Archive for the ‘Culture Wars’ Category

Nigel Farage is on track to securing a landslide for the Tories, as a shock poll in Grimsby shows – The Independent

Could Nigel Farage be about to give Boris Johnson the Christmas present the prime minister dare not hope for a Tory landslide?

Maybe. The constituency opinion poll in Grimsby by Survation for The Economist reputable brands both suggests it might not be out of the question. The shock poll as the Grimsby Telegraph describes it is precisely that. If the poll is to be believed, Grimsby would have a Tory MP for the first time in 74 years. Not only would that, but the Conservative candidate, Lia Nici, romp home, on a suggested 44 per cent of the vote. The Labour candidate, and incumbent, Melanie Onn, is on a mere 31 per cent. Despite her Eurosceptic credentials, her support is down from the 49 per cent she scored last time.

Actually the Tory vote share is more or less identical to what happened in the 2017 election the difference is that the Labour vote has collapsed, and the Brexit Party is on 17 per cent, up from the 4.6 per cent scored by Ukip back then (though less than the high water mark of 25 per cent in the 2015 general election). The Lib Dems and the rest are nowhere.

Sharing the full story, not just the headlines

There are lots of cross currents going on there, but the next effect is a swing from Labour to the Conservatives and, rather more strongly, from Labour to the Brexit Party.

The background is clear. Rightly or wrongly, people in Great Grimsby feel left behind; that when we entered the EU in 1973 we sacrificed the fishing trade; and that free movement has not done the town any favours. It has been, according to this view, left behind. It voted 70 per cent leave in the 2016 referendum.

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So is Nigel Farage maybe right after all?

Yes and no.

If you recall, his strategy is to leave sitting Tory MPs alone, but to go on the attack in safe Labour seats where, like Grimsby, there has been a Labour MP for decades, and where there is cultural resistance to voting Tory. So the Labour vote will swing the Farageists, and either the Tory will gain the seat as a result; or the swing to the Brexit Party will be so dramatic that one of Nigels own will be entering the Commons.

Of course we cannot know this for sure. There is no parallel universe where the Brexit Party isnt standing, and the Labour vote collapses anyway. The fact that Labour has gone from around 40 per cent of the vote in 2017 a surprisingly good show to about half of that now, might suggest Onn is doing better than the party nationally, on that measure.

But if the Farage strategy is right, it looks like he may have overdone it. He may have, as Michael Caine might say, blown the bloody doors off. The idea was that the Brexit party would allow Boris to squeak home and deliver Brexit but with a sold bloc of Brexit Party MPs to keep him honest to the Brexit cause.

Instead, we may be looking at a very substantial Tory majority indeed and possibly even a landslide, with no Brexit Party representation in the Commons at all. The anecdotal evidence suggests that in places such as Stoke-on-Trent North (a seat where Boris Johnson has to win to be forming a stable government) the Get Brexit Done message is getting through. If the Tories are winning in Grimsby, on anything like this sort of showing, then a comfortable majority and more is now coming into view. Remember too, the Tory MPs will have been purged of the likes of Ken Clarke, owe Johnson for their win, and be mostly very loyal.

After all, Grimsby is, formally, number 45 on the Tories target seat list, some way on from Stoke North (target number 36) and these Leave-inclined seats in the North Midlands and Wales would represent a new electoral a base for the Tories. They will be compensating for losses in Scotland, London and the south of England with some stunning symbolic victories. But not only that though: Boris Johnson will be responsible for the emergence of a new kind of politics of culture wars.

Other Labour losses, by the way, might include unseating Dennis Skinner in Bolsover (target number 70 5.7 per cent swing to win); Tony Blairs old seat in Sedgefield (target 91 7.3 per cent swing to win); or Peter Mandelsons in Hartlepool (target 110 9 per cent, on the outer reaches).

Thus, on December 12th the Conservatives might fail to hold Richmond Park or take apparently easy targets such as Canterbury or Kensington where Remain is strong but do far better than the average in places where, a few years ago, the idea of a Tory MP was science fiction stuff. Even in 1977, in the depths of the then Labour governments unpopularity, the party was still able to hang on in the by-election that saw Austin Mitchell sent to parliament, succeeding no less a figure than the social democratic guru Anthony Crosland. Labour heritage in the North is strong but not invulnerable. If the Tories wind up with, say, a 16-point lead on Labour, no amount of tactical voting can save us form a strong and stable Johnson administration.

The time has come, then, to imagine Boris Johnson not just winning, but winning big, and what a full five-year term under him would mean: dismantling the welfare state and public services; the suppression of the franchise; the politicisation of the civil service and the judiciary; tax cuts for the rich; further weakening of worker rights; and a general further skewing in the machinery of the British state towards the interest of the Tory party.

To me, it feel very much like the 1980s a split centre-left opposition, and a reluctance on the part of so many to conceive that anyone would be nasty and selfish enough to vote for the deceitful lying Conservatives, let alone that charlatan Johnson. Youd be better believe that they can, and they will. Even in Grimsby.

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Nigel Farage is on track to securing a landslide for the Tories, as a shock poll in Grimsby shows - The Independent

About Culture Wars

In the fall of 1980, E. Michael Jones was an assistant professor of American Literature at St. Marys College. After receiving his Ph.D. from Temple University in 1979, Jones had moved his wife and two children to South Bend, Indiana to begin what he thought was going to be a career in academic life. But God had other plans. One year into the six years of his tenure track position, Jones got fired because of his position on abortion. Getting fired for being against abortion at what called itself a Catholic college was something his professors at Temple found difficult to understand. Taking his cue from their incomprehension, Jones decided to abandon academe and start a magazine instead. Initially known as Fidelity and now as Culture Wars, that magazine set out to explore the disarray in the Catholic Church that led to his firing. Over the course of the next few years, Jones and a host of like-minded writers began to uncover the sad story of the subversion of the Catholic faith at the hands of fellow Catholics in the years following the Second Vatican Council. In an article which has since become a classic, William Coulson described how Carl Rogers used sensitivity training to destroy the Immaculate Heart nuns in Los Angeles. Jones documented Rev. Theodore Hesburghs alienation of Notre Dame from the Catholic faith and Hesburghs collaboration with the Rockefellers to undermine Church teaching on contraception which led to that theft of Church property. Joness expose of Medjugorje in 1988 caused massive shock waves and equally massive defections from the subscriber base.

Then in the early 90s Jones was appointed the biographer of John Cardinal Krol, then archbishop emeritus of the Archdiocese of Philadelphia, where Jones had grown up. After years of archival research, Jones told the real story of what happened to the Catholic Church in America during the 1960s with the publication of John Cardinal Krol and the Cultural Revolution. What previously looked like a civil war in the Church turned out to be a lot like Bismarcks Kulturkampf of the 1870s in Germany. The similarities persuaded Jones to change the name of the magazine in the mid-1990s to Culture Wars, his translation of Kulturkampf. Since that time Culture Wars has become the worlds main resource in understanding how cultural warfare has advanced the interests of the American Empire and its systems of political control. In 2015 Fidelity Press published David Wemhoffs book John Courtney Murray, Time/Life, and the American Proposition, which explains how Murray collaborated with Henry Luce, head of the Time/Life Empire, and C.D. Jackson of the CIA to infiltrate the Second Vatican Council and changes the Churchs teaching on the relationship between Church and State. Joness book Libido Dominandi: Sexual Liberation and Political Control in collaboration with the Polish Bishops pastoral led to the complete rout of what the bishops called gender ideology in Poland. In the past year, Jones has spoken on this and related topics in the United States, London, Berlin, Dar es Salaam, Musoma, Tehran, and Buenos Aires. Joness trip to Tanzania led to the newly released book The Broken Pump in Tanzania: Julius Nyerere and the Collapse of Development Economics.

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About Culture Wars

Talk:Culture war – Wikipedia

What is a Culture War?[edit]

I Have to agree with the person below, there is no clear definition of culture war or what occurs during one or because of one. THe stuff about Hunter has no contex to todays culture war in America and the campus wars shouldnt be a huge part of the fouxus, what should be is the actual disagreements in a Culture war. The page needs serious work. --Stonelance 22:33, 16 June 2007 (UTC)

What the hell is "The culture war (or culture wars) in American usage is a political conflict based on different idealized cultural values" meant to mean? It could be anything. At least include a decent definition of the article's bloody topic!

Aren't the culture wars the endless battle between secular liberals and evangelical Christian conservatives over social issues? If so, shouldn't the article discuss this in more detail instead of essay-style speculation--Robert Merkel

Unless this work is science fiction, how can it discuss events that have not yet occurred? 2005? -- Zoe

In the 20:57, 14 Sep 2004 version, this caught my eye: "The Boom Generation, who had control of the culture at the beginning of the era, came under attack from their next juniors, Generation X, who had a distinctive anti-Boom crossculture. These two generations are like oil and water: aggressive moralizers on one side, neo-hedonists on the other." This reads as if the boomers are the moralizers; however, I interpret it the opposite, so I changed it. Let's develop this by citing some sources... <>< tbc

I have removed the following:

It was unsourced original research and analysis.

[[User:Meelar|Meelar (talk)]] 19:11, Nov 30, 2004 (UTC)

I recognize this. It comes from Strauss & Howe - probably their book The Fourth Turning. While I'm not sure of the quote, this is certainly what's in their books. 50.96.27.108 (talk) 02:00, 14 October 2013 (UTC)

here is why. The culture war in America began with the "counter-culture revolution" in the 1960's. The dramatic revolution from traditional views of authority, sexuality, family, and American culture in general began in 60's - not the 80's. We saw the rise of the Moral Majority, Christian Coalition, Americans for Life, Focus on the Family as a response to what happened in the 1960's. The leaders of these movements all point back to the "counter-culture revolution" of the 1960's as a justification for organizing in the 1970's and 80's.The culture war was started by the secular left in the 60's. The religious right did not begin an effective response until the late 70's. (Anonymous post from 64.160.116.54)

Someone may want to look into whether some of the recently deleted material from this article should be restored; I don't have time right now. I've worked on cleaning up the first three paragraphs, which had decently cited and relevant material; I think they are now quite good, but the rest of the article is almost a total loss. -- Jmabel | Talk 02:05, August 14, 2005 (UTC)

I would say the Culture War has been going on since at least the 1920s, as evidenced with things like Prohibition and the Scopes Monkey Trial, and probably well before that. The Republican slogan of the 1880s, that the Democrats stood for "Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion" could be seen as an appeal to Culture War-type sentiments. It went into remission during the Great Depression and World War II, but resurfaced sometime in the 50s (with the Red Scare and the Civil Rights Movement). 69.151.211.234 (talk) 16:51, 1 December 2008 (UTC)

This doesn't now conform to Wikipedia:Lead section. I'll restore some headings, sice the current five-paragraph lead is too dominant. Charles Matthews 06:51, 13 October 2005 (UTC)

This edit changed the characterization of Pat Buchanan from paleoconservative to conservative. It seems to me that his paleoconservatism is precisely the issue in culture war terms: John McCain is a conservative, too, but he'd never have made that sort of speech. I am restoring; if there is a case against the use of the word here, please state it. -- Jmabel | Talk 23:18, 13 December 2005 (UTC)

I added Australian related article links in "See also". -- Paul foord 12:49, 15 January 2006 (UTC)

I've been racking my brain to see the connection of the list "see also" items under "Other" to this article, and I simply don't see it. Very "other", indeed. Unless someone can indicate a relevant connection, I'm really inclined to remove the section. -- Jmabel | Talk 06:30, 24 January 2006 (UTC)

Hadn't looked at this in months; I take it no one objects to removing these. - Jmabel | Talk 01:41, 16 April 2006 (UTC)

The list of "Battleground issues in the "culture wars" " includes Terrorist surveillance program.

1) This is a POV term: Many people surveilled are not terrorists, but rather "suspected terrorists" (who turn out not to be terrorists) or "people with information about terrorists" or " -contact with terrorists" (but who are not themselves terrorists).

2) Terrorist surveillance program currently redirects to NSA electronic surveillance program, which is a USA-specific article.

I initially changed the entry for Terrorist surveillance program to NSA electronic surveillance program, but immediately realized that this was inappropriate, considering that Culture war / Culture wars currently discusses both the USA and Australia, and might be expected to include other countries in future edits. Any thoughts? -- 201.51.211.130 14:31, 13 January 2007 (UTC)

I added the Math wars to the list of the Culture war issues because to me, a big part of that conflict involves two radically different approaches of what education is/should be about. Monsieur david 07:58, 6 March 2007 (UTC)

I attempted to create a more NPOV-compliant opening sentence which addressed the fact that many people think the whole thing is more or less fictitious, or vastly exaggerated by those who profit from it (at least psychologically). My effort has been reverted without comment. Could somebody else weigh in on this so we don't get an edit war going? --Orange Mike 15:18, 30 March 2007 (UTC)

In the contemporary United States, the "Culture War" has been the battle cry of the social conservatives, most notably Bill O'Reilly of Fox News, in which any seemingly slight towards Christianity, or rejection of the "traditional" family unit, is claimed to be evidence of this war. More of this contemporary usage by the extreme right should be explored, along with the, often questionable, arguments put forth by the self-described "culture warriors" that support their view of the existence of this war. JChronop 05:30, 31 May 2007 (UTC)

This article (now?) has nothing to do with the Australian History Wars debate that are an ongoing public debate in Australia over the interpretation of the history of the European colonisation of Australia, and its impact on Indigenous Australians and Torres Strait Islanders.

I think reference to the History Wars should be removed --Philip Baird Shearer 09:18, 13 October 2007 (UTC)

"The concept of a "culture war" is also current in Australia, particularly in the area of Australian historiography. The so-called history wars concern how to interpret the country's history, especially regarding Indigenous Australians.[1]"

It simply seems to be aobut a different idea altogether. Maybe worth a see also link, but that is all.YobMod 13:53, 29 June 2009 (UTC)

Why isn't gun control listed as a hot culture war topic? Too much of a noob to link it myself but I think it should be there? Dbxdesign (talk) 23:24, 11 December 2007 (UTC)

Gun control should be listed as an issue mentioned by James Davison Hunter only if it is an issue mentioned by James Davison Hunter. The way the article is written, the list isn't a list of hot button topics, but a list of what James Davison Hunter considers hot button issues.Heqwm (talk) 23:35, 3 January 2008 (UTC)

The use of WBC protestors in this article is extremely POV. They're a group who almost everyone in the USA disagrees with/dislikes, and are absolutely not representative of "traditionalists". Can we find a photo of some more "moderate" traditionalists? Darimoma (talk) 23:06, 28 July 2008 (UTC)

Have changed it. Darimoma (talk) 07:57, 30 July 2008 (UTC)

I removed a picture of radical christians picketing in San Francisco. These people were reminiscent of Fred Phelps's controversial Westboro Baptist Church located in Topeka, KS. These folks display signs like those featured in the photograph. They picket events ranging from gay rights events to the funerals of U.S. soldiers killed in the War on Terror. The photo, therefore, was not an accurate depiction of traditionalism but rather radical Christian fundamentalism. The picture was clearly an effort to discredit the traditionalist movement by associating the views of the Westboro Baptist Church and the like with mainstream traditionalism which does not come anywhere near the garbage Fred Phelps peddles.aint it whut chu think it mean bt whut cn we say Preceding unsigned comment added by 174.99.15.158 (talk) 13:57, 26 February 2010 (UTC)

Apart from the Illuminati YouTube and Yahoo! Answers seem to be about little else. Spend 2 weeks on each and you'll see sources are not necessary for that. Sioraf (talk) 22:19, 5 April 2009 (UTC)

Not sure why "secularism" needs to come after "progressive". This appears to have been coined by Bill O'Reilly as a means of weighting down and further polarizing the word "progressive". "Traditionalism" and "Progressivism" work just fine by themselves. Yerocus (talk) 14:08, 12 June 2012 (UTC)

Turkish prime minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan condemns 'Magnificent Century', a historical soap opera described in this article as 'a titillating weekly series that exaggerates the romance, intrigue and sex life of Suleiman the Magnificent, a revered 16th century Ottoman leader. Hugely popular in Turkey and the Middle East, the show is broadcast in 43 countries and watched by 200 million people.'

"I'm condemning both the director of that series as well as the owner of the television station," Erdogan said in a bizarre speech at the opening of an airport in western Turkey last month. "We have already alerted authorities about this and we are still waiting for a judicial action." Whilst being evidently popular the series offends some socially conservative sensibilities enough to attract prime ministerial comment.

[1]

South Africa's President Jacob Zuma is quoted using culture as a rhetorical weapon, asserting 'traditional African values in defence of sexism according to this article: "Let us not be influenced by other cultures Let us solve African problems the African way, not the white mans way"

[2]

The term 'culture war' is a handy media label for something which is currently going on in the USA but beyond that it describes a wider phenomenon as this commentator puts it 'Culture wars, of course, are fought in every country' [3].

Normskiormski (talk) 09:54, 17 December 2012 (UTC)

The intro of this article refers to the subject as it entered the lexicon in the United States and the struggles facing that country in the 1990s. Not only is this a narrow view of the subject, it's all but contradicted later in the article when various struggles: Kulturkampf, Prohibition, and the Civil Rights Movement are all referred to as culture wars, despite predating the 1990s. Further evidence is the fact that "Prohibition" and "the Civil Rights Movement" are referring specifically to events in the United States with no clarification to that point. Similar issues all point to this article being written from the perspective of one specific culture, namely a modern US one. We should strive to improve the wording to be more inclusive and keep the perspective global. Scoundr3l (talk) 20:35, 16 August 2016 (UTC)

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The section 2000s previously located as an H3 subsection of the USA section, was so egregiously unrepresentative of the decade of the 2000s, that I've removed the entire section fron the article and moved it here for possible rework. One opinion column by one author in one newspaper on a particular day in 2009 predicting the future about how the culture war will, or should, turn out, is neither a good summary of the decade, nor is it encyclopedic enough in content for an article about the culture wars.

Section "2000s" removed from the article and copied here

2000s

In a February 2009 column in The New York Times, William Saletan stated that a holistic mix of left-wing and right-wing ideas would come out of the culture war. He wrote: "morality has to be practical, and that practicality requires morals." He concluded that conservatives should embrace family planning as a way to reduce abortion and government assistance while liberals should embrace personal responsibility, which means that unprotected sex is criticized "bluntly". He also advocated same-sex marriage as a way to lead LGBT Americans to an "ethic of mutual support and sacrifice" involving stricter personal responsibility.[1]

The article well deserves a section on the 2000s in the U.S., but it needs good content and none of the content above is worth saving, imho. Mathglot (talk) 09:03, 5 September 2018 (UTC)

I'm wondering if the lead section could be reworded to start with a more general description and then give some examples. "Has had different meanings" isn't very descriptive and the flow into "Originally" seems off. The last sentence in the first paragraph also seems too general and out of place as the term hasn't really been introduced.

Maybe the introduction could be more in the vein of: Culture war refers to hot button topics on which there is general societal disagreement, or where polarization in societal values is seen. In America, term often refers to ... (yes I know this is awkwardly worded, but still) --213.220.69.101 (talk) 01:59, 30 June 2019 (UTC)

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Talk:Culture war - Wikipedia

Culture Wars International: EU There and Democrats Here …

Culture Wars International: EU there and Democrats here

by SF

The following essay is pretty inflammatory; but as we have all seen, acting in a nice, civilized, restrained, and decent manner towards a Hitler or a Stalin, and never saying out loud what is actually going on, only leads more quickly to our own doom.

The EU and Americas Democrats are two sides of the same coin.

Political correctness / culture wars / political Marxism began in Europe. Initially, it was a not unreasonable response to the powerful people (the aristocrats and tycoons) using their power to reward their friends, while keeping the little guy from being able to advance and earn a decent living. In Eastern Europe it developed as violent Communism. But Western Europe was different, in that it consisted of many individual, highly developed, independent nations. In each of these nations the struggle was between Conservatism and democratic Socialism. Both were nationalistic. But then Hitler brought things to a head by using Conservative Racist Nationalism to try to dominate the world.

World War Two brought about a Darwinian change in Europe. The most aggressive and militaristic Europeans died in the fighting. The survivors were the ones who were the most wimpy and pacifistic. They were determined to bring about a socialist utopia. Their first goal was to ensure that any Hitler wannabes could never again gain power. So they began a never-ending struggle against nationalism, militarism, capitalism, Christianity, and white supremacism. As a counterweight to Christianity, they promoted Islam as the religion of peace, especially because most of its adherents were non-white. To do this they had to delude themselves about the true nature of Islam, but they did it happily. Pretty soon they invited Muslims from nearby lands to emigrate to Europe, so that they could dilute the remaining native white conservatives, and they even subsidized the Muslims with welfare payments to make it easier and more attractive to them.

And so we end up with todays situation in Europe: hordes of unassimilated, Christian-hating Muslims living in no-go zones, most receiving welfare, and committing crimes in the name of Jihad (terrorism, rape, etc.) while the progressive governments make excuse after excuse for them (they are unfamiliar with our culture, they are not practicing real Islam, they bring more benefits than losses, etc., ad nauseam). And naturally, if you are crazy enough to point out how insane this all is, they will inevitably ruin your life (shades of Stalin).

The situation in America is same song, different verse. The progressive Democrats got off to a later start, and had to overcome a larger Republican opposition. In contrast to Europe, they had to resort to importing Latinos, who could just walk here from Mexico, instead of Muslims, who had to fly here from across the ocean. But now they are within striking range of their goal, and soon we will have Medicare for all, universal gun control, and reparations for slavery; all in a government where Trump is replaced by the Squad.

America becomes Mexamerica, and Europe becomes Eurabia. And everyone lives happily ever after.

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Culture Wars International: EU There and Democrats Here ...

Sex, Gender, and the Origin of the Culture Wars: An …

Many intractable controversies in todays culture wars relate to issues of sex and gender. Americans disagree, for instance, about whether marriage is limited to a man and a woman, who can use which bathrooms, and whether we should hope that mothers should take care of childrenat least in their formative years. These controversies are emblematic of the inability to say what a man is, what a woman is, or even whether stable sexual identities are linked to our bodies.

This confusion has origins in the revolution that the French feminist Simone de Beauvoir initiated after the Second World War. Before the publication of Beauvoirs The Second Sex in 1949, science and philosophy assumed that societys prevailing opinions about men and women were grounded in sex so that gender corresponded to sex. Beauvoir demurred. She drew a distinction between gender (societys prevailing opinions about what man and woman should be) and sex or biology (the seemingly immutable characteristics of the body and closely linked psychological traits). There is no reason, feminists from Beauvoir onward would argue, for sex to be destiny: A womans biology had seemed to direct her toward family life and make her dependent on a husband.

Such feminists promised to bring forth a new, independent woman who would overcome her gender. This new woman would no longer take her bearings from what her body or society suggested about her destiny. In this mode of thinking, gender is merely an idea constructed to keep women in a subordinate position. This critique claimed to show how biological realities and social mores contributing to womanly identity were neither necessary nor healthy, and it posited a future where women would be free to define their identities without any reference to their bodies. A world of complete freedom would be a world beyond gendera world in which no members of society would make assumptions about an individual based on biology.

The feminist aspiration to create a world without gender, first articulated by Beauvoir in the 1940s and later by American disciples such as Betty Friedan, Kate Millett, and others in the 1960s, prepared the ground for a more radical vision in the 1990s by scholars like Judith Butler, who extended the idea to include advocacy for transgender rights.

The idea of a supposedly socially constructed gender foisted on all individuals is bound to cause intense debate and hence ever more radical calls to deconstruct gender in the name of greater autonomy and creativity in human identity. The new liberating philosophy would deconstruct or expose norms as arbitrary obstacles to healthy human identity. Taking things a step further, queer theory, derived from the post-structural thought of Michel Foucault, questioned the naturalness and necessity of everyday practices of self-control of sexual passions, the prominence of heterosexual norms, and the binary conception of gender.

The result has been a spiraling revolution in which what had seemed natural and possibly also crucial to human identity is alleged to be extraneous, accidental, and repressive. From this revolution proceeds another level of confusion about extending marriage to same-sex couples, gendered pronouns, transgender issues about the use of public restrooms and locker rooms, the importance of fidelity to marriage, and any number of additional permutations of such issues.

This revolution has required ongoing readjustment on the part of government, as well as in public mores and even in the conception of language. It gives rise to new opinions and sentiments, suggests new concepts, and modifies every aspect of life within the sphere of personal relations. Many facets of family life have been roiled by the feminist effort to separate sex from gender and subsequent efforts to create a world beyond gender and without preconceived roles.

In addition, the supposedly objective application of liberationist science identifies even more socially constructed distinctions. Since society manufactures gender difference, the theory goes, gender can be unmade and remade by properly reconstructing society. This is the foundation of a world built on the liberation of the individual and the freedom to create an identity without social or biological constraints.

Feminism Before the Separation of Sex from Gender

Feminist thinkers of all stripes today define themselves against biological essentialism and its concomitant political and cultural patriarchy. Biological essentialism alleges that the differing characters and roles of men and women have a permanent basis in sexual biology and innate psychological proclivities originating in sex. Thus, according to this theory, biological sex goes a long way in determining how societies conceive of gender, with perceptions of women as more passive and caring and less aggressive and violent than men,[REF] more sexually modest or less promiscuous than men,[REF] less physically powerful than men,[REF] and more interested in and affectionate with children than more daring, rough-and-tumble men,[REF] among a myriad of other differences.

The most influential defender of patriarchy on such grounds during the 19th century was Charles Darwin, who defended the sexual basis for gender on apparently authoritative, scientific grounds.[REF] Especially in The Descent of Man, published in 1871,[REF] Darwin argues that males and females have different characters because they have different genetic makeups derived from the successful procreative and survival strategies of genetic forbears.[REF]

Similar ideas are also found in the thinking of Sigmund Freud, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, August Comte, and others. Each thought that women are less inclined to run for political office, put career before family, pursue wealth aggressively, or be sexually promiscuous.[REF] Otto Weininger even argues that the emancipation of women is a contradiction in terms, and many feminists influenced by Beauvoir cite his Sex and Character as representative of this patriarchal scientific tradition.[REF]

The First Wave of Feminist Reformers

While these biological essentialists were writing, the first wave of feminist reformers (18501920) arose to critique the subordinate condition of women. These thinkers, finding their source in the thought of Mary Wollstonecraft (17591797), operated within a classically liberal intellectual framework and hoped, as the title of Wollstonecrafts 1792 book suggests, for the vindication of the rights of women. In America, such a vindication was conceived as extending rights to women within Americas traditional dedication to individual rights and limited government.[REF]

The crowning achievements for first-wave feminists lay in establishing a legal right for women to own property, legal acceptance for divorce, and ultimately the right to vote. If women had not previously appeared interested in exercising such rights, argued first-wave feminists, this apolitical appearance was traceable to societys failure to protect such rights. They were concerned that, as John Stuart Mill argues in The Subjection of Women (1869), no society could yet know what woman actually is because the whole force of educationenslaves [womens] minds to motherly and wifely sacrificial duties.[REF] The old system of coverture in which women lost their legal identity within marriage had underestimated the capacity of women for citizenship. Women and men could choose differently from one another under this regime of greater freedom and independence.[REF]

The legal framework for which first-wave feminists fervently wished was established, more or less throughout the Western world, during the first third of the 20th century.

The Second Wave: Simone de Beauvoir and the Distinction Between Sex and Gender

Beginning with Simone de Beauvoir, the mother of second-wave feminism, feminists expressed disappointment in the actual choices women made with the rights and protections that first-wave feminists had won. Many women still prioritized motherhood over a career and valued loving relationships within marriage more than market relations outside the home and sexual liberation. When they chose a career, they tended to enter the caring professions instead of aspiring to be chief executive officers, bohemian poets, or academics. Generally, despite a century of struggle, women lived more passively and dependently than second-wave feminists thought healthy or appropriate.

Simone de Beauvoir and her American disciples recommended freeing women from accumulated patriarchal culture and spent a great deal of intellectual energy finding ways to identify the assumptions that enslaved women to their old character.

Second-wave feminists argued that this perceived lack of progress was traceable to the entrenched cultural patriarchy, because of which men and women continued to indulge beliefs consistent with biological essentialism. Legal freedom was not enough to provide substantive equality for women. Getting women to choose differently would require a more fundamental cultural reformation centered on encouraging women to shed their maternal, wifely personalities and become independent. Beauvoir and her American disciples recommended freeing women from accumulated patriarchal culture and spent a great deal of intellectual energy finding ways to identify the assumptions that enslaved women to their old character.[REF]

Beauvoirs thought is the first to provide intellectual justification for divorcing sex from gender and for holding that culture alone has determined the meaning of sex and the body. Her opus, The Second Sex (1949 French; 1953 English translation), frames the argument for contemporary feminism and for all subsequent thinkers who criticize and deconstruct seemingly natural human distinctions.[REF] This deconstruction is evident in the most famous expression of Beauvoirs thought, the question that begins The Second Sex: what is a woman? She answers:

One is not born, but rather becomes, a woman. No biological, psychological, or economic fate determines the figure that the human female presents in society; it is civilization as a whole that produces this creature, intermediate between male and eunuch, which is described as feminine.[REF]

Women, the argument runs, were passively defined by their biological, cultural, and civilizational situation. They grew into the artificial roles of dependent wife and sacrificing mother according to the cultural influence of gender roles, and these gender roles had been built on a seemingly obvious interpretation of the female body. Individuals who allowed themselves to be thus defined, perhaps falsely thinking that culture is a reflection of nature, manifest what Beauvoir called an almost subhuman immanence.

For Beauvoir, the common traits of immanent women result from pervasive social indoctrination or socialization. Beauvoir identifies how immanence is taught and reinforced in a thousand different ways. Society, for instance, prepares women to be passive and tender and men to take the initiative in sexual relations. Male initiative in sex is an essential element in patriarchys general frame.

Everything helps to confirm this hierarchy in the eyes of the little girl. The historical and literary culture to which she belongs, the songs and legends with which she is lulled to sleep, are one long exaltation of man. Childrens books, mythology, stories, tales, all reflect the myths born of the pride and the desires of men; thus it is that through the eyes of men the little girl discovers the world and reads therein her destiny.[REF]

And Beauvoir means everything. Indoctrination starts early. Men, for instance, are made to be faster, stronger, more competitive, and more aggressive than girls in sports through our belief that sports are good for boys, and girls are encouraged to be meek, timid, feminine, and maternal instead of risking injury.[REF] Society creates and baptizes male promiscuity and sexual desire, while women are seen as objects of sexual desire. Men are to take women; women are taught to dream of being taken. Girls are taught sexual shame and modesty, while boys are taught confidence and eroticism.[REF] Thus, according to Beauvoir, there is the universal acceptance of the sexual double standard whereby men are given a pass for promiscuity and adultery while women are punished.[REF]

Trained to be passive, women, for Beauvoir, accept their seemingly subordinate roles as mothers and housewives. Against such education toward immanence, Beauvoir encourages what she calls transcendence, the idea that human beings must struggle to free themselves from the social or natural influence in a continual reaching out toward other liberties and in an effort to engage in freely chosen projects.[REF] Human beings will either be made passively by their situation (immanence) or define and make themselves (transcendence). Man is defined as a being who is not fixed, who makes himself what he is, Beauvoir writes. Man is not a natural species: he is a historical idea.[REF]

As historical beings without fixed boundaries, women are not bound to be governed by any of the customs, assigned psychological traits, economic considerations, moral virtues, respective bodies, cultural attributes, or other limits that have long made them the second sex. Men have been transcendent; women have been relegated to a world of immanence. If women would transcend their current fate as the second sex, they would enjoy an indefinitely open future as they strive for more freedom and independence.[REF]

As Beauvoir sees it, sexual passivity and the nexus of motherhood and marriage have combined to trap women in immanence and stagnation. Those traps can be sprung with sexual revolution and independent careers in a genuinely liberated workplace, which are steps on the road toward reaching other liberties. Sexual revolutionaries must shun sexual modesty and domesticity, adopt independent careers, and develop the qualities of character needed to pursue them.

Contraception and abortion also play an important part in Beauvoirs project for reform. Birth control helps women to be more sexually adventurous and promiscuous and less dependent on one man for sex. Untroubled about the consequences of sex, women might take the initiative in sexual matters, perhaps even becoming the controlling partner and escaping the aforementioned posture of defeat.[REF] To help this along, Beauvoir follows Freud, arguing that passive women are sexually frigid, repressed, narcissistic, and nervous.[REF]

By limiting women to performing Sisyphean, 'tiresome, empty, monotonous'household tasks, marriage 'mutilates'and 'annihilates'the wife. In marriage, 'her life is virtually finished forever.'

In Beauvoirs view, to be a passive woman is to be an uninteresting lover, relying ineffectually on looks and makeup to keep the interest of a man. However, the availability of birth control and abortion is only a point of departure for the liberation of women,[REF] because women must also believe that using birth control methods is honorable, necessary, a key contribution to the good life, and perhaps even an exercise in social responsibility. Their sex lives must express their independence; they must never be dependent on any particular person for satisfaction.

Beauvoir goes beyond appeals that we make contraception and abortion legal and provide public provision for both. Since unprotected sex could lead to motherhood, the best way to encourage the use of birth control is through a forceful critique of motherhood and family life that calls into question not only their naturalness, but also their nobility and our need for them. As she says in reflecting on The Second Sex (and with the assistance of Shulamith Firestones powerful elaboration of her thought), I think that the family must be abolished.[REF]

For Beauvoir, the false elevation of motherhood captures the gendered sexual division of labor of the past, with men pursuing interesting careers while women mind the home. By limiting women to performing Sisyphean, tiresome, empty, monotonous household tasks, marriage mutilates and annihilates the wife. In marriage, her life is virtually finished forever.[REF] Moreover, according to Beauvoir, no man doing creative work outside the home could respect a woman who is just a housewife. Marriage therefore provides scant protection and satisfaction for women. No wonder it marks a boring, slow assassination of life for both husbands and wives.[REF]

As a practical matter, Beauvoir imagines a future in which women use contraception to avoid this slow death in life as mothers and wives. The combination of readily available contraception and the fundamental critique of motherhood opens the door, for Beauvoirs feminist followers, to new practices such as state-funded day care and new technologies such as cloning that may very well continue the process of gender deconstruction and liberation.

In leveling this critique, Beauvoir suggests that all or most aspects of what had been regarded as rooted in sex (e.g., motherhood) are really socially constructed and hence changeable.[REF] For those who would argue that the differences between the bodies of men and women place limits on how much social experimentation can be undertaken, Beauvoir answers emphatically: The situation does not depend on the body; the reverse is true.[REF] It is how we conceive of the body that matters, not the body itself.

If biological essentialists collapsed gender into sex, Beauvoir does the opposite: There is no sex, no natural woman or man, no stable meaningful biology underlying an [a]bsolute man or woman; women and men are social construction or gender all the way down. Sex, too is only gender if human beings would but interpret it creatively. Human ingenuity, responding creatively to changes in our situation and manipulating the situation itself with technology (e.g., contraception and later genetic engineering), can manufacture a new woman and a new man. Transcendent individuals create themselves, freed from societys gender roles, nature, and sex.

Beauvoir does not detail what awaits human beings once legal changes, new stories, myths and clichs, and advances in technology come about. Women will be autonomous individuals, she writes. Each woman will finally be a full human being able to live in and for herself.[REF] Subsequent thinkers follow where Beauvoir points and provide a more vivid picture of what a world of transcendent human beings would look like.

Beauvoir Comes to America: Betty Friedan and the Construction of a Healthy Human Identity

Moving beyond traditional ideas of man or woman raises the question of what now constitutes human identity. Betty Friedans The Feminine Mystique (1963) accepts Beauvoirs intellectual framework and conclusions regarding the psychology of human identity. Friedan, however, rearticulates these in a manner more congenial to American politics and modern lifethat is, in terms of the emerging science of human liberation characteristic of American Progressivism.

Friedan claims to have been just a simple suburban girl when she ran across Beauvoirs thought:

It was The Second Sex that introduced me to an existentialist approach to reality and political responsibilitythat in effect freed me from the rubrics of authoritative ideology and led me to whatever original analysis of womens existence that I have been able to contribute to the Womens Movement and its unique politics. When I first read The Second Sex in the early Fifties, I was writing housewife on the census blanks, still in the unanalyzed embrace of the feminine mystique.[REF]

Friedan uses the term feminine mystique to describe the complex of laws, opinions, and pressures that turn women into the sexually passive housewives that Beauvoir called the second sex. Friedan brought Beauvoirs abstract endorsement of transcendence, suggestive of making human beings into gods, down from the heavens and packaged it in terms more consistent with Americas dedication to individual rights. The prevailing Progressive ideology, captured in Americas universities, put the new science in the service of cultural reconstruction to support healthy, chosen human identities.

For Friedan, the old patriarchal science had long reinforced the feminine mystique, counseling women to find fulfillment in their distinctive wifely and motherly tasks. According to that science, women of Friedans day should have been satisfied, fulfilling their destinies as wives and mothers during the baby boom.

Friedan, however, diagnosed a discontentment traceable to a disjunction between societys expectations and womens real dreams. In her estimation, women of the 1950s and early 1960s yearned to escape their immanent fates and suffered from boredom, feeling trapped and sensing that they had nothing important to do. They suffered from the problem that has no name.[REF] This problem, she says, is a problem that no onenot scientists, doctors, counselors, psychiatrists, or the popular presshas yet identified.

A woman who allows society to define her life for her has what Betty Friedan calls a 'forfeited self'with 'no goal, no purpose, no ambitionmaking her stretch and grow beyond the small score of years in which her body can fill its biological function.'Such a woman commits 'a kind of suicide.'

A woman who allows society to define her life for her has what Friedan calls a forfeited self with no goal, no purpose, no ambition patterning her days into the future, making her stretch and grow beyond the small score of years in which her body can fill its biological function. Such a woman commits a kind of suicide.[REF]

Stirring next to the old patriarchal science was a new liberating science that would show how old ideas actually disabled women. It would establish the importance of human liberation to a healthy identity. The core of the problem for women today, Friedan contends, is a problem of identitya stunting or evasion of growth that is perpetuated by the feminine mystique.[REF] Friedan writes:

I think the experts in a great many fields have been holding pieces of that truth under their microscopes for a long time without realizing it. I found pieces of it in certain new research and theoretical developments in psychology, social and biological science whose implications for women seem never to have been examined. I became aware of a growing body of evidence, much of which has not been reported publicly because it does not fit the current modes of thought about womenevidence which throws into question the standards of feminine normality, feminine adjustment, feminine fulfillment, and feminine maturity.[REF]

Instead of living according to the feminine mystique, each woman must solve her own identity crisis by finding the work, or the cause, or the purpose that evokescreativity.[REF] Creative work fosters genuine struggle, and such struggle fosters personal growth. Through such creativity, women can become their true selves and achieve self-actualization, a phrase Friedan borrows from mid-century psychologist Abraham Maslow.

Maslow, a leading light of the new liberating science, argues that achieving the highest levels of happiness requires giving up a simpler and easier and less effortful life as a mother and wife in exchange for a more demanding, more difficult life pursuing a larger mission concerned with the good of mankind.[REF] Self-actualized people possess the full use and exploitation of talents, capacities, potentialities. Such people seem to be fulfilling themselves and to be doing the best that they are capable of doing and to be conscious of it.[REF] They have good self-confidence, self-assurance, high evaluation of the self, feelings of general capability or superiority, and lack of shyness, timidity, self-consciousness or embarrassment.[REF]

A fully developed woman will strive beyond femaleness to the full humanness she shares with males, Maslow writes.[REF] At the pinnacle of human motivation is the desire for self-actualization, which Maslow defines as growththe striving toward health, the quest for identity and autonomy, the yearning for excellence.[REF]

Following Maslow, Friedan sees such people moving beyond privatism toward some mission in lifeoutside themselves, enjoying sexual pleasures more than others because they have a stronger sense of their own individuality, and loving out of gifted love and spontaneous admiration instead of a needy love informed by personal dependence.[REF] Friedan applies Maslows theory and concludes that old gender roles immiserate women and that self-actualized women would be happy.[REF] A self-actualized person is psychologically freemore autonomous.[REF]

Friedan marks a second wave of progressive political thought in which New Deal Progressivisms focus on reconstructing the economy changed to the 1960s sexual revolutions focus on reconstructing major cultural institutions and bringing forth a new kind of self-actualized human being/woman. She frames issues of healthy identity clinically, in terms of promoting psychological health, and links the realization of liberation or autonomy to what promotes mental health, personal fulfillment, and self-actualization, all framed in a largely value-neutral way: It is possible to be fulfilled so long as one constructs his or her own destiny, regardless of the destiny chosen.

This contains an implicit critique of women living traditional roles unless they can independently and self-consciously understand and embrace all that such roles entail. The task for psychiatrists, parents, government generally, and educators is to ensure that no individual is forced to conform to societys preconceived notions of proper living and that all individuals are free to choose their own identities. It is a task involving continual diagnosis and an ongoing search for a remedy.

After the publication of The Feminine Mystique, exposing the influence of patriarchy and realizing the promise of a new future for individual growth became linchpins for the scientific enterprise. Science had uncovered the hidden power of gender and hence could point to the gap between what women have been and what women on a path to self-actualization could become. In this stream of thought, healthy human identity for women lay beyond societys prevailing notions of gender.

Kate Millett and the Fully Realized Sexual Revolution

Kate Millett, whose Sexual Politics (1970) is the first major feminist book to embrace the distinction between the words sex and gender, marks perhaps the culmination of feminist thinking. Millett points to the need to reconstruct academic disciplines, especially the social sciences and humanities, with a new focus on structures of gender oppression that have subjugated women. Universities become doubly central to social transformation, on Milletts view: They identify the sources of social indoctrination and oppression from which women and others must be liberated, and they recommend methods for constructing a world without gender.

Milletts theory of sexual politics includes a research agenda for the new science of liberation in which biology, sociology, economics, anthropology, psychology, history, and other disciplines should be directed toward demonstrating how gender has been socially constructed in the past. The clear implication is that such constructions can be dismantled and a new society constructed with the assistance of these and other disciplines.[REF]

Kate Milletts theory of sexual politics includes a research agenda for the new science of liberation in which biology, economics, psychology, and other disciplines should be directed toward demonstrating how gender has been socially constructed in the past.

This liberating science can identify and condemn the sources of oppression, but by itself, it can only give a glimpse of what a future world without gender would be like. Producing a revolution of ideas regarding sex and gender would require a work of imagination promoted through all public institutions: Universities (especially the new humanities) and popular culture would all play a part in undertaking such an exercise of imagination to produce this revolution. Millett imagines that a fully realized sexual revolution would have three main facets.

First, a sexual revolution would abolish the ideology of male supremacy and the traditional socialization by which it is upheld in matters of status, role, and temperament, leading to the integration of the separate sexual subcultures, an assimilation of both sides of previously segregated human experience.[REF] Roles in child-rearing, for instance, would likely fade and eventually disappear as parental roles became less gender-defined and more androgynous.

Another alleged element of male ideology is the tradition of romantic love as central to relations between men and women. Love, perhaps even more than childbearing, is the pivot of womens oppression, Shulamith Firestone writes.[REF] Women, for Firestone, seem dreamy about love, emotions, and relationships. This preoccupation detains them while men pursue creative work on their own. Women thus seem more monogamous, better at loving, possessive, clinging, more interested in (highly involved) relationships than in sex per se.

Because men and women are not equally vulnerable in love (men can get out of a love relationship with fewer economic or emotional consequences), love is not possible without a complete social revolution in which men and women can be equally vulnerable (or equally invulnerable) and mutually supportive of (or equally indifferent to) one another. It is not the process of love itself that is at fault, but its political, i.e., unequal power context: the who, why, when, and where of it is what makes it now such a holocaust.[REF]

Second, a drastic change in the patriarchal proprietary family is necessary for women to secure complete economic independence. Women must obviously secure fulfilling employment outside of the home. An important corollary to this goal, writes Millet, is the end of the present chattel status and denial of right to minors.[REF]

The dependence of children is an invention of patriarchy, in this view, designed to make women feel as if they are needed to raise them. A charter of rights for minors would foster their independence from the family, freeing mothers from it as well. With fewer marital duties, women would be freer to pursue economic independence outside marriage. According to this theory, childhood appears to be a gender tooa phase of life invented by society that creates expectations for how needy children should act. Thus, the abolition of gender requires movement toward the abolition of childhood.

The dependence of children is an invention of patriarchy, in this view, designed to make women feel as if they are needed to raise them. A charter of rights for minors would foster their independence from the family, freeing mothers from it as well.

Beauvoir nodded in this direction after learning from Firestones The Dialectic of Sex that, in Beauvoirs words, women will not be liberated until they have been liberated from their children and by the same token, until children have also been liberated from their parents.[REF] Such liberation may also require artificial reproduction (i.e., cloning) and the professionalization of child care or a willingness to leave children free to develop on their own as in the case of ghetto children, as Firestone notes.[REF] In fact, both Beauvoir and Firestone envision children freely experimenting sexually,[REF] becoming economically viable and major contributors to a future society on par with adults. Because of this, curtailing parental rights falls under the rubric of securing independence for women.

Third, sexual revolution also requires an end to traditional sexual inhibitions and taboos, particularly those that most threaten patriarchal monogamous marriage: homosexuality, illegitimacy, adolescent, and pre- and extra-marital sexuality. Restrictions on sexual activity reinforce ideas of monogamous romantic love, parental responsibility, economic dependence, and other cultural attributes that define traditional family life. Emancipating sexuality from such restrictions would help to divorce marriage from sexuality and allow individuals to express primal human drives without inhibition. Sex has supposedly been repressed and channeled toward responsible reproduction, but under conditions of sexual freedom, all sexual outlets would receive equal public approval.[REF]

In Milletts view, cultivating an individual identity instead of dully accepting the identity proposed by society fosters a healthier, happier individual. The mismatch between societys artificial demands and the requirements of individual fulfillment, identified by Friedan as the problem that has no name, is central to the scientific project. The way to a world of fulfillment and liberation passes through a three-pronged sexual revolution: It requires the destruction of patriarchal sources of socialization, the cultivation of an ethic of individuality, and the removal of sexual inhibitions.

In Milletts view, the way to a world of fulfillment and liberation passes through a three-pronged sexual revolution: It requires the destruction of patriarchal sources of socialization, the cultivation of an ethic of individuality, and the removal of sexual inhibitions.

Milletts sexual revolution, while it represents the fully built-out feminist project, also has profound implications for the acceptance of homosexuality, transgenderism, and other issues of gender identity. Realization of feminist ambitions demands transcending womens issues narrowly defined. It implicates changing our ideas about children, love, manhood, and even the existence of these categories as such. The theoretical mission initiated in Beauvoirs thought has many direct applications for political practice and daily life as it deconstructs what people take for granted as a matter of course.

The Third Wave: The Rolling Revolution and Transgenderism

Friedans emphasis on identity led reformers to apply the identity-crisis concept beyond women, first to homosexuality, then to natural sexual aberrations, and most recently to transgender individuals. This initiated a third wave of feminism that seeks to move beyond the binary character of Beauvoirs feminism toward her hopes for an indefinitely open future of sexual identities.[REF]

Transsexual Ambiguities. Advances beyond second-wave feminism include the changing evaluation of transsexuals (people who undergo sex-change operations) and those born with sexual aberrations such as hermaphrodites. Second-wave feminists recognized the importance to their theories of those who are born with anatomical aberrations. Beauvoir, Germaine Greer, and Millett allude to sexual aberrations to show that the concept of nature with which sex is associated is not always unambiguous.[REF] Nature, they note, does not reliably produce human beings who are identifiably male or female.

Second-wave feminists embraced Robert Stollers scientific work on the grip that gender apparently has on human identity. Stoller established the Gender Identity Center at the University of CaliforniaLos Angeles in 1965 and wrote Sex and Gender (1968), a very influential book.

For Stoller, sex has connotations of anatomy and physiology, while gender relates to the tremendous areas of behavior, feelings, thoughts, and fantasies thatdo not have primarily biological connotations. While sex and gender seem to common sense inextricably bound together[the] two realmsare not inevitably bound in anything like a one-to-one relationship and may go in quite independent ways.[REF] Gender may in fact exist contrary to anatomy and physiology, as in the case of those who are born with anatomical features of both men and women:

Although the external genitalia (penis, testes, scrotum) contribute to the sense of maleness, no one of them is essential for it, not even all of them together. In the absence of complete evidence, I agree with Money and the Hampsons who show in their large series of intersexed [those with features of both sexes] patients that gender role is determined by postnatal forces, regardless of the anatomy and physiology of the external genitalia.[REF]

Stoller views gender identity as shaped by important social and sexual experiences in the first 18 months of life. So stubborn is gender identity that it would be easier, he argues, to surgically change the sex of an adolescent male assigned as a female at birth and raised as a girl than it would be to change his gendered sense of self.

Therewith, Stoller points to the trailblazer in transsexual activism, John Money, cofounder of the Johns Hopkins Gender Identity Clinic in 1965. Money was involved in winning approval for sexual reassignment surgery in 1966 and in creating the transsexual category for those with mixed sexual identities.

Money won fame for the case of David Reimer, catalogued by Money and coauthor Patricia Tucker in Sexual Signatures (1976). A botched circumcision at eight months left the boy without a penis. Johns Hopkins staff convinced Davids parents to castrate the boy and raise him as a girl renamed Brenda according to conventional standards. No vagina was added to make Brenda a girl physically. Annual follow-up visits proved how well all [parties] succeeded in adjusting to that decision.[REF]

Money thought this case proved that the gender identity gate is open at birth for a normal child no less than for one born with unfinished sex organsand that it stays open at least for something over a year after birth.[REF] Both David and his brother Brian would die before reaching 40, each by his own hand after a history of mental illness.[REF]

After relating David Reimers story, Money relates several others about well-adjusted patients who physically transitioned from one sex to the other at the ages of 11 and 12, suggesting that the gender identity gate may remain open much longer than 18 months.[REF] The door to ever-later sex reassignment surgery seems open. More important from the perspective of second-wave feminism, the door is open to a greater role for human choice concerning the creation of identity or self-conception and to the idea of gender fluidity independent of the body.[REF]

Some second-wave feminists endorsed Moneys approach because its ideas about femininity and masculinity seemed malleable and because it suggested that the body does not imply a fixed destiny. This philosophical alliance between feminists and Money and his scientific acolytes had a political hue as well: Few things erode the ideology of male supremacy and the traditional socialization as much as problematizing the biological basis of identity.[REF]

Judith Butler: Queer Theory, Homosexual Advocacy, and Transgender Rights

In this rolling revolution, the supposed insights of one generation can become an obstacle in the next. Chief among the third-wave critics of such second-wave alliances is Judith Butler.

Those who were performing the gender reassignment surgeries thought of themselves as breaking new ground, but to Butler, they were merely reinforcing societys tendency to view people as either women or men. Butler thinks that these surgeries call for a serious and increasingly popular critique of idealized gender dimorphism within the transsexual movement itselfone that will lead to a world in which mixed genital attributes might be accepted and loved without having to transform them into a more socially coherent or normative notion of gender.[REF]

Butler links third-wave feminism to developments in queer theory, homosexual advocacy, and transgender rights.[REF] Queer theory holds that all expressions of gender and sexuality are socially constructed and hence changeable, with the hope that celebrating the supposedly queer lifestyles will undermine or problematize fixed notions of personal identity and rigid distinctions.[REF] Societys way of pigeonholing individuals into binary male and female categories is especially prominent. Queer theory finds liberation beyond the binary and beyond the normal. Among those liberated through a wide acceptance of queer theory would be transgendered people, whose self-conception transcends supposedly normal conceptions of gender but who do not necessarily reconfigure their bodies to accommodate this self-conception.

Feminists may once have opposed the inclusion of homosexual (queer), drag (men dressed as women), butch (masculine lesbians), femme (feminine lesbians), and transgender persons in their movement because such individuals undermined the idea of sisterhood that bound the movement together.[REF] Early homosexual activists similarly seemed to accept the idea of homosexual or heterosexual orientation as embedded in a persons genetic makeup or as somehow natural.

According to third-wave theorists, their feminist predecessors were insufficiently radical because they did not reject the binary character of gender and instead just encouraged supposedly 'immanent'women to perform more like 'transcendent'men.

Butler and others among this third wave accept the feminist divorce of sex from gender and its aspiration to move beyond gender or to undo gender. According to third-wave theorists, their feminist predecessors were insufficiently radical because they did not reject the binary character of gender and instead just encouraged supposedly immanent women to perform more like transcendent men.

For Butler, gender itself is an imposition, an act of pseudoviolence integrated into our language and expectations. There is no real, natural gender for Butler, nor is there a natural or proper expression of sexuality. Gender and sexuality are performances arising from and constituting common life. For her understanding of social norms, Butler relies especially on French post-structuralist philosopher Michel Foucault, who seeks to expose political power as it manifests itself in our ideas of truth, reality, and language, all of which reinforce the dominant groups vision of political power and make its way of life implicitly normal. Society exerts this power subtly by constructing truth and reality and thereby constructs a theory of which categories count as human. Many subtle things in society, for instance, from religious teaching to popular culture, encourage people to expect love relations between men and women. These expectations must be exposed as artificial so that a more open and queer future can arise. Foucaults History of Sexuality, to use Butlers more technical language, exposes the mechanism of coercion behind the modern preference for heterosexual sex in the hope of liberating a more polymorphous expression of sexual desire and, ultimately, new engenderings.[REF]

Leslie Feinberg, whose pamphlet Transgender Liberation: A Movement Whose Time Has Come (1992) likely offers the first full treatment of the transgender phenomenon, echoes Friedans account of the discrimination suffered by the transgendered as an oppression without a name because it is so engrained in culture as to appear natural.[REF] Engendering has been an unseen violence that in Butlers words emerges from a profound desire to keep the order of binary gender to appear natural or necessary, to make of it a structure, either natural or cultural or both, which no human being can oppose, and still remain human.[REF]

Undoing gender requires empowerment of those who fantasize about and also perform different gender spectacles, revealing fluid and transgressive possibilities of new realities. Butlers Gender Trouble[REF] emphasizes the transgressive nature of drag and cross-dressing, while her Undoing Gender adds transgender as the latest new gender performance. When something [seemingly] unreal, Butler writes, lays claim to realitysomething other than a simple assimilation into prevailing norms can and does take place. The norms themselves become rattled, display their instability, and become open to resignification.[REF]

Accordingly, a more developed feminism would integrate queer theory because queers struggle to rework the norms and posit a different future for the norm itself. They make us not only question what is real and what must be, but they also show us how the norms that govern contemporary notions of reality can be questioned and how new modes of reality can become instituted, just as feminists hope.[REF] With new transgressive possibilities, a new legitimating lexicon forgender complexity can develop within law, psychiatry, social and literary theory.[REF]

Freedom from societys impositions or constructions is not enough. In a future of transgender liberation, say third-wave theorists, a thousand genders will bloom because the public will recognize the legitimacy, even the beauty, of all gender performances.

Thus, a recognition of transgenderism is consistent with the philosophical premises of second-wave feminism (i.e., divorcing ones body from ones identity) and also furthers the three political goals of sexual revolution that Millett articulates. It moves beyond second-wave feminists because the ground won by those activists has been won, and new fields of conquest appear open.

Freedom from societys impositions or constructions is not enough, however. In a future of transgender liberation, say third-wave theorists, a thousand genders will bloom because the public will recognize the legitimacy, even the beauty, of all gender performances. We are not carving out a place for autonomy, Butler writes, if by autonomy we mean a state of individuation, taken as self-persisting prior to and apart from any relations of dependency on the world of others. Persons cannot persist without norms of recognition that support their persistence and build their mental health. Ones identity is never fully real or fully ones own until it is endorsed in and through the public authorities and recognized as such by ones fellow citizens. The very sense of personhood is linked to the desire for recognition, and that desire places us outside ourselves, in a realm of social norms that we do not fully choose.[REF]

It is difficult to imagine how the work of undoing gender could be completed: It seems to demand continual social transformation not only in the name of liberation from past impositions, but also as a way to secure recognition for tomorrows desires. Butler doubts whether we need norms to live, but all individuals need public recognition and affirmation for their identity to continue.

Butlers argument leads to a transgressive defense of same-sex marriage. Far from welcoming virtually normal couples into a traditional marriage culture, Butler embraces same-sex marriage because it creates gender trouble for marriage. It combats essentialism and upsets expected gender norms about heterosexuality within marriage. It introduces new realities such as open marriage, thereby creating new performances that perhaps may point toward dethroning marriage as an important public value and ending the legal recognition of marriage. In the long term, same-sex marriage may affirm transgressive performances by disrupting the old norm. Shaking the public recognition of marriage in this way is a step toward creating a more open future.[REF]

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