Archive for the ‘Culture Wars’ Category

The one thing the bitter debate over feminism and trans rights needs right now: a bit of humanity Laura Waddell – Scotland on Sunday

Politicians need to drop the dehumanising rhetoric amid the debate over trans rights, says Laura Waddell.

While the Gender Recognition Act (GRA) debate drags on and worsens for all involved, two Scottish Parliament motions put forward by SNP MSP Emma Harper and Labour MSP Monica Lennon to mark yesterdays International Trans Day of Remembrance shows the empathy that should have accompanied the discussion throughout but which has been sorely lacking, to the discredit and shame of several other politicians.

Critics are right to say its frustrating to see a country which self-brands as progressive allow discussion to be dragged into the gutter while those whose rights are at stake look on.

For the sake of trans people, for women, and for the state of our public discourse, enough of the bad faith actions. The Womens Pledges which have recently sprung up to sit vulture-like on SNP, Labour and Lib Dem fringes are not party affiliated and further single-issue interests under the guise of speaking for all women; the trans-exclusionary alliances with Facebook pages run by young American men attached to Trump, anti-choice, and other pages designed to stoke political fallout from culture wars; the politicians who use the deeply irresponsible, imflammatory, and dishonest phrase war on women about the policy consultation and whove let the idea they are leading the charge go to their heads.

READ MORE: Row over tension between womens and trans rights divides Scottish Labour

READ MORE: Census should count trans people as who they really are Vic Valentine

Enough of those who direct online mobs to harass trans-inclusive Scottish womens charities, shelters, libraries, and bookshops, weakening public faith in these important feminist organisations whove work with determination and grit over the decades for everything they have. Most of this doesnt even pertain to the proposed policy which has attracted like a magnet a collected debris of homophobia, misogyny, men whove never taken an interest in womens rights in their puff, conspiracy theorists and party agitators, condensed like a fatberg in the river of Scottish public conversation. None of it pertains to gender-based violence women all over the world face on a daily, structural basis, workplace inequality, or disproportionate effects of austerity on working-class women, all of which adds up to a real war on women, no matter what Twitter valkyries insist while encouraging fear of trans people.

US religious right

Questions also need to be asked about external right-wing interest in Scottish politics. The US religious right are known to have taken interest in anti-LGBT and trans-exclusive groups in the UK, and in some cases, high sums of money have been raised in crowdfunders despite groups refusing to reveal either their identities or to specify their aims. And yet, some of our politicians have engaged with such groups in public.

Is it the case that those jumping on the bandwagon are so drawn to the idea of excluding trans people they are able to turn a blind eye to what theyre aligning themselves with?

Some of these groups exist to promote a traditional family model, explitly stating themselves to be opposed to feminism and abortion. Culture wars being imported from the US is the very last thing we need.

A recent furore around census questions claimed it offered a menu of 23 sexualities. This was quickly shown to be misleading.

READ MORE: Trans-gender politics puts very basis of feminism at risk Susan Dalgety

READ MORE: Day of celebration to focus on trans equality

The most frequent sexualities of straight, gay, and bi were options but the option for respondants to input other dropped down to show previous user contributions, which is where the confusion lay. Some of the contributions will be earnest, others, in the tradition of the census from year dot, will be from jokers. From a data gathering perspective, the suggestive prompt displaying user contributions is not great design. But the misleading interpretation was seized upon by all manner of people in public life, ignoring the more mundane reality in their haste to draw parallels with gender self-identification and mock the spectrum of sexualities as nonsensical.

It was the kind of wilful obfuscation of truth we dont want to encourage in Scottish politics; a winning-at-all-costs desperation willing to fight dirty and bitter. When some gay people warned the GRA debate was going in a direction which might stoke homophobia, this is why.

Step out from the trenches

Some engaging in this behaviour were there for Section 28. So where has it all gone so wrong for them? Having questions about the GRA and any policy impact on womens rights is sensible. Many of the womens organisations who responded to the original public consultation had nuanced answers, drawing on the wealth of their experience. But these serious discussions are blown up by agitators whove dug trenches and declared themselves at war with anyone remotely empathetic towards trans people.

This approach will never, and nor is it intended to, find consensus or solutions. They need to take off the helmet, stop basking in the dubious praise of anonymous Twitter trolls, and rediscover perspective, not least for the sake of the public theyre meant to serve but the dismal tone they set for public discourse on our rights.

Before it was postponed, an event promoted by Jenny Marra and Joan McAlpine was scheduled to take place in Holyrood on International Trans Day of Remembrance.

The line-up included speakers whove claimed trangenderism is a fetish and that trans people parasitically occupy womens bodies. Instead, last night was marked by a candlelit vigil held in front of Parliament, a partnership by groups including Scottish Trans Alliance, Equality Network, Stonewall Scotland, LGBT Youth Scotland and Zero Tolerance. The event notice stated We believe that equality and human rights for everyone are best achieved through collaborative and constructive engagement across all marginalised groups.

As Emma Harper said on Twitter about her motion, It is more important than ever to be open to, value and respect everyone when debating social issues in our society! Monica Lennons motion recognised the need to tackle inequality in all its forms in order to end violence against groups that continue to be persecuted, including trans and non-binary people in Scotland. More Scottish politicians need to demonstrate this sentiment and drop dehumanising rhetoric.

This conversation has to move forward, literally; the Act hangs in the balance and must proceed. Doing whats best for women and trans people depends on our representatives getting a grip and conducting themselves with a bit of humanity.

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The one thing the bitter debate over feminism and trans rights needs right now: a bit of humanity Laura Waddell - Scotland on Sunday

Loving Latin at the End of the World – Boston Review

Left to right: Vergil, Cicero, Livy.

Many revere Latin as the soul of Western civilization. But its beauty should not keep us from reckoningwith its history.

Long Live Latin: The Pleasures of a Useless LanguageNicola Gardini, translated from the Italian by Todd PortnowitzFarrar, Straus and Giroux, $26 (cloth)

Imagine the rush to leave your doomed citythe fires, the smoke, the uncertainty of where you will go, how long you will stay when you get there. In those few moments to consider your possessions, you think, Ah, but I might have time for a book! What do you pull from your shelves? A sacred text? Some handy and serviceable issues of Popular Mechanics? Or perhaps, like the Oxford Renaissance literature professor Nicola Gardini, you reach for Vergils Aeneid. In the event of global catastrophe, he writes in his newly translated book Long Live Latin: The Pleasures of a Useless Language, that would be the book to salvage. At that moment you become Aeneas, bending to carry the pater of a dying patria: your Anchises is the epic of Imperial Romeand the legacy and detritus that comes with it.

Deeply embroiled in the culture wars, Latinremainsa totemic languageattractive to religious schools, nationalists, and traditionalists alike.

Vergil, Anchises, patria. If these words are foreign to youif you dont know that patria is the nominative of country (really, fatherland), or that in Latin my phrase above (pater patriae) would have used the genitive of possessionit is because, some would say, we live in a degenerate age, when the classics are no longer ubiquitous and the past is no longer cherished.

Indeed Latin remains deeply embroiled in the culture wars. Conservative groups and homeschool communities have doubled down on the classical tradition, even as othersmany of us classicists includedhave grappled with its exclusionary and problematic reception and sought a richer contextualization of the past. (Just three months ago Christianity Todayreported on The Rise of the Bible-Teaching, Plato-Loving, Homeschool Elitists.) Latin is no longer the bedrock of education that it used to be (along with Greek, for that matter), but all the while it has remained a totemic languageattractive to religious schools, nationalists, and traditionalists alike for its implicit cultural authority, its tradition of exclusivity, power, and prestige.

It is Latin, not Greek, after all, that is most prominently paraded as intellectual exercise or cultural badge of honor. Hundreds of thousands of precollege students study the language in the United States alone (and many of them compete for olive wreaths and bragging rights in the National Latin Exam), while ancient Greek mostly survives in seminaries and university classics departments. From this perspective, the answer to the perennial question Why study Latin? seems clear: it is imperial, it is canonized, and it valorizes a particular identitythe dead white men who, we are told, invented Western civilization.

The answer to the perennial question Why study Latin? seems clear: it is imperial, it is canonized, and it valorizes a particular identitythe dead white men who, we are told, invented Western civilization.

Of course, this is not the reason Gardini wrote his book. His primary target is the claim that Latin is useless; his impassioned prologue is called Ode to a Useless Language. But he is also particularly irked by the noxious clich that Latin is a dead language because it is no longer spoken (or spoken by only very few). By his argument, no language can be dead that is still producing ideas, generating responses, and prompting emulationfrom the Latin aemulatio, which can also mean rivalry.

His official argument for studying Latin avoids talk of utility altogether. When we study Latin, he writes, we must study it for one fundamental reason: because it is the language of a civilization; because the Western world was created on its back. Because inscribed in Latin are the secrets of our deepest cultural memory, secrets that demand to be read. But his most telling and recurring counterclaim against the tedium of utilitas is love, especially love of the beautiful. Latin is beautiful, he asserts emphaticallythe italics are his own. This fact undergirds all that I will be saying in these pages. What he has written, he says, is not a grammar book, not a history of language or literature, but an essay on the beauty of Latin.

The problems with this approachthis ideology of the aestheticare legion. It fails to recognize that civilization is a process of selectionexclusionary by designand that ugliness is the Janus-faced twin of beauty, the implied defect of those who dont make the cut. Gardinis Latin is that of an unrepentant New Critic, who searches the universe for perfect, rational, well-ordered verbal forms to elucidate (all these adjectives are his), without acknowledging the contexts and conflicts that have led him to seek out those forms in the first place.

There is a real-world danger to this aestheticizing attitude toward linguistic study, this appeal to beauty and pleasure.

There is a real-world danger to this aestheticizing attitude toward linguistic study, this appeal to beauty and pleasure. (Both words appear in the book at least a dozen times.) It threatens to make classics into a mystery-cult rite, through which initiates gain arcane knowledge of the nature of things (to crib some Lucretius). It distorts the marvelous range of Latin-speakingculture, flattening its richness and diversity into a one-note story about the West. And it suppresses analysis of the political and social conditions in which the language was used.

This kind of classicism limits history, makes ethics an entirely personal affair, and distances itself from the dirty confines of politics. Long Live Latin might have a different tone if it had been written not in the waning days of 2015 but rather in the shadow cast by Brexit, the presidency of Donald Trump, and the expropriation of the Greco-Roman past by ethnonationalists and hate groups. Indeed, though Gardini concedes in passing that studying Latin means different things in different contexts, this fact should be the first premise of his inquiry, rather than the last.

If I come down too hard on Gardini, it is because I am in many ways his fellow traveler. I too love Latin. (We both received our PhDs from New York University, in fact.) I am also moved by Gardinis fine writing, and the exceptional translation from the Italian by Todd Portnowitz: the bookis an elegy for a world gone-by, a lament for the secret knowledge of words. And I shared his boyhood view of Latin as a cheat-code for social class. As Gardini writes in the opening of the book, reflecting on his first encounter with Latin textbooks and their description of the Roman domus, his study of Latin became entangled with my desire to, in a certain sense, climb the social ladder: the dream of a magnificent home.

The books organizing principle is literary: it is a collection of beautiful passages, deftly mined for their stylistic differences, interwoven with biographical reflections.

This book is that studys magnificent home. Its organizing principle is literary: it is a collection of beautiful passages, exquisitely turned out and deftly mined for their stylistic differences, interwoven with biographical reflections on Gardinis experience with the language. In each chapter he selects texts from specific authors and shows what is special about them. The exercise will be familiar to the classically trained as that special realm of passion and pedantry, where the best demonstrate how good they are at showing how good something else is.

The authors named in chapter headings do not range far beyond the usual suspects, who are in no danger of being forgotten and would have been familiar several generations ago: Cicero and Seneca, Livy and Tacitus, Vergil and Horace, Lucretius and Ovid. All of them are male, and most were incredibly wealthy adjacents to imperial power who relied on slaves to ply their trade. Gardini is completely transparent that the Latin he chooses to write about is the literary Latin that shaped his character and the character of the works he lovesthe Latin of the classical canon, restricted in both space and time, from around 200 BCE to 200 CE. He fails to paint the larger Mediterranean context, especially the influence of Greecean omission that parallels the erasure of non-Western contributions in general. He offers, for example, the typical yet blinkered story of a Latin Renaissance centered in Italy and moving slowly northward, discounting the cultural importance and contribution of the Byzantine Empire and the Islamic world.

The authors coveredall mendo not range far beyond the usual suspects,most of whom were incredibly wealthy adjacents to imperial power and relied on slaves to ply their trade.

The temporal restriction is telling, too. Unlike scholarly work that has sought to expand the bounds of the past, this book largely conveys a curious nostalgiaa paean to a cultural pattern created by the Renaissance, written by a professor of Renaissance literature, yet with very little of the Renaissance in it. (When Petrarch does appear in passing, Gardinis fondness for him shines through.) The logic of this structure is partly biographical and partly aesthetic. The chapter on the latest author, St. Augustine, is introduced in the following way: In high school, we hardly touched on Christian Latintoo late in the game, too bland. And yet, in the right hands, it too can be beautiful.

The book shines brightest when his exhortations get you to read the words aloud, to will them back into the world, as he did for me with his evocation of Vergils Eclogues, finding that space between poetic verse and magic spell that is at the heart of Roman literary life. His selections of passages are worth the cover price of the book alone, especially in his chapters on Propertius, Juvenal, and Horace. Gardini makes you want to turn back to Senecas letters, or to marvel at the novels of Apuleius and Petronius again, if not for the first time. In this vein, he is movingly clear on the formal achievements of Lucretius, and equally powerful in his rumination on semantic shifts from Latin cura (concern, dedication) to English care. The most ancient words in our language, he writes, are like haunted houses.

However historical his material may be, Gardini seems persistently disinterested in history and politics.

Occasionally he goes too far, as when he claims that Latin is the language of the relationship between the one and the many and that to speak of Latin is first and foremost to speak of a complete dedication to organizing ones words in a profound and measured discourse. Enjoying this book does not require signing on to this definition, but it does require overlooking certain thingsespecially a richer sense of history. However historical his material may be, Gardini seems persistently disinterested in history and politics. He attempts to link the beautiful to the political earlier on when he writes, Beauty is the face of freedom. What all totalitarian regimes have most strikingly in common is their ugliness. Yet claims of beauty and truth were central to the discourses of fascism in the twentieth century. His avoidance of this fact is either incredible naivet or willful denial.

This aestheticism becomes especially hard to take when he turns to Caesar, whose famously dry prose is held up as the epitome of rationalism and pragmatism. He promises not to dwell on Caesars great ideological and propagandistic value. Similarly, he calls Vergils epic written evidence of an entire civilizationnothing short of a new gospel, with hardly anything added on the century of death that preceded it or the scale of human suffering occluded by its tale. Form, here as elsewhere in the book, trumps content: Vergils enduring success is owed first of all to the beauty of his language. Likewise troubling is the briefest nod to the troubles that attended Tacituss imperial life (and conditioned his harsh indirectness) or the wealth, class, and power that made Senecas stoicism possible. In reading Livy, his uncritical tale of Lucretias rape is no surprise given his silence on Roman misogyny and its inheritance through the canon.

The beauty of Gardinis phrases almost obscures a need to prove that the author is speaking the truth.

Of his textual explications, his section on Cicero may be the least convincing. The clear and instructive tour through Ciceronian passages moves between pellucid comments on syntax and quite passionate flights of fancy: under Ciceros direction, Latin takes the stage as a language of truth and justice. As with Ciceros own writing, the beauty of Gardinis phrases almost obscures a need to prove that the author is speaking the truth. Such is the Ciceronian desire and ability to recast the world through the word, rather than deigning to make words faithfully represent it.

Gardini sings the praises of Western civilization, then, without acknowledging that this also includes imperial, colonial, and enslavingmisogynists. The implicit requirement for appreciatingthe aesthetic beauty Gardini so admires is ignoring that literature is a political discourseand that the canon may be complicit in history rather than merely a product of it.

We need to look to classicsmore critically to understand how easy it is to use what remains of Roman and Greek culture as shackles rather than means of liberation.

In the time that has passed since Gardini wrote the Italian edition of this book, we have learned a lot about what people do with Latinwho studies it, and why. In her recent book Not All Dead White Men: Classics and Misogyny in the Digital Age (2018), for example, Donna Zuckerberg tracks the alt-rights appropriation of the classics, from the use of classical texts among Mens Rights Activists to the superficial use of Ovid as inspiration for pickup artists. O tempora! O mores! we cry with Cicero upon seeing classics used by hate groups. Scholars such as Curtis Dozier (with his Pharos project) and Sarah Bond (with her tireless public outreach) have worked alongside mainstream authors such as Myke Cole to record and expose these misunderstandings and misuses of the past.

But the fact remains that classics has been a force of imperialism, classism, racism, and colonialism since its inception. (The historian Rebecca Futo Kennedy has joined others such as Dorothy Kim in cataloguing this long legacy.) We need to look to the history of our discipline more critically to understand how easy it is to use what remains of Roman and Greek culture as shackles rather than means of liberation. Affiliating ourselves with Latin requires scrutinizing the world that has received and transmitted it.

All this points to something we all know but are afraid to admit: the classical humanities have failed as humanizing enterprises. Just consider the classical educations of slaveholders such as Seneca, the classical trappings of colonialism, the superficial Latin and Greek of the so-called Founding Fathers (among them, Thomas Jefferson). German Philhellenism played no small role in Nazism and twentieth-century fascism. And, really, one needs look no further than the Oxford classical education of a buffoon like Boris Johnson to recognize that Western Civilization has a problem.

Those who still admire the work of canon-defending may find in Gardinis book the echo of a rallying cry. But others will find the discomfort of self-recognition. When he closes his book, Gardini claims first that Latin is a worthwhile study because it is fun, but also because Latin is here to remind us that meaning is not to be taken for granted. In the latter claim, Gardini almost seems ready to gesture beyond the narrowly aesthetic, but instead he limply insists that achieving linguistic beauty is one of the highest aims of being human. Gardinis Latin thus ends as an aesthetic wonder: a form with some content, but which should teach us the importance of historical distance and that the ancients speak for the ancients. Perhaps these comments are a belated attempt to stave off the distortions of twentieth-century interpretation or political misusebut it is a weak one, undone by the implicitly political gesture of the books championing of a very narrow and specific canon.

Gardini sings the praises of Western civilization, without acknowledging that this also includes imperial, colonial, and enslavingmisogynists. His Latin is an aesthetic wonder, form without content.

For my part, I carry the Latin I have learned with me every day as a gift. The first line of Catulluss elegy for his brother (multas per gentes et multaper aequora vectus) ran through my head as I travelled to arrange my fathers funeral; I have regularly found comfort in Senecas Moral Epistles, and have learned much about how life makes us all complicit from Ciceros personal letters. These gifts have come to me through chance and privilege.

But it is not enough to learn Latin alone, to excise it from its place and time for merely personal use. It may be nave to think we can appreciate the pasts beauty all the more after recognizing its horrors; that we can find comfort and hope in shared humanity; and that we can still learn from the imperfect past to improve our imperfect present. Yet isnt this the very hope for fame and glory that animated Ovid to sing?

At the end of the day, we may be what we love. Love makes Latin live through Nicola Gardini, and it is certainly lively in his hands. But part of learning to love the classics is learning what they truly are. Our engagement with literature, he admits, should make us more critical of what itand wedo in the world; how we talk about what we love is an expression of how we view ourselves. As the Roman poet Propertius warned, sine sensu vivere amantis, et levibus curis magna perire bona: lovers live without sense / and great affairs perish because of petty concerns.

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Loving Latin at the End of the World - Boston Review

Reefer Madness And Seduction Of The Innocent Are Now The Anti-Vaping M.O. – Science 2.0

The 1950s were the first sign that with a booming economy, progressive busy-bodies were going to once again turn their sights on controlling behavior. Though Prohibition had ended the Puritan Piety attack on alcohol, and Hitler had put a halt to progressive dreams of eugenics, the war on inferiors continued by well-meaning elites unabated after the soldiers came home.

They just attacked on a new front. Comic books, for example, were ruining children, according to psychiatrist Fred Wertham, who wrote a book making his case called "Seduction of the Innocent." Though Captain America had punched Hitler in the face six months before the Japanese bombed Pearl Harbor, now they were the enemy of decency. The Senate took up the case in 1954 but states were already reacting. Ohio Governor Frank Lausche was all for censorship, for example, and supported Akron in its efforts to ban them. Only Akron Councilman Howard Walker, a Ward 8 Republican and chairman of the public welfare and safety committee, resisted the call for bans. Who is qualified to say which books are good and which are bad?

Though conservatives get the bad press in corporate media, it's often social authoritarian progressives out to control behavior. You don't see writers at Reason arguing for censorship but plenty of California politicians want to ban Happy Meals and golf. It was Tipper Gore who declared war on music, supported by her husband Al. And it is Democrats who want vaping banned today. Credit: Pessimists Archive

Once comic books were censored, busybodies found that children still weren't docile automatons, any more than after their efforts to ban radios, books, and "idle minds" so they then turned on pinball machines, rock music, marijuana, TV, birth control, Dungeons & Dragons, rap music, video games, cell phones, and now ... vaping.

If you watch the array of anti-vaping ads appearing on televisions (what used to be corrupting children, according to busybodies) and the Internet (ditto), kids are throwing their video game(ditto) controllers through computers (ditto) because of that demon nicotine; a product that they can't legally buy but some greedy merchant on the internet is still selling so they shout it all needs to be banned.

It's Reefer Madness all over again, which took 60 years to undo. Yet now the same social authoritarian progressives(1) who got marijuana banned and comic books censored have adopted a similar mantra about vaping.

I am not pro-vaping, I don't smoke and never have, nor do I vape, we get no donations from any vaping or tobacco company or trade group, I am simply anti-smoking. It kills, but it is not the nicotine that is harmful, it is the smoke. Vaping needs to be an option for smokers because it simply works better than gums or patches or abstinence only posturing.

Just like Baby Boomers still read comic books in the 1950s - censorship crippled the industry, but it didn't eliminate kids reading comics - they need to realize that kids today are going to do something rebellious or even risky. Some will drink alcohol, some will race cars on streets, some will get addicted to caffeine. But we don't ban beer, automobiles, or Red Bull due to those things, we enforce laws that exist.

That should be the approach we take to vaping. The Trump administration is right to want second opinions instead of listening to what have become increasingly social authoritarian organizations like American Medical Association and American Academy of Pediatrics. They represent only a fraction of doctors and the people forcing through fundamentalist beliefs about nicotine are only a tiny fraction of the members in those organizations. More doctors don't stand up to hysteria because they don't want to look like they are for JUUL. Nor do I, I have blasted the company too many times to count. But just like I defend GMOs even though I didn't like Monsanto as a company, doctors should be going with the evidence and not engaging in culture wars rather than being too timid to stand up to the "cool kids" in their tribes.

FDA, EPA, etc. didn't issue a call to ban GMOs because NRDC, Greenpeace, et al. hate science, even though those groups have gotten plenty of fifth columnists placed inside those government agencies. Nor did academic biologists even though they are 94 percent on the left. Doctors should show as much backbone as scientists and tell government to enforce laws to keep kids from using products, not wrap themselves in the flag of Seduction Of The Internet rhetoric.

NOTE:

(1) Progressives were not alone in using government to force their social authoritarian agenda. Also in 1954, Senator Eugene McCarthy became convinced that the U.S. Army was "soft" on communists. Unlike comic books and other efforts by the left, McCarthy's effort ended in a spectacular failure. Then the left got their revenge on him in history. Though only 7 people in Hollywood were actually Blacklisted - and they were actually communists trying to overthrow the government - you can't find anyone old in that town today who doesn't attribute any career setbacks they may have had to being on the blacklist. It became a badge of honor.

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Reefer Madness And Seduction Of The Innocent Are Now The Anti-Vaping M.O. - Science 2.0

Impeachment and the retreat into groups (Guest viewpoint) – MassLive.com

President Trump committed impeachable offenses and the impeachment process should move forward to enforce institutional boundaries. But if the ultimate goal is to preserve democratic norms, then Congress should also confront factors that make divisive politics effective in the first place.

Before becoming a Massachusetts state Senator I worked on negotiations in civil wars in the Middle East for the United Nations. An eerily similar effort to exploit group division for political gain is happening here. The difference is conflict overseas often mobilizes efforts to tackle underlying causes. It is time to do the same here.

This is a vulnerable moment in America. Politicians often exploit the backlash that follows rapid social and demographic change. In recent examples, the Republican southern strategy" used race as a wedge issue in the decades following 1960s civil rights legislation. In 2004 President Bush won his narrow reelection in large part due to ballot initiatives in 11 states to ban same sex marriage that drew social conservatives to the polls.

Most recently, during the 2016 election Donald Trump targeted white Christians who went from 54 percent of the US population to 43 percent in the previous eight years. During the same time momentous advancements ushered in our first black president, our first female presidential nominee by a major political party, and marriage equality. Those are significant shifts.

Navigating reactions to social progress can be as important as fighting for the gains in the first place. The current transition is ripe for division because it heightens the sense of loss of control over social and political priorities for those opposed to them. Wedge issue politics then succeeds because it plays on the fear of change and claims to provide a path to regain control.

To alter that reaction it is time to focus on underlying group motivations. A common understanding in negotiations is that groups take strong positions on issues, but to reach agreement you focus on their underlying needs. That is what opens the possibility for working together to create options that help both sides.

Many studies show that fear of racial and cultural change motivates voters -- Republican or Democrat -- to move to the right. Nostalgia grows for a previous order by race or gender. It is not surprising given our inherent preference for our own groups. Or the fact dominant groups typically control who gets jobs and whose history is taught.

Importantly, psychologists believe the ability to control culture and policy brings a sense of empowerment, security and recognition for the group and individual. Group security and recognition is the underlying need, and control of policy and culture is the way to achieve it.

At the same time, group empowerment, security, and recognition are at the core of what marginalized groups pursue as well. Identity politics is growing in this same period precisely because it provides a vehicle to achieve basic rights for people of color, women, the LGBTQ community, and immigrants. Identity politics is a basis for saying, your voice matters, your experience and history matters, and we will confront a social order that discriminates against you.

Through this lens, we need a strong focus on making each side feel recognized and empowered. There should not be a need to retreat into groups to secure fundamental needs. Instead there are three things all of us, including Congress, can do.

First, reframe the conversation away from zero-sum thinking where one group is empowered at the expense of another. Change does not need to be equated with insecurity, weakness or the inability to provide for your group.

Second, create a path for everyone, including those in once dominant groups, to be more active in the democratic process. Managing this transition means bolstering participation in decision-making and policy development. It is a form of protection and a guarantee of basic rights. New England offers examples, including the use of direct democracy with town meetings and local referenda. The Massachusetts legislature is considering devolving more revenue generation and control to the local level in a fair manner.

Third, demonstrate results that tackle head on systemic and symbolic sources of insecurity and powerlessness. Counter historic wrongs that continue to impact communities of color. Fight for the security of a job in areas ignored throughout the country, from inner cities to the Rust Belt and rural farmlands.

There is no silver bullet that will resolve our divisions. But stripped down to the basics of what motivates us, we get a glimpse of what unites us. And working together to meet underlying group needs might be a framework for dialogue in this country during a difficult moment of transition.

The impeachment vote is important and it will magnify divisive culture wars and wedge issue politics. Congress should also identify a basis for moving the country forward together.

Adam Hinds, a democrat, is a state senator representing Berkshire, Hampshire, Franklin and Hampden districts.

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Impeachment and the retreat into groups (Guest viewpoint) - MassLive.com

Nigel Farage is on track to securing a landslide for the Tories, as a shock poll in Grimsby shows – The Independent

Could Nigel Farage be about to give Boris Johnson the Christmas present the prime minister dare not hope for a Tory landslide?

Maybe. The constituency opinion poll in Grimsby by Survation for The Economist reputable brands both suggests it might not be out of the question. The shock poll as the Grimsby Telegraph describes it is precisely that. If the poll is to be believed, Grimsby would have a Tory MP for the first time in 74 years. Not only would that, but the Conservative candidate, Lia Nici, romp home, on a suggested 44 per cent of the vote. The Labour candidate, and incumbent, Melanie Onn, is on a mere 31 per cent. Despite her Eurosceptic credentials, her support is down from the 49 per cent she scored last time.

Actually the Tory vote share is more or less identical to what happened in the 2017 election the difference is that the Labour vote has collapsed, and the Brexit Party is on 17 per cent, up from the 4.6 per cent scored by Ukip back then (though less than the high water mark of 25 per cent in the 2015 general election). The Lib Dems and the rest are nowhere.

Sharing the full story, not just the headlines

There are lots of cross currents going on there, but the next effect is a swing from Labour to the Conservatives and, rather more strongly, from Labour to the Brexit Party.

The background is clear. Rightly or wrongly, people in Great Grimsby feel left behind; that when we entered the EU in 1973 we sacrificed the fishing trade; and that free movement has not done the town any favours. It has been, according to this view, left behind. It voted 70 per cent leave in the 2016 referendum.

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So is Nigel Farage maybe right after all?

Yes and no.

If you recall, his strategy is to leave sitting Tory MPs alone, but to go on the attack in safe Labour seats where, like Grimsby, there has been a Labour MP for decades, and where there is cultural resistance to voting Tory. So the Labour vote will swing the Farageists, and either the Tory will gain the seat as a result; or the swing to the Brexit Party will be so dramatic that one of Nigels own will be entering the Commons.

Of course we cannot know this for sure. There is no parallel universe where the Brexit Party isnt standing, and the Labour vote collapses anyway. The fact that Labour has gone from around 40 per cent of the vote in 2017 a surprisingly good show to about half of that now, might suggest Onn is doing better than the party nationally, on that measure.

But if the Farage strategy is right, it looks like he may have overdone it. He may have, as Michael Caine might say, blown the bloody doors off. The idea was that the Brexit party would allow Boris to squeak home and deliver Brexit but with a sold bloc of Brexit Party MPs to keep him honest to the Brexit cause.

Instead, we may be looking at a very substantial Tory majority indeed and possibly even a landslide, with no Brexit Party representation in the Commons at all. The anecdotal evidence suggests that in places such as Stoke-on-Trent North (a seat where Boris Johnson has to win to be forming a stable government) the Get Brexit Done message is getting through. If the Tories are winning in Grimsby, on anything like this sort of showing, then a comfortable majority and more is now coming into view. Remember too, the Tory MPs will have been purged of the likes of Ken Clarke, owe Johnson for their win, and be mostly very loyal.

After all, Grimsby is, formally, number 45 on the Tories target seat list, some way on from Stoke North (target number 36) and these Leave-inclined seats in the North Midlands and Wales would represent a new electoral a base for the Tories. They will be compensating for losses in Scotland, London and the south of England with some stunning symbolic victories. But not only that though: Boris Johnson will be responsible for the emergence of a new kind of politics of culture wars.

Other Labour losses, by the way, might include unseating Dennis Skinner in Bolsover (target number 70 5.7 per cent swing to win); Tony Blairs old seat in Sedgefield (target 91 7.3 per cent swing to win); or Peter Mandelsons in Hartlepool (target 110 9 per cent, on the outer reaches).

Thus, on December 12th the Conservatives might fail to hold Richmond Park or take apparently easy targets such as Canterbury or Kensington where Remain is strong but do far better than the average in places where, a few years ago, the idea of a Tory MP was science fiction stuff. Even in 1977, in the depths of the then Labour governments unpopularity, the party was still able to hang on in the by-election that saw Austin Mitchell sent to parliament, succeeding no less a figure than the social democratic guru Anthony Crosland. Labour heritage in the North is strong but not invulnerable. If the Tories wind up with, say, a 16-point lead on Labour, no amount of tactical voting can save us form a strong and stable Johnson administration.

The time has come, then, to imagine Boris Johnson not just winning, but winning big, and what a full five-year term under him would mean: dismantling the welfare state and public services; the suppression of the franchise; the politicisation of the civil service and the judiciary; tax cuts for the rich; further weakening of worker rights; and a general further skewing in the machinery of the British state towards the interest of the Tory party.

To me, it feel very much like the 1980s a split centre-left opposition, and a reluctance on the part of so many to conceive that anyone would be nasty and selfish enough to vote for the deceitful lying Conservatives, let alone that charlatan Johnson. Youd be better believe that they can, and they will. Even in Grimsby.

Go here to read the rest:
Nigel Farage is on track to securing a landslide for the Tories, as a shock poll in Grimsby shows - The Independent