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Culture Wars International: EU There and Democrats Here …

Culture Wars International: EU there and Democrats here

by SF

The following essay is pretty inflammatory; but as we have all seen, acting in a nice, civilized, restrained, and decent manner towards a Hitler or a Stalin, and never saying out loud what is actually going on, only leads more quickly to our own doom.

The EU and Americas Democrats are two sides of the same coin.

Political correctness / culture wars / political Marxism began in Europe. Initially, it was a not unreasonable response to the powerful people (the aristocrats and tycoons) using their power to reward their friends, while keeping the little guy from being able to advance and earn a decent living. In Eastern Europe it developed as violent Communism. But Western Europe was different, in that it consisted of many individual, highly developed, independent nations. In each of these nations the struggle was between Conservatism and democratic Socialism. Both were nationalistic. But then Hitler brought things to a head by using Conservative Racist Nationalism to try to dominate the world.

World War Two brought about a Darwinian change in Europe. The most aggressive and militaristic Europeans died in the fighting. The survivors were the ones who were the most wimpy and pacifistic. They were determined to bring about a socialist utopia. Their first goal was to ensure that any Hitler wannabes could never again gain power. So they began a never-ending struggle against nationalism, militarism, capitalism, Christianity, and white supremacism. As a counterweight to Christianity, they promoted Islam as the religion of peace, especially because most of its adherents were non-white. To do this they had to delude themselves about the true nature of Islam, but they did it happily. Pretty soon they invited Muslims from nearby lands to emigrate to Europe, so that they could dilute the remaining native white conservatives, and they even subsidized the Muslims with welfare payments to make it easier and more attractive to them.

And so we end up with todays situation in Europe: hordes of unassimilated, Christian-hating Muslims living in no-go zones, most receiving welfare, and committing crimes in the name of Jihad (terrorism, rape, etc.) while the progressive governments make excuse after excuse for them (they are unfamiliar with our culture, they are not practicing real Islam, they bring more benefits than losses, etc., ad nauseam). And naturally, if you are crazy enough to point out how insane this all is, they will inevitably ruin your life (shades of Stalin).

The situation in America is same song, different verse. The progressive Democrats got off to a later start, and had to overcome a larger Republican opposition. In contrast to Europe, they had to resort to importing Latinos, who could just walk here from Mexico, instead of Muslims, who had to fly here from across the ocean. But now they are within striking range of their goal, and soon we will have Medicare for all, universal gun control, and reparations for slavery; all in a government where Trump is replaced by the Squad.

America becomes Mexamerica, and Europe becomes Eurabia. And everyone lives happily ever after.

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Culture Wars International: EU There and Democrats Here ...

Sex, Gender, and the Origin of the Culture Wars: An …

Many intractable controversies in todays culture wars relate to issues of sex and gender. Americans disagree, for instance, about whether marriage is limited to a man and a woman, who can use which bathrooms, and whether we should hope that mothers should take care of childrenat least in their formative years. These controversies are emblematic of the inability to say what a man is, what a woman is, or even whether stable sexual identities are linked to our bodies.

This confusion has origins in the revolution that the French feminist Simone de Beauvoir initiated after the Second World War. Before the publication of Beauvoirs The Second Sex in 1949, science and philosophy assumed that societys prevailing opinions about men and women were grounded in sex so that gender corresponded to sex. Beauvoir demurred. She drew a distinction between gender (societys prevailing opinions about what man and woman should be) and sex or biology (the seemingly immutable characteristics of the body and closely linked psychological traits). There is no reason, feminists from Beauvoir onward would argue, for sex to be destiny: A womans biology had seemed to direct her toward family life and make her dependent on a husband.

Such feminists promised to bring forth a new, independent woman who would overcome her gender. This new woman would no longer take her bearings from what her body or society suggested about her destiny. In this mode of thinking, gender is merely an idea constructed to keep women in a subordinate position. This critique claimed to show how biological realities and social mores contributing to womanly identity were neither necessary nor healthy, and it posited a future where women would be free to define their identities without any reference to their bodies. A world of complete freedom would be a world beyond gendera world in which no members of society would make assumptions about an individual based on biology.

The feminist aspiration to create a world without gender, first articulated by Beauvoir in the 1940s and later by American disciples such as Betty Friedan, Kate Millett, and others in the 1960s, prepared the ground for a more radical vision in the 1990s by scholars like Judith Butler, who extended the idea to include advocacy for transgender rights.

The idea of a supposedly socially constructed gender foisted on all individuals is bound to cause intense debate and hence ever more radical calls to deconstruct gender in the name of greater autonomy and creativity in human identity. The new liberating philosophy would deconstruct or expose norms as arbitrary obstacles to healthy human identity. Taking things a step further, queer theory, derived from the post-structural thought of Michel Foucault, questioned the naturalness and necessity of everyday practices of self-control of sexual passions, the prominence of heterosexual norms, and the binary conception of gender.

The result has been a spiraling revolution in which what had seemed natural and possibly also crucial to human identity is alleged to be extraneous, accidental, and repressive. From this revolution proceeds another level of confusion about extending marriage to same-sex couples, gendered pronouns, transgender issues about the use of public restrooms and locker rooms, the importance of fidelity to marriage, and any number of additional permutations of such issues.

This revolution has required ongoing readjustment on the part of government, as well as in public mores and even in the conception of language. It gives rise to new opinions and sentiments, suggests new concepts, and modifies every aspect of life within the sphere of personal relations. Many facets of family life have been roiled by the feminist effort to separate sex from gender and subsequent efforts to create a world beyond gender and without preconceived roles.

In addition, the supposedly objective application of liberationist science identifies even more socially constructed distinctions. Since society manufactures gender difference, the theory goes, gender can be unmade and remade by properly reconstructing society. This is the foundation of a world built on the liberation of the individual and the freedom to create an identity without social or biological constraints.

Feminism Before the Separation of Sex from Gender

Feminist thinkers of all stripes today define themselves against biological essentialism and its concomitant political and cultural patriarchy. Biological essentialism alleges that the differing characters and roles of men and women have a permanent basis in sexual biology and innate psychological proclivities originating in sex. Thus, according to this theory, biological sex goes a long way in determining how societies conceive of gender, with perceptions of women as more passive and caring and less aggressive and violent than men,[REF] more sexually modest or less promiscuous than men,[REF] less physically powerful than men,[REF] and more interested in and affectionate with children than more daring, rough-and-tumble men,[REF] among a myriad of other differences.

The most influential defender of patriarchy on such grounds during the 19th century was Charles Darwin, who defended the sexual basis for gender on apparently authoritative, scientific grounds.[REF] Especially in The Descent of Man, published in 1871,[REF] Darwin argues that males and females have different characters because they have different genetic makeups derived from the successful procreative and survival strategies of genetic forbears.[REF]

Similar ideas are also found in the thinking of Sigmund Freud, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, August Comte, and others. Each thought that women are less inclined to run for political office, put career before family, pursue wealth aggressively, or be sexually promiscuous.[REF] Otto Weininger even argues that the emancipation of women is a contradiction in terms, and many feminists influenced by Beauvoir cite his Sex and Character as representative of this patriarchal scientific tradition.[REF]

The First Wave of Feminist Reformers

While these biological essentialists were writing, the first wave of feminist reformers (18501920) arose to critique the subordinate condition of women. These thinkers, finding their source in the thought of Mary Wollstonecraft (17591797), operated within a classically liberal intellectual framework and hoped, as the title of Wollstonecrafts 1792 book suggests, for the vindication of the rights of women. In America, such a vindication was conceived as extending rights to women within Americas traditional dedication to individual rights and limited government.[REF]

The crowning achievements for first-wave feminists lay in establishing a legal right for women to own property, legal acceptance for divorce, and ultimately the right to vote. If women had not previously appeared interested in exercising such rights, argued first-wave feminists, this apolitical appearance was traceable to societys failure to protect such rights. They were concerned that, as John Stuart Mill argues in The Subjection of Women (1869), no society could yet know what woman actually is because the whole force of educationenslaves [womens] minds to motherly and wifely sacrificial duties.[REF] The old system of coverture in which women lost their legal identity within marriage had underestimated the capacity of women for citizenship. Women and men could choose differently from one another under this regime of greater freedom and independence.[REF]

The legal framework for which first-wave feminists fervently wished was established, more or less throughout the Western world, during the first third of the 20th century.

The Second Wave: Simone de Beauvoir and the Distinction Between Sex and Gender

Beginning with Simone de Beauvoir, the mother of second-wave feminism, feminists expressed disappointment in the actual choices women made with the rights and protections that first-wave feminists had won. Many women still prioritized motherhood over a career and valued loving relationships within marriage more than market relations outside the home and sexual liberation. When they chose a career, they tended to enter the caring professions instead of aspiring to be chief executive officers, bohemian poets, or academics. Generally, despite a century of struggle, women lived more passively and dependently than second-wave feminists thought healthy or appropriate.

Simone de Beauvoir and her American disciples recommended freeing women from accumulated patriarchal culture and spent a great deal of intellectual energy finding ways to identify the assumptions that enslaved women to their old character.

Second-wave feminists argued that this perceived lack of progress was traceable to the entrenched cultural patriarchy, because of which men and women continued to indulge beliefs consistent with biological essentialism. Legal freedom was not enough to provide substantive equality for women. Getting women to choose differently would require a more fundamental cultural reformation centered on encouraging women to shed their maternal, wifely personalities and become independent. Beauvoir and her American disciples recommended freeing women from accumulated patriarchal culture and spent a great deal of intellectual energy finding ways to identify the assumptions that enslaved women to their old character.[REF]

Beauvoirs thought is the first to provide intellectual justification for divorcing sex from gender and for holding that culture alone has determined the meaning of sex and the body. Her opus, The Second Sex (1949 French; 1953 English translation), frames the argument for contemporary feminism and for all subsequent thinkers who criticize and deconstruct seemingly natural human distinctions.[REF] This deconstruction is evident in the most famous expression of Beauvoirs thought, the question that begins The Second Sex: what is a woman? She answers:

One is not born, but rather becomes, a woman. No biological, psychological, or economic fate determines the figure that the human female presents in society; it is civilization as a whole that produces this creature, intermediate between male and eunuch, which is described as feminine.[REF]

Women, the argument runs, were passively defined by their biological, cultural, and civilizational situation. They grew into the artificial roles of dependent wife and sacrificing mother according to the cultural influence of gender roles, and these gender roles had been built on a seemingly obvious interpretation of the female body. Individuals who allowed themselves to be thus defined, perhaps falsely thinking that culture is a reflection of nature, manifest what Beauvoir called an almost subhuman immanence.

For Beauvoir, the common traits of immanent women result from pervasive social indoctrination or socialization. Beauvoir identifies how immanence is taught and reinforced in a thousand different ways. Society, for instance, prepares women to be passive and tender and men to take the initiative in sexual relations. Male initiative in sex is an essential element in patriarchys general frame.

Everything helps to confirm this hierarchy in the eyes of the little girl. The historical and literary culture to which she belongs, the songs and legends with which she is lulled to sleep, are one long exaltation of man. Childrens books, mythology, stories, tales, all reflect the myths born of the pride and the desires of men; thus it is that through the eyes of men the little girl discovers the world and reads therein her destiny.[REF]

And Beauvoir means everything. Indoctrination starts early. Men, for instance, are made to be faster, stronger, more competitive, and more aggressive than girls in sports through our belief that sports are good for boys, and girls are encouraged to be meek, timid, feminine, and maternal instead of risking injury.[REF] Society creates and baptizes male promiscuity and sexual desire, while women are seen as objects of sexual desire. Men are to take women; women are taught to dream of being taken. Girls are taught sexual shame and modesty, while boys are taught confidence and eroticism.[REF] Thus, according to Beauvoir, there is the universal acceptance of the sexual double standard whereby men are given a pass for promiscuity and adultery while women are punished.[REF]

Trained to be passive, women, for Beauvoir, accept their seemingly subordinate roles as mothers and housewives. Against such education toward immanence, Beauvoir encourages what she calls transcendence, the idea that human beings must struggle to free themselves from the social or natural influence in a continual reaching out toward other liberties and in an effort to engage in freely chosen projects.[REF] Human beings will either be made passively by their situation (immanence) or define and make themselves (transcendence). Man is defined as a being who is not fixed, who makes himself what he is, Beauvoir writes. Man is not a natural species: he is a historical idea.[REF]

As historical beings without fixed boundaries, women are not bound to be governed by any of the customs, assigned psychological traits, economic considerations, moral virtues, respective bodies, cultural attributes, or other limits that have long made them the second sex. Men have been transcendent; women have been relegated to a world of immanence. If women would transcend their current fate as the second sex, they would enjoy an indefinitely open future as they strive for more freedom and independence.[REF]

As Beauvoir sees it, sexual passivity and the nexus of motherhood and marriage have combined to trap women in immanence and stagnation. Those traps can be sprung with sexual revolution and independent careers in a genuinely liberated workplace, which are steps on the road toward reaching other liberties. Sexual revolutionaries must shun sexual modesty and domesticity, adopt independent careers, and develop the qualities of character needed to pursue them.

Contraception and abortion also play an important part in Beauvoirs project for reform. Birth control helps women to be more sexually adventurous and promiscuous and less dependent on one man for sex. Untroubled about the consequences of sex, women might take the initiative in sexual matters, perhaps even becoming the controlling partner and escaping the aforementioned posture of defeat.[REF] To help this along, Beauvoir follows Freud, arguing that passive women are sexually frigid, repressed, narcissistic, and nervous.[REF]

By limiting women to performing Sisyphean, 'tiresome, empty, monotonous'household tasks, marriage 'mutilates'and 'annihilates'the wife. In marriage, 'her life is virtually finished forever.'

In Beauvoirs view, to be a passive woman is to be an uninteresting lover, relying ineffectually on looks and makeup to keep the interest of a man. However, the availability of birth control and abortion is only a point of departure for the liberation of women,[REF] because women must also believe that using birth control methods is honorable, necessary, a key contribution to the good life, and perhaps even an exercise in social responsibility. Their sex lives must express their independence; they must never be dependent on any particular person for satisfaction.

Beauvoir goes beyond appeals that we make contraception and abortion legal and provide public provision for both. Since unprotected sex could lead to motherhood, the best way to encourage the use of birth control is through a forceful critique of motherhood and family life that calls into question not only their naturalness, but also their nobility and our need for them. As she says in reflecting on The Second Sex (and with the assistance of Shulamith Firestones powerful elaboration of her thought), I think that the family must be abolished.[REF]

For Beauvoir, the false elevation of motherhood captures the gendered sexual division of labor of the past, with men pursuing interesting careers while women mind the home. By limiting women to performing Sisyphean, tiresome, empty, monotonous household tasks, marriage mutilates and annihilates the wife. In marriage, her life is virtually finished forever.[REF] Moreover, according to Beauvoir, no man doing creative work outside the home could respect a woman who is just a housewife. Marriage therefore provides scant protection and satisfaction for women. No wonder it marks a boring, slow assassination of life for both husbands and wives.[REF]

As a practical matter, Beauvoir imagines a future in which women use contraception to avoid this slow death in life as mothers and wives. The combination of readily available contraception and the fundamental critique of motherhood opens the door, for Beauvoirs feminist followers, to new practices such as state-funded day care and new technologies such as cloning that may very well continue the process of gender deconstruction and liberation.

In leveling this critique, Beauvoir suggests that all or most aspects of what had been regarded as rooted in sex (e.g., motherhood) are really socially constructed and hence changeable.[REF] For those who would argue that the differences between the bodies of men and women place limits on how much social experimentation can be undertaken, Beauvoir answers emphatically: The situation does not depend on the body; the reverse is true.[REF] It is how we conceive of the body that matters, not the body itself.

If biological essentialists collapsed gender into sex, Beauvoir does the opposite: There is no sex, no natural woman or man, no stable meaningful biology underlying an [a]bsolute man or woman; women and men are social construction or gender all the way down. Sex, too is only gender if human beings would but interpret it creatively. Human ingenuity, responding creatively to changes in our situation and manipulating the situation itself with technology (e.g., contraception and later genetic engineering), can manufacture a new woman and a new man. Transcendent individuals create themselves, freed from societys gender roles, nature, and sex.

Beauvoir does not detail what awaits human beings once legal changes, new stories, myths and clichs, and advances in technology come about. Women will be autonomous individuals, she writes. Each woman will finally be a full human being able to live in and for herself.[REF] Subsequent thinkers follow where Beauvoir points and provide a more vivid picture of what a world of transcendent human beings would look like.

Beauvoir Comes to America: Betty Friedan and the Construction of a Healthy Human Identity

Moving beyond traditional ideas of man or woman raises the question of what now constitutes human identity. Betty Friedans The Feminine Mystique (1963) accepts Beauvoirs intellectual framework and conclusions regarding the psychology of human identity. Friedan, however, rearticulates these in a manner more congenial to American politics and modern lifethat is, in terms of the emerging science of human liberation characteristic of American Progressivism.

Friedan claims to have been just a simple suburban girl when she ran across Beauvoirs thought:

It was The Second Sex that introduced me to an existentialist approach to reality and political responsibilitythat in effect freed me from the rubrics of authoritative ideology and led me to whatever original analysis of womens existence that I have been able to contribute to the Womens Movement and its unique politics. When I first read The Second Sex in the early Fifties, I was writing housewife on the census blanks, still in the unanalyzed embrace of the feminine mystique.[REF]

Friedan uses the term feminine mystique to describe the complex of laws, opinions, and pressures that turn women into the sexually passive housewives that Beauvoir called the second sex. Friedan brought Beauvoirs abstract endorsement of transcendence, suggestive of making human beings into gods, down from the heavens and packaged it in terms more consistent with Americas dedication to individual rights. The prevailing Progressive ideology, captured in Americas universities, put the new science in the service of cultural reconstruction to support healthy, chosen human identities.

For Friedan, the old patriarchal science had long reinforced the feminine mystique, counseling women to find fulfillment in their distinctive wifely and motherly tasks. According to that science, women of Friedans day should have been satisfied, fulfilling their destinies as wives and mothers during the baby boom.

Friedan, however, diagnosed a discontentment traceable to a disjunction between societys expectations and womens real dreams. In her estimation, women of the 1950s and early 1960s yearned to escape their immanent fates and suffered from boredom, feeling trapped and sensing that they had nothing important to do. They suffered from the problem that has no name.[REF] This problem, she says, is a problem that no onenot scientists, doctors, counselors, psychiatrists, or the popular presshas yet identified.

A woman who allows society to define her life for her has what Betty Friedan calls a 'forfeited self'with 'no goal, no purpose, no ambitionmaking her stretch and grow beyond the small score of years in which her body can fill its biological function.'Such a woman commits 'a kind of suicide.'

A woman who allows society to define her life for her has what Friedan calls a forfeited self with no goal, no purpose, no ambition patterning her days into the future, making her stretch and grow beyond the small score of years in which her body can fill its biological function. Such a woman commits a kind of suicide.[REF]

Stirring next to the old patriarchal science was a new liberating science that would show how old ideas actually disabled women. It would establish the importance of human liberation to a healthy identity. The core of the problem for women today, Friedan contends, is a problem of identitya stunting or evasion of growth that is perpetuated by the feminine mystique.[REF] Friedan writes:

I think the experts in a great many fields have been holding pieces of that truth under their microscopes for a long time without realizing it. I found pieces of it in certain new research and theoretical developments in psychology, social and biological science whose implications for women seem never to have been examined. I became aware of a growing body of evidence, much of which has not been reported publicly because it does not fit the current modes of thought about womenevidence which throws into question the standards of feminine normality, feminine adjustment, feminine fulfillment, and feminine maturity.[REF]

Instead of living according to the feminine mystique, each woman must solve her own identity crisis by finding the work, or the cause, or the purpose that evokescreativity.[REF] Creative work fosters genuine struggle, and such struggle fosters personal growth. Through such creativity, women can become their true selves and achieve self-actualization, a phrase Friedan borrows from mid-century psychologist Abraham Maslow.

Maslow, a leading light of the new liberating science, argues that achieving the highest levels of happiness requires giving up a simpler and easier and less effortful life as a mother and wife in exchange for a more demanding, more difficult life pursuing a larger mission concerned with the good of mankind.[REF] Self-actualized people possess the full use and exploitation of talents, capacities, potentialities. Such people seem to be fulfilling themselves and to be doing the best that they are capable of doing and to be conscious of it.[REF] They have good self-confidence, self-assurance, high evaluation of the self, feelings of general capability or superiority, and lack of shyness, timidity, self-consciousness or embarrassment.[REF]

A fully developed woman will strive beyond femaleness to the full humanness she shares with males, Maslow writes.[REF] At the pinnacle of human motivation is the desire for self-actualization, which Maslow defines as growththe striving toward health, the quest for identity and autonomy, the yearning for excellence.[REF]

Following Maslow, Friedan sees such people moving beyond privatism toward some mission in lifeoutside themselves, enjoying sexual pleasures more than others because they have a stronger sense of their own individuality, and loving out of gifted love and spontaneous admiration instead of a needy love informed by personal dependence.[REF] Friedan applies Maslows theory and concludes that old gender roles immiserate women and that self-actualized women would be happy.[REF] A self-actualized person is psychologically freemore autonomous.[REF]

Friedan marks a second wave of progressive political thought in which New Deal Progressivisms focus on reconstructing the economy changed to the 1960s sexual revolutions focus on reconstructing major cultural institutions and bringing forth a new kind of self-actualized human being/woman. She frames issues of healthy identity clinically, in terms of promoting psychological health, and links the realization of liberation or autonomy to what promotes mental health, personal fulfillment, and self-actualization, all framed in a largely value-neutral way: It is possible to be fulfilled so long as one constructs his or her own destiny, regardless of the destiny chosen.

This contains an implicit critique of women living traditional roles unless they can independently and self-consciously understand and embrace all that such roles entail. The task for psychiatrists, parents, government generally, and educators is to ensure that no individual is forced to conform to societys preconceived notions of proper living and that all individuals are free to choose their own identities. It is a task involving continual diagnosis and an ongoing search for a remedy.

After the publication of The Feminine Mystique, exposing the influence of patriarchy and realizing the promise of a new future for individual growth became linchpins for the scientific enterprise. Science had uncovered the hidden power of gender and hence could point to the gap between what women have been and what women on a path to self-actualization could become. In this stream of thought, healthy human identity for women lay beyond societys prevailing notions of gender.

Kate Millett and the Fully Realized Sexual Revolution

Kate Millett, whose Sexual Politics (1970) is the first major feminist book to embrace the distinction between the words sex and gender, marks perhaps the culmination of feminist thinking. Millett points to the need to reconstruct academic disciplines, especially the social sciences and humanities, with a new focus on structures of gender oppression that have subjugated women. Universities become doubly central to social transformation, on Milletts view: They identify the sources of social indoctrination and oppression from which women and others must be liberated, and they recommend methods for constructing a world without gender.

Milletts theory of sexual politics includes a research agenda for the new science of liberation in which biology, sociology, economics, anthropology, psychology, history, and other disciplines should be directed toward demonstrating how gender has been socially constructed in the past. The clear implication is that such constructions can be dismantled and a new society constructed with the assistance of these and other disciplines.[REF]

Kate Milletts theory of sexual politics includes a research agenda for the new science of liberation in which biology, economics, psychology, and other disciplines should be directed toward demonstrating how gender has been socially constructed in the past.

This liberating science can identify and condemn the sources of oppression, but by itself, it can only give a glimpse of what a future world without gender would be like. Producing a revolution of ideas regarding sex and gender would require a work of imagination promoted through all public institutions: Universities (especially the new humanities) and popular culture would all play a part in undertaking such an exercise of imagination to produce this revolution. Millett imagines that a fully realized sexual revolution would have three main facets.

First, a sexual revolution would abolish the ideology of male supremacy and the traditional socialization by which it is upheld in matters of status, role, and temperament, leading to the integration of the separate sexual subcultures, an assimilation of both sides of previously segregated human experience.[REF] Roles in child-rearing, for instance, would likely fade and eventually disappear as parental roles became less gender-defined and more androgynous.

Another alleged element of male ideology is the tradition of romantic love as central to relations between men and women. Love, perhaps even more than childbearing, is the pivot of womens oppression, Shulamith Firestone writes.[REF] Women, for Firestone, seem dreamy about love, emotions, and relationships. This preoccupation detains them while men pursue creative work on their own. Women thus seem more monogamous, better at loving, possessive, clinging, more interested in (highly involved) relationships than in sex per se.

Because men and women are not equally vulnerable in love (men can get out of a love relationship with fewer economic or emotional consequences), love is not possible without a complete social revolution in which men and women can be equally vulnerable (or equally invulnerable) and mutually supportive of (or equally indifferent to) one another. It is not the process of love itself that is at fault, but its political, i.e., unequal power context: the who, why, when, and where of it is what makes it now such a holocaust.[REF]

Second, a drastic change in the patriarchal proprietary family is necessary for women to secure complete economic independence. Women must obviously secure fulfilling employment outside of the home. An important corollary to this goal, writes Millet, is the end of the present chattel status and denial of right to minors.[REF]

The dependence of children is an invention of patriarchy, in this view, designed to make women feel as if they are needed to raise them. A charter of rights for minors would foster their independence from the family, freeing mothers from it as well. With fewer marital duties, women would be freer to pursue economic independence outside marriage. According to this theory, childhood appears to be a gender tooa phase of life invented by society that creates expectations for how needy children should act. Thus, the abolition of gender requires movement toward the abolition of childhood.

The dependence of children is an invention of patriarchy, in this view, designed to make women feel as if they are needed to raise them. A charter of rights for minors would foster their independence from the family, freeing mothers from it as well.

Beauvoir nodded in this direction after learning from Firestones The Dialectic of Sex that, in Beauvoirs words, women will not be liberated until they have been liberated from their children and by the same token, until children have also been liberated from their parents.[REF] Such liberation may also require artificial reproduction (i.e., cloning) and the professionalization of child care or a willingness to leave children free to develop on their own as in the case of ghetto children, as Firestone notes.[REF] In fact, both Beauvoir and Firestone envision children freely experimenting sexually,[REF] becoming economically viable and major contributors to a future society on par with adults. Because of this, curtailing parental rights falls under the rubric of securing independence for women.

Third, sexual revolution also requires an end to traditional sexual inhibitions and taboos, particularly those that most threaten patriarchal monogamous marriage: homosexuality, illegitimacy, adolescent, and pre- and extra-marital sexuality. Restrictions on sexual activity reinforce ideas of monogamous romantic love, parental responsibility, economic dependence, and other cultural attributes that define traditional family life. Emancipating sexuality from such restrictions would help to divorce marriage from sexuality and allow individuals to express primal human drives without inhibition. Sex has supposedly been repressed and channeled toward responsible reproduction, but under conditions of sexual freedom, all sexual outlets would receive equal public approval.[REF]

In Milletts view, cultivating an individual identity instead of dully accepting the identity proposed by society fosters a healthier, happier individual. The mismatch between societys artificial demands and the requirements of individual fulfillment, identified by Friedan as the problem that has no name, is central to the scientific project. The way to a world of fulfillment and liberation passes through a three-pronged sexual revolution: It requires the destruction of patriarchal sources of socialization, the cultivation of an ethic of individuality, and the removal of sexual inhibitions.

In Milletts view, the way to a world of fulfillment and liberation passes through a three-pronged sexual revolution: It requires the destruction of patriarchal sources of socialization, the cultivation of an ethic of individuality, and the removal of sexual inhibitions.

Milletts sexual revolution, while it represents the fully built-out feminist project, also has profound implications for the acceptance of homosexuality, transgenderism, and other issues of gender identity. Realization of feminist ambitions demands transcending womens issues narrowly defined. It implicates changing our ideas about children, love, manhood, and even the existence of these categories as such. The theoretical mission initiated in Beauvoirs thought has many direct applications for political practice and daily life as it deconstructs what people take for granted as a matter of course.

The Third Wave: The Rolling Revolution and Transgenderism

Friedans emphasis on identity led reformers to apply the identity-crisis concept beyond women, first to homosexuality, then to natural sexual aberrations, and most recently to transgender individuals. This initiated a third wave of feminism that seeks to move beyond the binary character of Beauvoirs feminism toward her hopes for an indefinitely open future of sexual identities.[REF]

Transsexual Ambiguities. Advances beyond second-wave feminism include the changing evaluation of transsexuals (people who undergo sex-change operations) and those born with sexual aberrations such as hermaphrodites. Second-wave feminists recognized the importance to their theories of those who are born with anatomical aberrations. Beauvoir, Germaine Greer, and Millett allude to sexual aberrations to show that the concept of nature with which sex is associated is not always unambiguous.[REF] Nature, they note, does not reliably produce human beings who are identifiably male or female.

Second-wave feminists embraced Robert Stollers scientific work on the grip that gender apparently has on human identity. Stoller established the Gender Identity Center at the University of CaliforniaLos Angeles in 1965 and wrote Sex and Gender (1968), a very influential book.

For Stoller, sex has connotations of anatomy and physiology, while gender relates to the tremendous areas of behavior, feelings, thoughts, and fantasies thatdo not have primarily biological connotations. While sex and gender seem to common sense inextricably bound together[the] two realmsare not inevitably bound in anything like a one-to-one relationship and may go in quite independent ways.[REF] Gender may in fact exist contrary to anatomy and physiology, as in the case of those who are born with anatomical features of both men and women:

Although the external genitalia (penis, testes, scrotum) contribute to the sense of maleness, no one of them is essential for it, not even all of them together. In the absence of complete evidence, I agree with Money and the Hampsons who show in their large series of intersexed [those with features of both sexes] patients that gender role is determined by postnatal forces, regardless of the anatomy and physiology of the external genitalia.[REF]

Stoller views gender identity as shaped by important social and sexual experiences in the first 18 months of life. So stubborn is gender identity that it would be easier, he argues, to surgically change the sex of an adolescent male assigned as a female at birth and raised as a girl than it would be to change his gendered sense of self.

Therewith, Stoller points to the trailblazer in transsexual activism, John Money, cofounder of the Johns Hopkins Gender Identity Clinic in 1965. Money was involved in winning approval for sexual reassignment surgery in 1966 and in creating the transsexual category for those with mixed sexual identities.

Money won fame for the case of David Reimer, catalogued by Money and coauthor Patricia Tucker in Sexual Signatures (1976). A botched circumcision at eight months left the boy without a penis. Johns Hopkins staff convinced Davids parents to castrate the boy and raise him as a girl renamed Brenda according to conventional standards. No vagina was added to make Brenda a girl physically. Annual follow-up visits proved how well all [parties] succeeded in adjusting to that decision.[REF]

Money thought this case proved that the gender identity gate is open at birth for a normal child no less than for one born with unfinished sex organsand that it stays open at least for something over a year after birth.[REF] Both David and his brother Brian would die before reaching 40, each by his own hand after a history of mental illness.[REF]

After relating David Reimers story, Money relates several others about well-adjusted patients who physically transitioned from one sex to the other at the ages of 11 and 12, suggesting that the gender identity gate may remain open much longer than 18 months.[REF] The door to ever-later sex reassignment surgery seems open. More important from the perspective of second-wave feminism, the door is open to a greater role for human choice concerning the creation of identity or self-conception and to the idea of gender fluidity independent of the body.[REF]

Some second-wave feminists endorsed Moneys approach because its ideas about femininity and masculinity seemed malleable and because it suggested that the body does not imply a fixed destiny. This philosophical alliance between feminists and Money and his scientific acolytes had a political hue as well: Few things erode the ideology of male supremacy and the traditional socialization as much as problematizing the biological basis of identity.[REF]

Judith Butler: Queer Theory, Homosexual Advocacy, and Transgender Rights

In this rolling revolution, the supposed insights of one generation can become an obstacle in the next. Chief among the third-wave critics of such second-wave alliances is Judith Butler.

Those who were performing the gender reassignment surgeries thought of themselves as breaking new ground, but to Butler, they were merely reinforcing societys tendency to view people as either women or men. Butler thinks that these surgeries call for a serious and increasingly popular critique of idealized gender dimorphism within the transsexual movement itselfone that will lead to a world in which mixed genital attributes might be accepted and loved without having to transform them into a more socially coherent or normative notion of gender.[REF]

Butler links third-wave feminism to developments in queer theory, homosexual advocacy, and transgender rights.[REF] Queer theory holds that all expressions of gender and sexuality are socially constructed and hence changeable, with the hope that celebrating the supposedly queer lifestyles will undermine or problematize fixed notions of personal identity and rigid distinctions.[REF] Societys way of pigeonholing individuals into binary male and female categories is especially prominent. Queer theory finds liberation beyond the binary and beyond the normal. Among those liberated through a wide acceptance of queer theory would be transgendered people, whose self-conception transcends supposedly normal conceptions of gender but who do not necessarily reconfigure their bodies to accommodate this self-conception.

Feminists may once have opposed the inclusion of homosexual (queer), drag (men dressed as women), butch (masculine lesbians), femme (feminine lesbians), and transgender persons in their movement because such individuals undermined the idea of sisterhood that bound the movement together.[REF] Early homosexual activists similarly seemed to accept the idea of homosexual or heterosexual orientation as embedded in a persons genetic makeup or as somehow natural.

According to third-wave theorists, their feminist predecessors were insufficiently radical because they did not reject the binary character of gender and instead just encouraged supposedly 'immanent'women to perform more like 'transcendent'men.

Butler and others among this third wave accept the feminist divorce of sex from gender and its aspiration to move beyond gender or to undo gender. According to third-wave theorists, their feminist predecessors were insufficiently radical because they did not reject the binary character of gender and instead just encouraged supposedly immanent women to perform more like transcendent men.

For Butler, gender itself is an imposition, an act of pseudoviolence integrated into our language and expectations. There is no real, natural gender for Butler, nor is there a natural or proper expression of sexuality. Gender and sexuality are performances arising from and constituting common life. For her understanding of social norms, Butler relies especially on French post-structuralist philosopher Michel Foucault, who seeks to expose political power as it manifests itself in our ideas of truth, reality, and language, all of which reinforce the dominant groups vision of political power and make its way of life implicitly normal. Society exerts this power subtly by constructing truth and reality and thereby constructs a theory of which categories count as human. Many subtle things in society, for instance, from religious teaching to popular culture, encourage people to expect love relations between men and women. These expectations must be exposed as artificial so that a more open and queer future can arise. Foucaults History of Sexuality, to use Butlers more technical language, exposes the mechanism of coercion behind the modern preference for heterosexual sex in the hope of liberating a more polymorphous expression of sexual desire and, ultimately, new engenderings.[REF]

Leslie Feinberg, whose pamphlet Transgender Liberation: A Movement Whose Time Has Come (1992) likely offers the first full treatment of the transgender phenomenon, echoes Friedans account of the discrimination suffered by the transgendered as an oppression without a name because it is so engrained in culture as to appear natural.[REF] Engendering has been an unseen violence that in Butlers words emerges from a profound desire to keep the order of binary gender to appear natural or necessary, to make of it a structure, either natural or cultural or both, which no human being can oppose, and still remain human.[REF]

Undoing gender requires empowerment of those who fantasize about and also perform different gender spectacles, revealing fluid and transgressive possibilities of new realities. Butlers Gender Trouble[REF] emphasizes the transgressive nature of drag and cross-dressing, while her Undoing Gender adds transgender as the latest new gender performance. When something [seemingly] unreal, Butler writes, lays claim to realitysomething other than a simple assimilation into prevailing norms can and does take place. The norms themselves become rattled, display their instability, and become open to resignification.[REF]

Accordingly, a more developed feminism would integrate queer theory because queers struggle to rework the norms and posit a different future for the norm itself. They make us not only question what is real and what must be, but they also show us how the norms that govern contemporary notions of reality can be questioned and how new modes of reality can become instituted, just as feminists hope.[REF] With new transgressive possibilities, a new legitimating lexicon forgender complexity can develop within law, psychiatry, social and literary theory.[REF]

Freedom from societys impositions or constructions is not enough. In a future of transgender liberation, say third-wave theorists, a thousand genders will bloom because the public will recognize the legitimacy, even the beauty, of all gender performances.

Thus, a recognition of transgenderism is consistent with the philosophical premises of second-wave feminism (i.e., divorcing ones body from ones identity) and also furthers the three political goals of sexual revolution that Millett articulates. It moves beyond second-wave feminists because the ground won by those activists has been won, and new fields of conquest appear open.

Freedom from societys impositions or constructions is not enough, however. In a future of transgender liberation, say third-wave theorists, a thousand genders will bloom because the public will recognize the legitimacy, even the beauty, of all gender performances. We are not carving out a place for autonomy, Butler writes, if by autonomy we mean a state of individuation, taken as self-persisting prior to and apart from any relations of dependency on the world of others. Persons cannot persist without norms of recognition that support their persistence and build their mental health. Ones identity is never fully real or fully ones own until it is endorsed in and through the public authorities and recognized as such by ones fellow citizens. The very sense of personhood is linked to the desire for recognition, and that desire places us outside ourselves, in a realm of social norms that we do not fully choose.[REF]

It is difficult to imagine how the work of undoing gender could be completed: It seems to demand continual social transformation not only in the name of liberation from past impositions, but also as a way to secure recognition for tomorrows desires. Butler doubts whether we need norms to live, but all individuals need public recognition and affirmation for their identity to continue.

Butlers argument leads to a transgressive defense of same-sex marriage. Far from welcoming virtually normal couples into a traditional marriage culture, Butler embraces same-sex marriage because it creates gender trouble for marriage. It combats essentialism and upsets expected gender norms about heterosexuality within marriage. It introduces new realities such as open marriage, thereby creating new performances that perhaps may point toward dethroning marriage as an important public value and ending the legal recognition of marriage. In the long term, same-sex marriage may affirm transgressive performances by disrupting the old norm. Shaking the public recognition of marriage in this way is a step toward creating a more open future.[REF]

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Sex, Gender, and the Origin of the Culture Wars: An ...

Culture Wars – Modern War Institute

How can we study modern warfare through the lens of culture? Different armies fought in different ways for reasons that dont look very rational without considering cultural context. The ritualized tribal warfare of twentieth-century New Guinea looks more like middle school dodgeball than battle to us, but it probably would have been very familiar to the Mycenaean Greeks of the Iliad. When different cultural systems collide, the results can be devastating to one side until it adapts: in the initial Mongol invasion of Japan in 1274 the samurai challenged the invaders to single combat, only to discover with disastrous results that the Mongols did not share their idea of what a battle was supposed to be. And this isnt just a topic for military historians. Understanding how culture bounds the way we (and our enemies) think about warfare will help to ensure were on the winning side in future conflicts; better to be the marauding Mongols than the stupefied samurai, looking for a divine wind to save them from their lack of cross-cultural understanding.

The Push of the Hoplites

While many contemporary Westerners might assume that the ancient Greeksto whom we trace much of our cultural lineagemust naturally have had a similar cultural perspective on war as we do today, looking closely at the conduct of their wars shows this not to be the case. In most Greek city-states in the late Archaic period, only the wealthier members of society could become hoplites and serve in the military. Rather than using their income to hire others to fight for them, the yeoman farmers of the Greek city-states bought heavy armor and went to battle themselves. Clashes between city-states could arise from practical concerns like trade disputes, but they also could have their roots in longstanding grudges (like between the Argives and Spartans). Whatever the conflict, the Greeks met their adversaries, who were similarly composed of heavy infantry, on open ground and fought a decisive battle to resolve the issue at hand. Whoever won the battle erected a tropaion (from which we get the word trophy) of enemy armor to commemorate their victory, an act which would get an American soldier time at Leavenworth rather than accolades.

The cultural bounds of warfare arent irrational or crazy; in fact, they could be highly effective, as evidenced by the trouncing the hoplites gave to the Persians at Marathon in 490 BC and later at Thermopylae and Plataea. Throughout history, cultural influence has also reinforced domestic regimes and helped to limit the bounds of warfare. When the Athenians broke with tradition by refusing to meet the Spartans in open battle at the start of the Peloponnesian War, instead choosing to hide behind their Long Walls, it began a uniquely long and devastating war. To us, this seems obviousif you are facing a superior enemy force, you avoid battle. To the Greeks, however, this was a revolution. By unmooring war from its previous cultural bounds, the Athenians opened the way for all sorts of social change. Mercenaries became common, the Greeks started using light missile troops called peltasts, and there was domestic upheaval. When Athens began hiring the poorest members of society as rowers for long periods of time, for example, it empowered them and led to a more radical democracy.

The relationship between culture and warfare for the Greeks, then, was not static but evolved over time. Ascribing specific characteristics to particular groups over wide periods of times (all Europeans fight this way or Greeks have always fought like this) leads to mistaken analyses. Nor is culture a rigidly deterministic rule: there are always exceptions. But culture does demonstrably have an important macro-level impact on war, which can be sorted into three categories: who fights, how they fight, and why they fight. What do we find when we move beyond historical examination and apply this framework to modern combatants?

Ideal Society, Ideal Army

The cultural ideal of a society manifests itself in the way that society structures itself for war. In the case of the Greeks, the societal ideal of a landed yeomanry translated into a uniform phalanx of heavy infantry. For many feudal cultures, however, the division between noble and peasant was reflected by a contrast between well-armored mounted knights and lowly foot soldiers. Today, by contrast, given the sophistication of contemporary weaponry, there are comparatively fewer situations in which culture defines the equipment of individual soldiers.

Instead, culture is reflected in the command-and-control structures of contemporary militaries. One of the most insightful commentaries on this aspect of contemporary conflict and culture can be found in Kenneth Pollacks Arabs at War, which seeks to explain why Arab countries since the Second World War have not done well in war. Pollack cites the extremely hierarchical nature of Arab regimes, often centered on a strong man, as a cultural factor that has led to a lack of initiative and mutual suspicion between officers. Only members of the military close to the strong man can give orders, and closeness is often determined by family ties, as was the case under Saddam Husseins regime. Contemporary social structures are not expressed in modern Arab warfare by owning a suit of mail and a horse, but rather by having the cell phone number of the chief.

Cultural ideals in modern warfare do, however, influence who can and who cannot fight. The most striking example of this is in the role of women. While most combatant groups reflect particular societal values by not allowing women to fight, othersthose with leftist ideology roots like the FARC in Columbia or various Kurdish militias, for examplereadily use women as combatants.

Alls Fair in Love and War... Except for What Isnt

What tactics are acceptable in combat? Between societies of similar cultural backgrounds, the array of permissible tactics can be very circumscribed; between groups with different cultural norms, the use of certain tactics by opponents can seem abhorrent. On the modern battlefield, for instance, utilizing soldiers as suicide warriors is generally viewed as repugnant by Western audiences, but is perfectly acceptable to other groups. Radical Islamists who undertake suicide bombings interpret the Koran to define such attacks as not only allowable but also commendable. From a tactical standpoint, suicide attacks make a lot of sense: human beings can provide sophisticated guidance for explosive payloads without the need for the technological systems and industrial capacity of Western militaries. This is made especially clear by videos of suicide bombings by ISIS in Mosul; without computer chips or laser designators, a human can deliver high explosives to a very specific target. But while this makes sense tactically for many armed groups without high technology, only some of them use it because of cultural constraints.

Suicide bombing also illustrates the many difficulties we have in defining a culture. Ascribing the use of suicide tactics solely to Islamic militant groups is clearly incorrect; non-Islamic groups like the Tamil Tigers used suicide bombing, and the Japanese had their kamikaze pilots during World War II. Even within the Iraqi insurgency, religiously motivated groups like al-Qaeda used suicide bombing extensively, while nationalist Iraqi groups tended not to. Some cultural aspects extend uniformly throughout a society, while others are confined to specific, sub-societal organizations (for instance, we often discuss the Armys culture vis--vis that of other services).

Besides suicide bombing, we see other disagreements on the bounds of proper warfare: while the Assad regime and ISIS both use chemical weapons, most members of the international community view them as anathema. In making predictions about the Russian intervention in Syria, someone who assumed that they had the same cultural attitudes towards collateral damage as Americans might have expected only limited Russian bombing because the effectiveness of strikes in the absence of real-time intelligence and high-precision munitions is certain to be low. A student of the differences in Russian and American strategic culture, however, might have predicted that the Russians would adopt a satisficing close-enough philosophy that would allow them to be militarily effective by bombing targets in civilian areas with unguided munitions. Different cultures continue to produce different battlefield tactics in the twenty-first century.

Why Are We Even fighting in the First Place?

When different cultures meet, even the causes of conflict can be confusing. Take, for example, the meeting between the conquistadors and the Aztecs. The conquistadors fought wars to conquer territory and eliminate rivals, while the Aztecs fought to take sacrificial victims rather than to conquer opponents. Different perspectives on why a conflict is occurring inevitably complicate efforts to end it.

Cultural misunderstandings of the causes of conflict have bedeviled efforts in Americas post-9/11 wars. In Iraq, American leaders initially attributed the nascent insurgency to regime dead-enders, without understanding the tensions between Sunni and Shiite Arabs. In the event of a breakdown of the government in America, the battle lines would probably not be drawn along ethnic (Irish vs. Italian) or religious (Mormon vs. Protestant) lines; in the cultural context of Iraq, however, this was the case.

In Afghanistan, too, an inability to understand different cultural frames of reference has hurt us. Some authors like Sarah Chayes attribute the breakdown in security in Afghanistan to corruption; if all government employees in the United States started demanding bribes to do their jobs, we would similarly be upset. In cultures across the world, however, governments are endemically corrupt but there are no rebellions; corruption does not lead ineluctably to grievance. As a Marine officer in Afghanistan, we held several shura (townhall) meetings in Sangin in 2011. Invariably, the locals complained about our patrols staying overnight in compounds, which was offensive to them because they had women there. And invariably, the commanders expressed their sympathy and continued to do it. This was nowhere near as egregiously offensive to Pashtun culture, however, as the efforts to educate and empower women; while eminently sensible and moral in our eyes, it was a huge cause for grievance in the eyes of a different culture. While the importance of cultural sensitivity was often mentioned in our interventions, it sadly was not really understood.

Culture and Modern War

Culture is a nebulous term that is always changing; it would be great to be able to talk about a uniform American culture or an unchanging Arab one, but alas, the world is more complicated than that. Changes in culture within the same society can lead to dramatic battlefield results: take, for example, the levee en masse. The cultural shift created by French Revolutionary ideals allowed France to mobilize a massive citizen army in the levee en masse; subscribing to different cultural ideals of traditional authority, the other European monarchies could not mobilize its subjects in the same way. The result was that the French could stave off the combined forces of the other European powers and even, under Napoleon, defeat them until they adopted similar reforms. If we didnt understand that political culture impacts war fighting, we would be baffled as to why France, who had struggled for centuries to achieve hegemony in Europe, was suddenly able to do so. We would similarly be unable to understand why ISIS uses suicide bombing but the Kurds do not or how Russia has been able to prop up the Syrian regime. If we dont recognize how culture influences why people fight, we wont be able to recognize coming wars until its too late. And if we dont see how cultures shape how people fight, we wont be able to win those wars when they come.

Matthew Cancian is a PhD student in Security Studies and International Relations at MIT. He formerly served as an artillery officer in the Marine Corps, deploying to Sangin, Afghanistan as a forward observer. The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, the Department of Defense, or the US government.

Image credit: Kurdishstruggle

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Culture Wars - Modern War Institute

How Fonts Are Fueling the Culture Wars | WIRED

Typography is undergoing a public renaissance. Typography usually strives to be invisible, but recently its become a mark of sophistication for readers to notice it and have an opinion. Suddenly, people outside of the design profession seem to care about its many intricacies. Usually, this awareness focuses on execution. This years Oscars put visual hierarchy on the map. XKCD readers will never miss an opportunity to point out bad keming. And anyone on the internet can tell you, Comic Sans has become a joke.

Ben Hersh is a designer at Medium.

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But by focusing on the smaller gaffes, were missing the big picture. Typography is much bigger than a gotcha moment for the visually challenged. Typography can silently influence: It can signify dangerous ideas, normalize dictatorships, and sever broken nations. In some cases it may be a matter of life and death. And it can do this as powerfully as the words it depicts.

Youve seen blackletter typography before. Its dense, old-fashioned, and elaborate. It almost always feels like an anachronism. It looks like this:

But usually when you see it in popular culture, it looks more like this:

Or like this:

You probably know blackletter as the script of choice for bad guys, prison tattoos, and black metal album artand you wouldnt be wrong.

Blackletter looks esoteric and illegible now, but it started off as a normal pattern that people across Europe used every day for hundreds of years. It stayed that way until pretty recently. It reigned as the dominant typeface in the English-speaking world for several generations, and remains popular in parts of the Spanish-speaking world today.

One particularly ominous use of Blackletter type in Nazi Germany.

Why dont we use blackletter anymore? The answer is literally Hitler. Nazi leadership used Fraktur, an archetypal variety of blackletter, as their official typeface. They positioned it as a symbol of German national identity and denounced papers that printed with anything else.

As you might imagine, the typeface hasnt aged well in the post-war period. In just a few years, blackletter went from ordinary to a widespread taboothe same way the name Adolf and the toothbrush mustache have been all but eradicated.

The Nazis played a part in this. In 1941, the regime re-characterized Fraktur as *Judenletter, *Jewish letters, and systematically banned it from use. The long history of Jewish writers and printers had tainted the letterforms themselves, they argued, and it was time for Germany to move on. Historians speculate that the reversal had more to do with the logistics of occupying countries reliant on Latin typefaces, but the result was the same. No printed matter of any kind could use Fraktur, for German audiences or abroad. Even blackletter handwriting was banned from being taught in school.

Think about that: The government of one of the worlds great powers banned a typeface. That is the power of a symbol.

We take it for granted that we can type any word with a keyboard, but really, you should check your anglophone privilege. In English, each letter stands on its own, while Arabic connects every letter in a word, allowing many letters to take on new shapes based on context. Arabic lends itself to lush and poetic calligraphy, but it doesnt square with traditional European methods for making typefaces.

Arabic calligraphy blurs the line between writing and art.

Wikimedia Commons

Much of the Arab world fell under Western colonial rule, and print communication remained a challenge. Rather than rethinking or expanding the conventions that had been designed around the Latin alphabet, the colonial powers changed Arabic. What we see in books and newspapers to this day is a ghost of Arabic script, reworked to use discrete letters that behave on a standard printing press.

Yakout, a popular typeface designed by the German-British company Linotype and Machinery Ltd.

Nahib Jaroudi, Linotype Design Studio/Fonts.com

Its not surprising that colonial powers would pull their subjects closer to their center of gravity. But even today, many Arab countries struggle with that legacy. There are over 100,000 ways to format a word in English; the Arabic world only has about 100 clunky typefaces to support communication between half a billion people.

Rana Abou Rjeily, a contemporary Lebanese designer, is reclaiming Arabic typography. After studying design in the US and UK, she developed Mirsaal, an experimental typeface to bridge the gap between Arabic and Latin text.

Ranas book is worth a read.

Courtesy of Rana Abou Rjeily

Mirsaal looks for the right balance of western conventions to make Arabic work in a modern context. It uses simplified, distinct letterforms, but with the goal of making written Arabic more expressive and authentic.

This isnt a purely symbolic exercise. The Middle East is dealing with political instability that stems from deep cultural divisions. It is not hard to imagine how a more robust written language might play some role in making a better future.

The Balkans are synonymous with fragmentation. The region has seen generations of violence, much spurred by the ethnic tensions within. Their typography reflects these divisions. The regional languages are a hodgepodge of typographic spheres: Latin, Blackletter, Cyrillic, and Arabic. Never mind the locally designed Glagolitic scripts.

A map of the dominant scripts across Europe, 1900.

Wikimedia Commons

Typography took on special meaning during the Cold War, as Latin and Cyrillic alphabets came to symbolize allegiance to global powers.

SVF2/Getty Images

Since the fall of the Soviet Union, typography continues to communicate political leanings, be they nostalgia for the Soviet era or alignment with the globalized West. Using the wrong typeface could get you in a lot of trouble.

In 2013, Croatian designers Nikola Djurek and Marija Juza created the East-West hybrid Balkan Sans. Balkan Sans uses the same glyphs to represent the equivalent letters in Latin and Cyrillic alphabets. In the words of its makers, it demystifies, depoliticizes, and reconciles them for the sake of education, tolerance, and, above all, communication.

Wikimedia Commons

Croatian and Serbian are similar languages that could hardly look more different in their written forms. Balkan Sans makes them mutually intelligible, so that two neighbors might be able to correspond over email without thinking twice. They transformed typography from a barrier between nations into an olive branch.

The US is not so different from the rest of the world when it comes to tribalism and conflicted identity. This has crystalized in last few months, and weve seen typography play a substantial role.

Hillary Clintons 2016 campaign logo.

Hillary Clinton ran for president with a slick logo befitting a Fortune 100 company. It had detractors, but I think well remember it fondly as a symbol of what could have beenclarity, professionalism, and restraint.

Donald Trump countered with a garish baseball cap that looked like it had been designed in a Google Doc by the man himself. This proved to be an effective way of selling Trumps unique brand.

Bloomberg/Getty Images

Im not interested in whether Clinton or Trump had good logos. Im interested in the different values they reveal. Clintons typography embodies the spirit of modernism and enlightenment values. It was designed to appeal to smart, progressive people who like visual puns. They appreciate the serendipity of an arrow that completes a lettermark while also symbolizing progress. In other words, coastal elites who like design.

Trumps typography speaks with a more primal, and seemingly earnest voice. Make America Great Again symbolizes Make America Great Again. It tells everyone what team youre on, and what you believe in. Period. It speaks to a distrust of clean corporate aesthetics and snobs who think theyre better than Times New Roman on a baseball cap. Its mere existence is a political statement.

The two typographies are mutually intelligible at first glance, but a lot gets lost in translation. We live in a divided country, split on typographic lines as cleanly as the Serbs and the Croats.

The next time you go shopping, download an app or send an email, take a second to look at the typography in front of you. Dont evaluate it. Dont critique it. Just observe it. What does it say about you? What does it say about the world you live in?

The stakes are higher than you think. The next generation of fascists will not love geometric sans serifs as much as Mussolini did. They wont be threatening journalists in blackletter.

The world is changing around us. We constantly debate and analyze the conflicts between the militaries, governments and cultures that surround us. But theres a visual war thats happening right in front of our eyes, undetected. Its powerto divide us or bring us togetherhinges on our choice to pay attention.

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How Fonts Are Fueling the Culture Wars | WIRED

Academic publishing is a mess and it makes culture wars …

In 1996, physicist Alan Sokal suspected that cultural studies lacked academic rigor. So he wrote an intentionally nonsensical paper, Transgressing the Boundaries: Towards a Transformative Hermeneutics of Quantum Gravity, and submitted it for publication in the respected academic journal Social Text. It was accepted. Sokal exposed the hoax, the embarrassed academics made their excuses, and the paper was retracted. The imbroglio was posed largely as a story of flimflam and imposture in postmodernism.

This year, mathematician Theodore P. Hill co-wrote a paper about how the variability of traits differ between men and women. Uh-oh! It was accepted for publication by the respected academic journal The New York Journal of Mathematics. But within days it was gone, leading to accusations that scientific ideas were being suppressed. Upon close reading, though, the paper turned out to be, as Fields Medalist Tim Gowers put it, "a bad mistake."

The imbroglio is still being posed largely as a story of academic censorship due to The Feminists.

And just last month, researcher Lisa Littman authored a paper suggesting a social contagion model of transgender identification, replete with a DSM-ready diagnosis named "Rapid Onset Gender Dysphoria." Once more eyeballs (not least those of angry trans activists) fell upon it, serious methodological flaws were noted and both Littman's university and the publishing journal, PLOS ONE, began cringing at what they had put their names to.

Censorship, etc.

Sokal was a scientist deliberately trolling the pompous appropriation of scientific terminology by sociologists. In these new papers, the authors sincerely believe in their work, but face accusations of shoddiness and inappropriate abstraction. Sokal was presented as evidence of academic fraudulence; the recent examples as evidence of academic censorship.

But these dynamics are shared:

1. Dubious work is accepted for publication in an academic journal.2. It is publicly debunked, making fools of the institutions involved.3. Retractions and other defensive PR exercises generate the bulk of media attention.

There are two things about this "Sokal model" of media attention that stand out to me, lowly humanities graduate that I am:

First, beware excuses from academic publishers and institutions. Whatever else it might accomplish, it evades discussion of the sausage factory of scientific publication, especially the failure of peer review and the fact no-one gets any sleep. It's worth thinking about how culture war debates might obscure the systematic flaws of process that aggravate them. Conversely, beware any story about culture war stuff that rides in on conveniently angry tide of academic conspiracy. You're promised steak, but you're getting cake.

Second, the scientific certitude of nonexpert journalists is taking on an uncanny air. It's a permission slip to glibly turn science stories in culture stories without addressing the science.

It even suggests a game! Can you get an internet knowitall to support any old horseshit so long as it serves their ideological vanity? Per Sokal that's a lefty postmodern trap, but we are all Post-Truth now. Just put your horseshit somewhere you know it'll get removed, wait for the censorship to happen, then tell someone about it. QED.

HARD MODE: SkepticsNORMAL MODE: LibertariansEASY MODE: "Classical liberals"STORY MODE: Target identifies or is identified as part of the Intellectual Dark Web.

Look, I know we've all got our stock stories and Ctrl-V at the ready. I'm just saying that academic publishing is a mess and it makes culture wars dumber.

Lots of folks celebrate Christmas by stashing their presents under the same reusable plastic and aluminum wire Christmas tree every winter: its a thoughtful, cost-efficient way to cut down on the amount of post holiday garbage that winds up in wood chippers or the local dump every year. However, a lot of people still like []

Scientists discovered and now described a previously unknown species of snake. Oddly though, they didnt collect this snake in the wild but rather found it inside the belly of another snake. The University of Texas at Arlington biologists have given the snack snake the official name of Cenaspis aenigma (mysterious dinner snake.) From National Geographic: []

In the early 20th century, Arthur Earland and Edward Heron-Allen volunteered at whats now called the Natural History Museum, London (NHM). The two men spent their time researching fossils of single-celled organisms with shells, called Foraminifera, cataloging the various species, and creating microscope slides of the specimens. But each year when Christmas came around, they []

Ever lost music, contacts or priceless pictures during an iPhone upgrade? Wed pay for iMazing 2 just to avoid the hassle of going through that ever again. But the trusty app does more than just store your data. It lets you access them on any device and store them however you need. This all-purpose data []

Ask any maker: The key to Raspberry Pis popularity is its versatility. The mini-computer can help kids learn basic coding, but its also a gateway to everything from retro gaming to a full Internet of Things upgrade for your home. If youre not sure where to start, the Complete Raspberry Pi Course Bundle is the []

Whether its a simple work memo or a dating profile, make no mistake: You are being judged as much on your grammar as on your content. Maybe even more so. If you want to avoid the simple errors that cloud your message, the WhiteSmoke Writing Assistant guards against so much more than simple spelling errors. []

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Academic publishing is a mess and it makes culture wars ...