of cities where Boogaloo Bois were arrested with weapons at Black Lives Matter protests. Though Pynchon would probably have a Hawaiian shirt designer, a competitor of Tommy Bahama, as the villainous puppet master of a Civil War that was a publicity stunt to kick-off an advertising campaign.

The aftermath of a Second Civil War is a stalwart of science fiction. Margaret Atwood's 1985 dystopian novel, The Handmaid's Tale, and the subsequent Hulu series that kicked off in 2017 envision the aftermath of an American Civil War won by religious fundamentalists. Phillip K. Dick wrote a quintessentially Phillip K. Dick novel, Flow My Tears, the Policeman Said (1974) set in a police state following the Second Civil War with a pop-singer half-consumed by an identity stealing parasite. The video games Mass Effect (2007) and Shattered Union (2005) the second season of TV show Jericho, and at least one live action role-playing game that plays out scenarios nationwide, involves a Second American Civil War.

In 2017's American War by Omar El Akkad, a former conflict journalist turned novelist, it is simply called "the second". Set a half-century in the future the novel follows Sarat, a young woman trying to navigate life in a refugee camp in Tennessee while being radicalized and recruited by the resistance. The conflict is over a ban on fossil fuels at a time where climate change is raging out of control. The country splits North and South along these new political divides and goes to war after the President is assassinated. The novel has an eerie pacing that reads like dispatches from the future. There is a strange and threatening familiarity with his depiction.

El Akkad refers to it as "dislocative" fiction rather than a strict speculative work. "I take things that happen over there and I make them happen over here," he said in an interview. "Over there" being his beat as a Foreign Correspondent covering the war in Afghanistan and the Arab Spring, but El Akkad also covered protests in Ferguson, Missouri, and the effects of climate change in the south that informed the main thrust of the novel. He followed these issuesthe police brutality, the uprising in response to Michael Brown's murder, the creeping spread of climate change, the devastating loss of an estimated football field worth of wetland disappearing every hour along the Gulf Coast of Louisianaand the arguments against them in his research and he played them out into the future. In short, it may not be as dislocative as we would like to believe.

There is an odd detachment in places. Sarat is a young woman of color in America, but these aspects of her identity are never explored or even considered, which makes for a slightly uncomfortable read in some places for all the wrong reasons. Some of the artefacts that drive the narrative are repurposed missives from El Akkad's time as a journalist and read as such. Overall, this detachment has its benefits, because paradoxically, unlike the right-wing fever dreams of wannabe warriors play acting in life or online, unlike the video games or the TV shows or the comic books, certainly unlike Phillip K. Dick's head trippy work, or even Offred's allegorical adventures, the reverse Hero Journey undertaken by Sarat has unsettling plausibility. It is a rebuke to Sinclair Lewis; it can happen here.

Edvard Munch Self-Portrait with the Spanish Flu, 1919 (Public Domain / Wikipedia)

Throughout Europe, The Plague by Albert Camus has been selling out. The existential novel about an epidemic that ravages the quarantined city in Oran, Algeria served as an allegory for fascism for decades. Today, sales skyrocket as the search for meaning in a time of outbreak has made it a must-read. "Almost as though this novel were a vaccine not just a novel that can help us think about what we're experiencing, but something that can help heal us," explains Alice Kaplan, a French Literature Professor at Yale, in an interview with NPR. I have been thinking about the "scarcity of plague fiction" that Lawrence Wright observed; the scarcity of pandemic artifacts in general. And, what our world might look like if that were not the case.

There is an image that I keep coming back to in my mind. It is an imagined scene. Edvard Munch, dragging out his paints and easel. His movements slowed by aching joints and fever. He is sick with flu. This lethal flu that claimed his contemporaries Gustav Klimt, Egon Schiele, and his wife, Edith, their child, alongside some 675,000 Americans and a total of 50 to 100 million people. Munch feels like death. With his featuresgaunt cheeks, sallow skin, weary-eyedhe looks like death. Yet, he moves from the bed to the chair, covering his lap in a thick blanket to ward the chills, as he takes up a brush to paint himself. He has spent his entire existence obsessing about his own death "Illness, insanity, and deathkept watch over my cradle," the artist once said, "and accompanied me all my life." and here he looks it directly in the eyes to capture the image, his own reflection.

That is one of the few artefacts that existed from the Flu of 1918. It is one of the few artifacts that that exists from our long history of pandemics, period. Pandemics hold up a mirror to our society, to our culture, showing us the best and worst all at once. We often look away. When the threat has passed, we forget. We wrest art from its context and forget. Delany Hall in her exploration of the anti-vaxxer movement sat down with Dr. Bernice Hausman in the Department of Humanities at Penn State College of Medicine, who observed:

Hall concludes the science is easy, the people are hard.

Cory Doctorow, author and activist, writes of pandemic and political divisions in his 2019 novella Masque of the Red Death. A reboot of the Edgar Allen Poe story with the same name, Masque follows a finance bro prepper who has built a super bunker that he populates with a hand chosen team of equally obnoxious figures. The characters are essentially their own unmaking, so paranoid that social collapse equals certain death. I don't know if a story first written in 1842 warrants a spoiler, but if so, head's up. Even at the cost of the characters own lives, they fail to participate in the messy rebuilding that is going on around them. Opting out of community and even actively avoiding assistance when it is offered.

Doctorow often explores themes of solidarity vs. selfishness, survivalism vs. community. In an essay titled Don't Look for the Helpers on Joseph Fink's Our Plague Year podcast, Doctorow admits that he is often branded a dystopian, but considers himself a realist at worst"Engineers that design systems on the assumption that nothing could possibly go wrong with them are not utopians. They are dangerous idiots and they kill people."and thematically reads more like an optimist, really. Humanity finds a way. Community organizes under the worst circumstances. Crisis can draw us together.

"The tales we tell ourselves about what we can expect in a crisis informs our intuition about what we should do come that crisisI have been telling stories about humanity rising to the challenge of crisis for decades. Now I am telling them to myself. I hope that you will keep that story in mind today as plutocrats seek to weaponize narratives to turn our crisis into their self-serving catastrophe."

In determining what kind of world, we want next, we have to be willing to look. We have to see what is being revealed and develop new stories to change it. If we want to defund police and fund science-based medicine and equitable health care for allwe need new stories. If we want to address climate change and social justice and keep fault lines from being activatedwe need to look in the mirror and see.

* * *

Works Cited

Bauman, Anna Anna and Chakrabarti, Meghna. "What We Learn From Pandemic Lit". WBUR. 14 May 2020.

Block, Melissa. "'A Matter of Common Decency': What Literature Can Teach Us About Epidemics". NPR / WBEZ. 1 April 2020.

Doctorow, Cory. "Don't Look for the Helpers". PMPress. 16 March 2020.

Doezema, Marie. "For Omar El Akkad, journalism and fiction are 'interlocking muscles'". Columbia Journalism Review. 31 October 2018.

El Akkad, Omar. American War. Alfred A. Knopf. April 2017.

Fink, Joseph. Our Plague Year. Podcast.

Gryniewicz, Josh. "Metaphor in a Time of Ebola". PopMatters. 28 January 2015.

Hegland, Jean, Director. Into the Forest. Elevation Pictures. 12 September 2015.

Mars, Roman. "The Natural Experiment". 99PercentInvisible.org. 5 May 2020.

O'Grady, Megan. "What Can We Learn From the Art of Pandemics Past?" The New York Times. 8 April 2020.

Perrotta, Tom. The Leftovers. St. Martin's Press. August 2011.

Phillips, Whitney. "Please, Please, Please Don't Mock Conspiracy Theories". Wired. 27 February 2020.

Robertson, Donald. "Stoicism in the Time of Plague". Medium. 11 March 2020.

Roose, Kevin. "Welcome to the 'Rabbit Hole'". The New York Times. 16 April 2020.

Uscinski, Joseph E. and Enders, Adam M. "The Coronavirus Conspiracy Boom". The Atlantic. 30 April 2020.

Zarocostas, John. "How to fight an infodemic". The Lancet. 29 February 2020.

Excerpt from:
Coronavirus and the Culture Wars - PopMatters

How to Think or What to Think? The Culture Wars Come to K-12 – Bacon’s Rebellion

by James C. Sherlock

I was challenged after my last posting to give examples of the capture of the most prominent educational schools by critical theory activism.

Critical theories of education posit that educational systems are either complicit in oppression or that these systems are a powerful mechanism for ensuring that social inequality persists. Under either interpretation, there must be a plan for emancipatory action (what they deem praxis, the practical application of a theory) through education.

I took 61 pages of notes of examples among the top 15 education schools before I realized that I was working to defend myself against the charge of accusing them of something of which it turns out they are profoundly proud.

It is clear from pressing past the home pages of those schools and drilling down into the course descriptions, the writings of the instructors of those courses and the course reading assigned that many are deeply committed to critical theory.

In this essay, I will demonstrate how critical theory has left the campuses of the education schools and made its way into Americas largest teachers union and many American K-12 classrooms.

We will start with a first-hand account from a parent in New York City. Then we will take a brief tour of the National Education Associations positions that reflect critical theory.

Finally, we will examine the widespread negative effects of the American histories written by Howard Zinn of Boston University.

Reading this, you will appreciate the role of school boards as a breakwater against this threat more than you ever did.

Critical theory ingrade school classrooms

I urge you to read When the Culture War Comes for the Kids by George Packer in the October 2019 issue of The Atlantic.

It is the brilliant and scary recounting by a liberal parent of trying to do right by his children while navigating New York City schools. It is utterly captivating. Some excerpts:

At times the new progressivism, for all its up-to-the-minuteness, carries a whiff of the 17th century, with heresy hunts and denunciations of sin and displays of self-mortification. The atmosphere of mental constriction in progressive milieus, the self-censorship and fear of public shaming, the intolerance of dissentthese are qualities of an illiberal politics.

Adults who draft young children into their cause might think theyre empowering them and shaping them into virtuous people (a friend calls the Instagram photos parents post of their woke kids selflessies). In reality the adults are making themselves feel more righteous, indulging another form of narcissistic pride, expiating their guilt, and shifting the load of their own anxious battles onto children who cant carry the burden, because they lack the intellectual apparatus and political power. Our goal shouldnt be to tell children what to think. The point is to teach them how to think so they can grow up to find their own answers.

The fifth-grade share, our sons last, was different. That years curriculum included the Holocaust, Reconstruction, and Jim Crow. The focus was on upstandersindividuals who had refused to be bystanders to evil and had raised their voices. It was an education in activism, and with no grounding in civics, activism just meant speaking out. At the year-end share, the fifth graders presented dioramas on all the hard issues of the moment sexual harassment, LGBTQ rights, gun violence. Our son made a plastic-bag factory whose smokestack spouted endangered animals. Compared with previous years, the writing was minimal and the students, when questioned, had little to say. They hadnt been encouraged to research their topics, make intellectual discoveries, answer potential counterarguments. The dioramas consisted of cardboard, clay, and slogans.

Lest readers think this is some strange new alien world occurring only in New York City, the rest of this article will focus on the National Education Association.

The National Education Association

We will look at three examples of the NEA leading the way in trying to turn the K-12 educational system into a reeducation camp by specific applications of critical theory methodology.

NEA: Cultural Competence for College Students: How to Teach about Race, Gender and Inequalities

Educators must coach students beyond their individualized world-view and help them gain self-reflexivity in the context of social realities. http://www.nea.org/home/65432.htm

(As an aside, the writings of ed school critical theorists may form the biggest threat to the English language since the Spanish Armada.)

Self-reflexivity is a key concept of critical theory. All critical theories assert that at least some aspect of society shouldnt be reproduced. That was not enough for the 19th century critical theorists who saw it as pessimism.

Self-reflexivity turns introspection of the flaws in society, say capitalism or racism, into action, to emancipatory purposes.

In Marxist theory, society consists of two parts: the base (or substructure) and superstructure. The base comprises the forces and relations of production (e.g. employeremployee work conditions, the technical division of labour, and property relations) into which people enter to produce the necessities and amenities of life.

The superstructure determines societys other relationships and ideas to comprise its superstructure, including its culture, institutions, political power structures, roles, rituals, and state. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Base_and_superstructure

The capture of the superstructure, education in this case, is a Western Marxist focus. Soviet-style Marxism focused on the base.

NEA: Amplifying Our Voice: Leading Boldly for Our Students, Our Professions, and Our Union

See http://www.nea.org/assets/docs/LOP225%20Talking%20About%20Color-%20Angela%20Der%20Ramos,%20Monica%20Guevera%20Rice.pdf

Take a look at the books suggested for:

K-2, The Youngest Marcher Audrey Faye Hendricks was confident and bold and brave as can be. Through her we see the remarkable and inspiring story of one childs role in the Civil Rights Movement.

3-5, Joelitos Big Decision (Grades 1-5) Joelito didnt understand why a missing backpack was so important until he learned about the low wages paid to his friends parents. Joelito chooses to stand in protest and skip his delicious hamburger tradition.

5-6 One Crazy Summer Three young sisters are sent for the summer to the mother that left them behind. The girls have to find their own breakfast and lunch, served by the Black Panthers.

Resources

Angels Multicultural Books

Teaching Tolerance Reading Diversity Checklist How to Choose Outstanding Multicultural Books

Edutopia

EdChange http://www.edchange.org/multicultural/index.html Resource Spotlight: Find your favorite radical tunes in our collection of Social Justice and Protest Songs. The link is to http://sojust.net/songs.html

Zinn Education Project: https://www.zinnedproject.org The Zinn Education Project is my compass in a sea of corporate textbooks, packaged common core curriculum and standardized testing. My entire curriculum is based on lessons that can be found on the Zinn Education Project. Chris Buehler High School Social Studies Teacher, Portland, Ore.

Some of the other Zinn teaching materials provided include:

The (Young) Peoples Climate Conference: Teaching Global Warming to 3rd Graders https://www.zinnedproject.org/materials/young-peoples-climate-conference .

About those Columbus statuesbeing toppled

Discovering Columbus: Re-reading the Past

NEA: Fresh Eyes on History

By David Bonecutter II, High School Teacher, Florida. Found in: Social Studies, Critical Thinking.

Here are some unique ways to approach the study of social studies, designed to fully engage students in their exploration of the past:

If you can locate old textbooks, compare and contrast content as it was taught then and is taught now. How does the time period in which something was written influence how it appears in student materials? Does the passage of time offer clarification or confusion?

Explore the Zinn Education Project, whose goal is to introduce students to a more accurate, complex, and engaging understanding of United States history than is found in traditional textbooks and curricula. The site offers free, downloadable lessons organized by theme, time period, and reading level.

Be prepared for your eyes to be opened as you read the non-fiction book Lies My Teacher Told Me by James W. Loewen. In response to his survey of high school American History textbooks, the author wrote this retelling of our history supplying much that is left out of current high school texts.

Howard Zinn

You see Howard Zinn touted more than once above as a resource by the NEA.

Zinn at various points in his career described himself as a Marxist, a socialist, a democratic socialist and a revolutionary. He hated the United States. His books were polemics to the necessity of its destruction.

You really owe it to yourselves to learn about Howard Zinn and his two best selling text books.Zinns A Peoples History of the United States was first published in 1980 and has sold 2.6 million copies.Against that hateful standard,A Young Peoples History Of The United States is worse given its target audience.

A Peoples History of the United States is a synthesis of the radical and revisionist historiography of the past decade, incorporating many of the strengths and most of the weaknesses of that highly uneven body of literature. Zinns America is not a land of liberty but a land of relentless exploitation and hypocrisy. The traditional treatment of U.S. history is turned upside down. Zinn might well have borrowed the title of a novel by Jack London (which he cites on p. 315), People of the Abyss. That would be a fair summary of the story that Zinn relates. Washington Post, March 23, 1980. Michael Kammen, professor of American History and Culture at Cornell. https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/entertainment/books/1980/03/23/how-the-other-half-lived/ce505900-12fd-427d-a689-90edf3836309/

I also urge you to read How Zinn Gets In: Road to a National Curriculum by Stanley Kurtz.

Mr. Kurtz describes how the College Board, sponsor of the controversial 2014 and 2015 AP U.S. history (APUSH) frameworks, is largely replacing states and localities as the shaper of both textbooks and teacher training at the high school level.

Reading Howard Zinn has been made a necessary step to get a good grade in AP U.S. History.

Then there is the College Board. An attendee at an AP teacher-training seminar based on the newly redesigned APUSH curriculum said the course primed teachers to blame America for the problems of the world, while overlooking its influence for the good. Howard Zinn was cited in the training more than all other authors taken together.

As of September 2018, 84,000 teachers had downloaded lesson plans from the Zinn Education Project.

Read American Concentration Camps? Where Would AOC and Other Millennials Get Such an Idea? by Mary Grabar.

The answer to the question posed in the title of Ms. Grabers essay is Howard Zinn.

Virginia schools

I have done a reasonably deep dive into the curricula and available course materials in Fairfax County, Alexandria, Richmond and Portsmouth schools.I am happy to report that I did not find the radical outcomes described in New York and advocated by the NEA or the revisionist history texts of Howard Zinn in Virginia K-12 courses.

Pretty unlikely that with of millions of textbooks sold and almost 100,000 downloads of lesson plans that none of it is around in Virginia, but there is no official sanctioning that I can see from my survey.

That reflects well on Virginia parents and the school boards they elect.

We will have to remain vigilant. The leftist culture warriors have captured the highest peaks of the superstructure and they are both wrong and relentless. No concession will ever be enough.

Related

See the original post here:
How to Think or What to Think? The Culture Wars Come to K-12 - Bacon's Rebellion

The President, Patriotism, and the Culture Wars – The Dispatch

I didnt watch President Trumps weekend speeches live. It was a holiday, so I chose to take one. As a result, I first learned about them from the reactions they elicited. As usual, it was like Rashomon for the Trump era.

According to the Washington Post, Trumps Mount Rushmore speech signaled his unyielding push to preserve Confederate symbols and the legacy of white domination, which was crystallized by his harsh denunciation of the racial justice movement. The Associated Press account was headlined, Trump pushes racial division, flouts virus rules at Rushmore. Sen. Tammy Duckworth (D-Ill.) said on CNN that Trump spent all his time talking about dead traitors.

Many on the right had a field day in response to the responses. To their ears, Trump didnt spend any time talking about dead traitors or the Confederacy. His subjects were the American Revolution, abolition, and great Americans, including some African Americans. My friend and former National Review colleague Rich Lowry saw and heard a superb speech, tough but appropriately so.

I can see how Lowry, who has a greater tolerance for nationalist rhetoric and strained teleprompter reading than I do, heard a good speechthough superb is a hernia-risking heavy lift for me. I will concede that, once I caught up to the speeches, I found little that was objectionable in the portions that were purely historical.

So why did I dislike both spectacles so intensely?

Because Trump. The man has a thumbless grasp of history and the requirements of his job. Whenever he opines about such matters, its difficult to take any of his sentiments at face value. For Trump, words like principles, liberty, etc. are merely partisan weapons and code words for attacking Democrats and rallying his most ardent supporters.

That context explains some of the negative reactions. Everyone knows Trump has talked of Confederate symbols as an indivisible part of the American story. So when he blanketly defended our heritage at Mount Rushmore without any indication that some of it doesnt merit much defending (especially from the head of the party of Lincoln), you can understand why some would hear a defense of dead traitors.

Similarly, both of his Fourth of July speeches were explicitly campaign events, dedicated to his effort to make the election a binary choice between real patriots and bad, evil people.

And yet the yawning gap between what Duckworth and Lowry heard over the weekend goes deeper than that. Its evidence that the presidency has become the central totem in our culture war.

The trend began before 2016. People who decried Trumps campaign talk of taking back our country forget that this was a standard talking point of Democrats under George W. Bush. Our politics are like the battle between Catholics and Protestants over control of the English throne. The mere thought of the other in the Oval Office feels sacrilegious.

In this climate, if one side embraces an idea, the other recoils from it. Its bad enough when this dynamic infects (and blocks) public policy. But when the Declaration of Independence, the founding and even Abraham Lincoln become cudgels in a partisanship-infected culture war, its much more dismaying.

In England, the monarch is the head of state but not the head of government. This distinction allows the monarchy to stay above the partisan fray and be a relatively uniting institution for the country. In the U.S., presidents play it by ear; they are sometimes party leaders and sometimes leaders of the whole country. Historically, they are everyones president on the Fourth of July. For Trump, however, the holiday handed him free campaign airtime and little more.

Defenders of the president call him a nationalist and insist theres no difference between nationalism and patriotism. I think theyre wrong, but even if theyre right, the practical result is the same. Our patriotic symbols and our nations glorious narrative warts and all are now nightsticks in a zero-sum battle for political power.

When the president is a culture war avatar, a kind of antibody response dialectically emerges. President Obama elicited the tea parties, waving their pocket Constitutions and sweeping Democrats from power. Trump invites an opposite reaction.

Trumps supporters see him as a bulwark against national disintegration. Yet his inability to view any idea or cause except through self-interest and a cartoonish understanding of his own base incites and emboldens the very forces he claims to be fighting against.

And hes losing that fight.

Photograph by Saul Loeb/AFP/Getty Images.

Excerpt from:
The President, Patriotism, and the Culture Wars - The Dispatch

How Real Are the Culture Wars? – Splice Today

Culture wars aretraditionallya middle-classpreoccupation, though,aftera month ofviolence, high emotion,and iconoclasm bookended by the sequel toTrumpsAmerican Carnageinauguraladdress,the national conversation has shiftedagainfor the worse.In spite of Bidens best Obama-esquecallsfor unity, the dystopian vision Trump conjured in 2016ismoremanifestthan everand the culture wars are raging.

In his Mt. Rushmore speech, the President declared, Our nation is witnessing a merciless campaign to wipe out our history, defame our heroes, erase our values, and indoctrinate our children, making thoughtful Americans everywhere wonder, whose nation,whose history, whose heroes, whose values, and whose childrenare actually being referenced.Hes certainly not speaking to any permutation of the left, to the vast majority that didnt vote for him four years ago,or even tomuch of his own party.

Now fully in failure mode,Trump appears to be giving up allpretenseof trying toleadthe nation as a whole.AsRobert Costa and Philip RuckernoteinThe WashingtonPost, Although amplifying racism and stoking culture wars have been mainstays of Trumps public identity for decades, they have been particularly pronounced this summer as the presidenthas reacted to the national reckoning over systemic discrimination by seeking to weaponize the anger and resentment of some white Americans for his own political gain.Unfortunately for Trump,the allegiance ofsome white Americanswill not be enough to guarantee hisre-electionand he knows it.

One gets a very strong impression that the President wants nothing more than to go out ina blaze of glory.With a mismanagedpandemic, the lingeringspecterof impeachment, and highly visibleprotests everywhere,Trumps taken out his fiddle, since hes decided theres no stopping the flames.Afterhis divisive 4thof July speech, theanswer to Whose nation? comes across as mine,not yours.

The Washington PostviewshisMt. Rushmore addressas one of the most horrible speeches ever written, with Jennifer Rubincalling itthe worst Independence Day speech in American history andMax Boot describing it as by turns deranged and disingenuous.Rubinfurther suggests,When all a president has to offer is paranoiadirected at the hard-core cultists who buy into his blood-and-soil nationalism and his contempt for anything that sounds like social justice, you have to wonder if he even knows how to win the general election. This surely was not designed to win back voters he desperately needs in November.

It's not hard to agree with these characterizations of the President and his talking points, even if Rubin and Bootironically come acrossas partisan and hyperbolicasTrump. Still,if weconsiderthe Presidentsnarrowly definedtarget audience, its a very crafty speech, one that updates his inaugural address, taking into account the carnage that the country has suffered since Trump entered office.It has an odd, latent awareness to it, as if Trump wereadmitting his failure andasking his base for forgiveness, for a little more love along with all therequisitehate.

Nothing the President says everseemsuseful or productive. But the nature of presidential utterance is such thatwefind ourselves having to evaluatewhether theresa shred of reasonablenessin his claims.After his Mr. Rushmore speech, werein the difficult position of questioningwhethertheprotesting,monument destruction,and cancel culturethat hasfigured so prominently in the news isnowpart of an ongoingwave of destruction andupheavalthat hasextended to every corner ofAmericansociety.

Or is Trump just race-baiting again? Has the recent uptick in violence,dissent,andunrest become a permanent fixture or is this simply another opportunistic ploy by the President to increase division and keep his base activated?We know the American culture wars are real, but how realare theyand whoactuallybenefitsfrom them?

Ideas of race and class are inextricably linked in the United States.What might be termed class warfare in Englandis informed in America bythepoignantlegacy ofslavery;the Civil War (which historians have alwaysbeen at pains to pointout was not just about race butalsoabout the conflicting economic concerns of North and South and theircontrastingvalue systems);a perpetual struggle for civil rights;and, not surprisingly,a history of demonstrations and race riots.The U.S. is only about 244 years old, which is notveryold at all. Itspast is fresh, highlyrelevantto the present,and infused with violence.

Kellie Carter Jackson, in The Double Standard of the American Riot,describes such violence as an indispensable formof American political expression: Since the beginning of this country, riots and violent rhetoric have been markers of patriotism.When our Founding Fathers fought for independence, violence was the clarion call. Phrases such asLive free or die,Give me liberty or give me death,andRebellion to tyrants is obedience to Godechoed throughout the nation, and continue today.

But Jackson carefully points out that the language of violent political expression has always been spoken differentlyaccording totheskin colorof whos talking: Seminal moments in U.S. history that historians have defined as patriotic were also moments that denied patriotism to black people.If violence is a political language, white Americans are native speakers. But black people are also fluent in the act of resistance.

SoResistance may take shaperelative towhoAmericansare,totheirostensible race as well as theirsocialclass.Those trapped in poverty mayengage inpolitical violence and its rhetoricbecause itseems tofragmentthe architecture of misery keeping them in their place.Conversely, theupper classesmayremain relatively silent, havingenough resources to avoid theconflict.They can simplydepart todistant well-fortified propertiesor leave the country.If they choose to get involved,theycanalwaysdecide how much, where, and with whom they interact.

Butneither oftheseextremesappliesto the middle class, whichisforever worriedabout losing everything and entering poverty.At a time of vast unemployment due to COVID-19, the culture warshave exacerbated that worry, at least in those who dontunambiguously agree with theprogressive perspectivesdominatingcorporations andthe media.And this might be oneway to view Trumps rhetoric.Its not just about monuments or cancel culture or values under siege; its about the ever-present tensions integral to American society.In that sense, its about more than just his deplorable base.

Paul Fussell, inClass: A Guide Through the American Status System, calls it prole drift, the middle classpotentiallyslippingdownward in the Howard Johnsonization of America and theinsecurity thatcomes with it.Classis atediousbook,dated and unapologeticallyelitist,obsessed with the kind of trivia thataffordssmall diversions at otherwise dreadful cocktail parties. And itsprimarily a book written for and about white people, which wouldntcommend it to current literary journalism.However, the point it makes about prole drift appliesinterestinglyto the ongoing culture wars weaponizedbothby Trumpand his many opponentson the left.

Whena member ofthe middle class slips, when someonegets deplatformed, hashis or hercareer abruptly cancelled,or is otherwise dispensed with or silenced,theyreeasily identified as casualties of the culture wars.Depending on who we are, we can accept it as an example of prole drift, white privilege getting its due, or social justice.Depending on who we are, this might be good or it might be tragic.

So should we accept Trumps view that this is part of an insidious campaign to destroy Americanlife andculture? Bootsays no, calling it the excesses of a few progressive activists.Cancel culture, he writes, really exists, on both left and right, but it is not nearly the threat that Trump says it is.James Bennetand a variety of other high-profile journalists, entertainers, and managers might disagree. Itsa very bad time to be suddenlycancelled, which is to say,deprived of ones livelihood.

Boot glosses over the anxiety inherent in prole drift in favor of a No True Scotsman claim about white power: Only someone who binge-watches FoxNews,as Trump does, can imagine that violent hordes are marauding through U.S. citiesmost of the demonstrations occurred weeks ago, and they were overwhelmingly peacefulor that millions of political dissidents are being fired for disagreeing with anew far-left fascism.Whether or not Rubin and Boot are more accurate than Trump, its clear that at least a segment of Trumps audience(and perhaps moderates who have also come under fire)feel like they are at warand vulnerable to the slippage of prole drift.

In an incendiaryop-edforQuillette, Eric Kaufmannsuggests this createsan atmosphere where inter-personal trust is as low as humanly possible while discursive power flows to the accuser,implyingtwo competing, socially-constructed narratives.One is Trumps: our nation is under attack from cultural Marxists trying toerase its values and history.Anothercomes from the woke left, wherecritical race theoryssystemic racism, white power, and white fragility have come todefine everything in America.These narratives, like their adherents, seem irreconcilable.

Moderate political speech is an artifact of the past. Now theresonlyfear. Fear of prole drift. Fear of the other. Fear of history.Fear of authorityand those who might usurp it.But very little ofthe fearappears grounded in the lived reality of the majority seeking nothing more than the quiet enjoyment of their lives.IsTrumpjustrace-baiting?Yes, buthesalsoclass-baiting.This is easily missed but its critical for understanding how hes bookended his time as President.

If Trumps Mr. Rushmore speech is delusional and disingenuous, which seems to be the case,it neverthelessartfullyevokes emotions as potent and available as any of the other social constructionsinour atmosphere of inter-personal distrust and accusationand not just for the MAGA crowd. And the left, once again, has underestimated his capacity to strike the most culturally sensitive nerves.

With this in mind, though we may agree Trump is on his way out, we still have to look at his methods and ask, How real is cancel culture?In Trumps America, as in that of the woke left, its as realand as effectiveas any violent politicalexpression.Itsas real as we want it to be.And, like the coronavirus, it will wreak havocon all of usuntil we decide to rein it in.

Original post:
How Real Are the Culture Wars? - Splice Today