Archive for the ‘Culture Wars’ Category

Colson: Culture wars lose an icon, gain a martyr – Aspen Times

Though I hadnt seen her groundbreaking show in years, I was saddened when I heard last week that one of our culture wars feminist icons, Mary Tyler Moore, had died at the age of 80.

Not that her age is causing me any distress by the time we reach 80, lots of us are ready to lay down the mantle of being human and try something new.

Instead, my sorrow was sparked by recollections of the wacky combination of characters and plots on the show that sometimes left me young and impressionable as I was breathless with laughter. I was taken comedic prisoner by the situations the shows writers came up with, the verve with which the cast carried them off and the shows charmingly biting social commentary on a whole host of issues.

Interestingly, one of the shows least lovable characters, that of Ted Baxter (played by Ted Knight), came back to haunt me over the weekend, as I watched a few of the Mary Tyler Moore Show episodes on the Sundance channels tribute to her and the show.

The haunting started when I realized how prescient was Knights portrayal of a supremely self-involved ignoramus, wanna-be elitist and seriously insecure fool, which instantly brought to mind our current president.

His vanity, his shallowness, his mistreatment of women, his blatant lack of knowledge about even the most mundane things, all were mind-blowingly similar to the worst attributes of Donald J. Trump.

As I watched, I began to suspect that Trump must have watched the same shows back in the early 1970s, and at some point fixated on Ted Baxter as his favorite character and role model.

How else to explain Trumps determination to make his ignorance into a weapon, and to use insults, slurs of all sorts and declarations of obvious falsehoods to make a point, not to mention his obvious lack of consideration or empathy for anyone?

Ted and The Donald even look somewhat alike, with the mane of white hair (at least since The Donald stopped using orange dye for its shock value) and the jowly, often angry expressions that adorn their faces.

In addition, both Ted Baxter (fictionally) and The Donald (politically and in reality) climbed the ladder of success based not on ability or intelligence, but on clownish and aggressive behavior that seemed to somehow be in sync with attitudes of equally uninformed, shallow and antagonistic members of the public.

A final note of similarity is the dismissive attitude that Baxters character, and our current presidential character, hold toward the unfortunate shadow of political correctness that has long loomed over our national consciousness. Both personalities ignored any such conventions flaunted them, in fact and were rewarded for it.

I recall that, in the shows final episode (which I missed over the weekend), it was Ted Baxter who was retained when new owners cleaned house at the fictional TV station where Mary Richards, Lou Grant and the other characters had worked a snarky jab at the shallow, insecure nebbishes who inhabit the upper tiers of far too many news organizations.

Yep, it was an amazing body of work, the Mary Tyler Moore Show, and it is a testament to its predictive ability that life is now imitating art in at least one, rather goofy arena.

And another thing

Wait a minute.

Did I read that right?

Did Saturday Night Live suspend Katie Rich for poking fun at Barron Trump, the 10-year-old son of our current Ridiculer in Chief?

In a tweet on Inauguration Day, Rich observed Barron as he stood stolidly, frowningly, unhappily on the steps of the Capitol and concluded, Barron will be this countrys first homeschool shooter, and almost immediately joined the worlds roster of cultural martyrs.

Granted, Barron (whats with that name?) cannot be held responsible for his fathers insanity, but he sure gave every indication that he was there because someone made him do it and he was royally pissed off.

And Richs remark was inarguably within the bounds of our new norm in political discourse, where spite, satire and political commentary blend together to create outrageous utterances scarcely to be believed.

It seems a bit of a leap to suspend her indefinitely from her job for something that pales in comparison to the lying, belittling and generally offensive remarks that came out daily from Trumps mouth, his Twitter account, his campaign and many of his supporters over the past year and a half.

I recall one instance, in early 2016, when commenters on a Fox News story about Malia Obamas choice of Harvard as her college of choice went into racist overdrive, actually calling her out by the N-word before Fox managed to pull down its commenting function.

Rich was simply resorting to a fairly tame version of the kind of treatment Trump and his ilk spent 18 months spewing at the rest of us.

And the plain truth is, Barron was giving a very good impression of a youngster with an attitude problem as he stood there on the steps of the Capitol on Inauguration Day.

In fact, I turned to my wife after watching him for a couple of minutes and said something like, That kid looks like trouble in the making.

I thought it then, I think it now, and Ill be watching to see if he proves us (Katie and me) right.

Email at jbcolson51@gmail.com.

See the article here:
Colson: Culture wars lose an icon, gain a martyr - Aspen Times

Social Media Opens New Fronts in Thailand’s Culture Wars – Khaosod English

BANGKOK When the Miss World Pageant 2016 was broadcast in Thailand last month, millions saw Filipino-American host Megan Youngs cleavage blurred by Thai censors every time she appeared on camera.

Irish-born, Thai-raised net idol Jessie Vard, who commands more than 1.4 million Facebook followers, was shamed online for not acting like a proper Thai woman for her sexually charged photos. She vowed to dial it down then apologized for a Christmas Eve event where lecherous men plastered her chest with stickers at a party.

I must apologize for the photos and the clip that came out, Vard wrote on Facebook. Jess will no longer accept such work again but bikini-shooting jobs are still a go.

Then theres the controversial junta-sponsored rewriting of the Computer Crime Act that grants power to the state to censor anything online deemed against good morals that will soon come into effect.

Coupled with early closing times, crackdowns on hookahs and e-cigarettes, sidewalks sanitized of street vendors, desexualized motorshows, booze bans andfeigned surprise at itspervasive commercial sex industry, one might ask if Thailand is experiencing a new wave of moral and cultural policing by the military regime, aided by netizens and the private sector.

Cultural critics differ on whether the situation is aggravating but agree Thailand remains culturally conservative.

Read:On Booze and Buddhism, Culture Warriors Grasp for a Past Thats Passed

Suraphot Thaweesak, a religion and cultural critic at a public university he asked not be named due to political sensitivities, said moral and cultural controls have been imposed by Siamese elites for a long time. He traced it back to the modernization of Siam during the reign of King Rama V, who reigned from 1868 to 1910. Suraphot said secular morality, which includes love of freedom and equality, has yet to take root in Thailand. Instead, morality has been incorporated into the nationalist and royalist ethos. Liberal democracy has meanwhile been perceived as a threat to the traditional elites and the only moral authority most Thais are acquainted with is religious.

The elites do not permit us to question fundamental problems, said Suraphot, adding that the Thai middle class is a product on autocratic conservative ideologies inculcated through religious and school teachings. Its worrying.

Asked to discuss the issue from the governments perspective, the Culture Ministrys Culture Surveillance Bureau declined requests for an interview about the growing role of netizens and private sector in moral and cultural policing.

The office said its director, Yupa Taweewattanakitboworn, was indisposed due to the hectic schedule of the ongoing funeral for His Majesty King Bhumibol.

An official at the bureau who asked not to be named added that the bureau has two to three staff members who constantly monitor the appropriateness of what is on the internet and in other media, then inform the Digital Ministry and other related agencies to do something it if they see something inappropriate.

Again, the target seems fixed on targeting female sexuality.

We also inspect events such as Motor Shows to see if their pretties [promotional models] are properly dressed or not, said the female official, in reference to the ongoing debate over how much sexuality or flesh such presenters, typically young and beautiful, should display.

Social Media the New Morality Police?

Instead of just waiting for the state to nanny us, the role of moral and cultural policing has trickled down to netizens as seen in the case of Jessie Vard and others.

Chulalongkorn University Professor of philosophy Soraj Hongladarom thinks the growth of social media has amplified moral and cultural policing activities and led to policing by the masses.

Social media act as an amplifier in a sense that people can post whatever they think [is acceptable or not] and it can set a trend.

Soraj and Suraphot were quick to note that social media also enable people on opposing camps to debate the merits of morality and whats culturally acceptable. As often as moral scolding breaks out online, backlashes rise to meet them, be it by netizens or the state.

People just laugh at them, said the professor.

For Soraj, the existence of social media means people are able to debate, and its no longer possible for conservatives to drag Thailand back to bygone era of, say, five decades ago. Soraj attributed moral and cultural policing by netizens to nostalgia for the notion of a good old days when they believe things were simpler.

Society has become complex and theres social media, Soraj said. Except issues like the monarchy or anything bordering on defaming the monarchy, Thailand is rather free compared to China or Singapore. If theres too much coercive pressure, people wont accept it.

Soraj gave an example of netizens normalizing exposure of their bodies on social media. This, said Soraj, exemplifies the clash between conformity and individuality.

Back to Vard, despite harsh criticism against her, there were also those who defended her on Facebook.

Why should you apologize? asked Facebook user Arinchai Aob Viteetammaasakdi, following the Christmas Day posting by Vard. Its our body, and what we do with it is our business. I dont want you to apologize because every time someone apologizes, its no different from branding this as a wrong choice. It will affect others who make the same choices.

Those upset with Vards behavior continued to criticize her, however, and the online debate continues. Facebook user Monthakan Ratchaleam said those men defending the net idol by saying its her job should ask themselves if they would allow their wife to do the same, saying her behavior is disgraceful.

Not all think social media intrinsically advances a progressive ideology, however.

Feminist and well-known TV host Lakkana Panwichai, aka Kam Phaka, said social media tends to end up a platform for witch-hunting and ghettoization of like-minded people. Its more of a tool to discredit people and to witch hunt. Liberals tend to care about manners while conservatives dont.

No Change Detected

Lakkana believes things have remained the same and Thai society, be it under elected government or military regime, remains conservative and autocratic.

Its just that under the NCPO (junta), liberals cant really criticize [those in power], so they feel its now unbearable, she said.

Lakkana argued that its not the lack of free expression that emboldening cultural conservatives, but the fact that many Thais support such conservatism to begin with. She cited the example of TV stations like Channel 3 exercising greater self-censorship to cover up women they perceive as improperly dressed.

She acknowledged however that the social and political climate under dictatorship leads to greater self-censorship when it comes to what is and what is not considered appropriate.

Under a normal regime, we know the limits of the law. Now, everyone must be more careful than usual and theres the tendency to play it safe, she said. Its unpredictable.

Related stories:

Why Thailand Should Worry About an Improved(?) Computer Crime ActHeres What a Motor Show Looks Like Without Sexy Pretties (Photos) Did These Motor Show Pretties Hew to Thainess? Govt Wants Less Sex, More Thainess for Motor Show Pretties Siam, Silom, Sukhumvit Street Markets Shut Down Beam, Climax Night Clubs Raided by Soldiers Underage Girls, Police Bribe Ledger Discovered in Raid on Ratchada Flesh Parlor Bangkok Man Opens Microbrewery in Home. Goes Straight to Jail. Regulator Shuts Down Booze Buffet; Threatens to Prosecute People Sharing Alcohol Pics Why Thailand Should Worry About an Improved(?) Computer Crime Act

Read the original here:
Social Media Opens New Fronts in Thailand's Culture Wars - Khaosod English

Peter Espeut | Culture war is on | In Focus | Jamaica Gleaner – Jamaica Gleaner

Anyone who has tried to organise a protest march anywhere must be impressed with the Women's March last Saturday that drew on to the streets more than two million participants globally. Branded as a March on Washington, it actually drew protesters on the streets in dozens of countries all over the world.

The target was Donald Trump, sworn in as the 45th US president just the day before after a campaign in which he made grossly insulting remarks about women in general, in which he insulted several women in particular, none of which were withdrawn or apologised for. In the campaign, Trump promised to withdraw federal funding from organisations that supported and provided abortions and contraception, and he promised to uphold "family values", interpreted to be support for the anti-LGBT, anti-gay marriage folks. He must have expected a big pushback.

It was not a spontaneous protest. It was very well organised by a committee of women determined to protest the threat to what they term their sexual health and reproductive rights. According to their website [see https://www.womensmarch.com], the national organising committee has four co-chairs (all women) - white, black, Latina, and Muslim - and the following officers: head of campaign operations, head of communications, head of logistics, head of web development, head of digital products, head of digital operations and data, a social media manager, a legal director, a volunteer coordinator, a youth initiative coordinator, two global coordinators, two state coordinators, a producer, a music director, and an artistic director. Each officer has a team of advisers and workers.

They also appointed five well-known honorary co-chairs - four women and a man: Angela Davis (black activist), Dolores Huerta (Latina activist), Gloria Steinem (white feminist), LaDonna Harris (native American), and our own Harry Belafonte (Jamaicans have to be in everything).

They had planned 408 marches in the USA and 168 in 81 other countries. The organisers report that 673 marches took place worldwide, including 29 in Canada, 20 in Mexico, and at least one on all seven continents (including Antarctica).

According to their official website, their 'Exclusive Premier Sponsor' is the Planned Parenthood Federation of America, Inc, a US non-profit organisation that provides reproductive health services in the USA and globally (they fund such services in Jamaica). They are the largest single provider of reproductive health services, including abortion, in the USA.

Among their other official sponsors listed on their website is NARAL Pro-Choice America, a US organisation that engages in political action and advocacy efforts to oppose restrictions on abortion and expand access to abortion for all Americans.

Last Monday, on his first official day in the Oval Office - two days after the massive marches - President Trump signed an executive order prohibiting the US Agency for International Development (USAID) from granting family-planning funds to any overseas health centre unless it agrees not to use its own, private, non-US funds for abortion services, abortion-related advocacy, or abortion counselling or referrals. The following day, the US House of Representatives passed legislation that banned the use of federal funds for abortion services within the USA, thus defunding Planned Parenthood.

Trump is expected soon to nominate a conservative judge to the US Supreme Court who might swing the court towards reversing Roe v Wade and reversing the decision that made same-sex marriages legal in the USA.

The culture wars are on!

The USA remains a deeply divided society. "Obama is not our president," said hundreds of thousands of white racists in 2008 as they plotted against their first black president. "Trump is not our president," said hundreds of thousands as they protested against his election in 2016.

The present divisions are largely President Obama's legacy. He used his presidential power to advance the urban liberal agenda in the US culture wars, stirring up and earning the ire of the rural conservative right-wing and fundamentalist Christian segments of American society. The urban liberals will turn out for mass rallies. The rural conservatives vote at the polls.

- Peter Espeut is a sociologist and Roman Catholic deacon. Email feedback to columns@gleanerjm.com.

The rest is here:
Peter Espeut | Culture war is on | In Focus | Jamaica Gleaner - Jamaica Gleaner

The new culture war – Patheos (blog)

The old culture war was about morality and was informed by religion. The new culture war, signaled by the election of Donald Trump, is about nationalism vs. multiculturalismand the people vs. the elites. Trump has little interest in the old culture wars, with the important exception of being pro-life. But the new culture war is just as emotional, with pretty much the same people on either side. So says Rich Lowry in a piece excerpted and linked after the jump.

So where does that leave Christians and others who are still concerned about morality and religion?

If those issues are taken off the table, Christians have other interestsjobs, security, libertythat could align them with this alleged new culture war. Many are members of what Lowry calls Jacksonian America, those ordinary citizens scorned by the elite as vulgar masses, like those championed by Andrew Jackson (and who trashed the White House when he invited them in).

Other Christians may be on the elite side, a faction often championed by traditional conservatives. Just as populism used to be central to the ideology of the Democratic party.

If this analysis is correct, isnt there going to be tension between a catholic religion like Christianity (from every nation, from all tribes and peoples and languages [Rev. 7:9]) and nationalism?

From Rich Lowry,Donald Trump Culture War | National Review:

The nations foremost culture warrior is President Donald J. Trump.

He wouldnt, at first blush, seem well suited to the part. Trump once appeared on the cover of Playboy. He has been married three times. He ran beauty pageants and was a frequent guest on the Howard Stern radio show. His locker-room talk captured on the infamous Access Hollywood tape didnt, shall we say, demonstrate a well-honed sense of propriety.

There is no way Trump could be a credible combatant in the culture war as it existed for the past 40 years. But he has reoriented the main lines of battle away from issues related to religion and sexual morality onto the grounds of populism and nationalism. Trumps culture war is fundamentally the people versus the elite, national sovereignty versus cosmopolitanism, and patriotism versus multiculturalism.

Its the difference, in a nutshell, between fighting over gay rights or immigration, over the breakdown in marriage or Black Lives Matter. The new war is just as emotionally charged as the old one. It, too, involves fundamental questions about who we are as a people, which are always more fraught than the debate over the appropriate tax rate or whether or not we should have a defense sequester.

The participants are, by and large, the same as well. The old culture war featured Middle America on one side, and coastal elites, academia, and Hollywood on the other. So does the new war. And while Trump has no interest in fighting over gay marriage or engaging in the bathroom wars, his staunch pro-life position is a notable holdover from the old war.

Yet any of his detractors who is warning, out of reflex more than anything else, of an attempt to control womens bodies or establish a theocracy is badly out of date. Donald Trump has many ambitions, but imposing his morality on anyone clearly isnt one of them.

[Keep reading. . .]

Illustration of Andrew Jacksons inaugural reception: Made by Robert Cruickshank as an illustration in the The Playfair papers, published in London by Saunders and Otley in 1841, v. 2. [Public domain], via Wikimedia Commons

See original here:
The new culture war - Patheos (blog)

Nato Thompson’s New Book Explores Culture’s Power to Persuade … – The Atlantic

When it comes to living in a democracy, Nato Thompson argues, nothing affects us more directly and more powerfully than culture. Culture suffuses the world we live in, from TV to music to advertising to sports. And all these things, Thompson writes in his new book, Culture as Weapon, influence our emotions, our actions, and our very understanding of ourselves as citizens.

But comprehending how dominant culture has become also means thinking about the ways it can be, and has been, employed to manipulate consumers, by politicians, brands, and other powerful institutions. In Culture as Weapon, Thompson delves into the culture wars of the 1980s, the early origins of public relations and advertising in the early 20th century, how culture became a powerful vehicle for reinventing cities, and how brands associate themselves with causes to shape their own reputations. He looks at how artists have responded to these impulses, and how the emergence of the internet contributed to a new kind of immersion in culture, in which were more deeply absorbed in it than ever.

Thompson is the artistic director of the nonprofit arts organization Creative Time, which commissions and supports socially engaged works of art. He spoke to me by phone. The interview has been edited and condensed.

Sophie Gilbert: Your book explores how arts, entertainment, and culture in the larger sense color our view, as citizens, of how we interpret current events. Do you think this played out particularly in the last election?

Nato Thompson: I feel like it plays out in every election. And to put a cautionary note around it, Im game on for talking about the urgency of what Trump presents, but the misleading part of that is that it makes us think that those who didnt vote for Trump are somehow outside of the bubble, which I totally do not believe. It falls too conveniently into the idea that the masses are somehow hypnotized by the media-culture machine but the progressive rationalists escape it, which just isnt true. Our ideological terrain is much murkier than that.

Gilbert: Thats interesting, because my next question was going to be about how you explore in the book how people and companies use culture to expand and maintain their influence. And one thing about the last president was that he was really a master of this, and in using cultural soft power. Can you talk a little bit about how he used culture within his administration?

Thompson: Just the way Obama ran was interesting. He ran on a change platform, which is also what Trump ran on, obviously. Certainly this was the post-Bush era, and change was welcome to a country totally exhausted by the Iraq War and the War on Terror, and so the brand of Obama, to put it in those terms, was, Yes we can, and, Change you can believe in. Which certainly appeals to the heart, but could also easily be an ad for Pepsi-Cola. That said, he was extraordinarily personable, and probably the coolest president we will ever have. He was extremely deft on a talk show, he was the first president who could do a mic drop, he was the first president up there shooting hoops where you actually thought he was good. He was cool, but certainly not without a brand image.

Gilbert: The first chapter is largely about the culture wars that emerged during the Reagan presidency, and it feels in some ways very familiar, especially with the current threats to NEA funding. Do you feel like history is repeating itself?

Thompson: Yes, although at a very different speed. One of the lessons that were all learning that Reagan knew, very well in fact, is that controversies are on your side. When it comes to the culture wars, paradox is your friend. So when Trump says hes going to build a wallwhich I think is going to be the most iconic artwork of this eraits meant to make people angry. Some people think Trump is a master media strategist, but whether he is or not doesnt matter. His personality happens to coincide with the needs of the media itself, and his behavior is such that the camera cant get off him, and thats something that the Christian right learned with the culture wars. When Jesse Helms went after sodomites, not only was he able to galvanize what he called the silent majority, but simultaneously he was able to gay-bash, to talk viscerally about sex, while pretending to hate it. He could have his cake and eat it. Trump does that too, I think. He enjoys condemning things because the things hes condemning obsess the media.

Gilbert: Theres a quote in the book from Hitler, who describes citizens as a vascillating crowd of human children who are constantly wavering between one idea and another, and how the art of propaganda consists of finding ways to capture their attention. Do you think culture wars are about uniting people or dividing them?

Thompson: Well, I dont want to generalize because its a complex media landscape, and certain actions do in fact bring people together. But to say something kind of weird, I know a lot of people say love trumps hatethey use that phraseologybut I would say fear of the other is a more historically powerful force. Fear is one of these things in our emotional toolkits that gets a reaction out of us as people very fast. In our psychology, fear doesnt have an opposite: It is the dominant emotional register. I say that because its useful to understand that fear is something were very vulnerable to, and because of that it will continue to be used. Its a weapon we use on all fronts, because its how we function. This is the way things tend to have played out historically, and are playing out now.

Gilbert: What did you make of the inauguration? What kind of message did it project?

Thompson: It was interestingthere was so much footage of anarchists breaking windows, and I thought, this is the same media impulse that couldnt take its eyes off Trump. An alternative title for the book certainly could have been, If It Bleeds, It Leads, and you see that same addiction to hyperbole, addiction to sensationalism, ratings, clickbait. I watched that and was so infuriated by it, because it just felt like nothing was changing in terms of the way were reading the world.

Gilbert: I wanted to ask, too, about the concert the day before, with Toby Keith and The Piano Guys. Eight years previously we saw this huge cultural event with Bruce Springsteen and Beyonc, and the recent concert was also touted as a big inaugural event but the talent was markedly different. Do you have any thoughts on the message of that?

Thompson: Theres been such a different range in this election with cultural strategies, and here Im talking capital-C culture, like arts and entertainment. Because, of course, we all know Trump had a difficult time getting acts to agree to come, and certainly had he had his druthers, he would have had the Rolling Stones or someone big-name and mainstream, but it didnt go that way. Quite frankly, I dont think Trump thinks of himself as appealing to the demographic that actually ended up playing the inaugural concert.

Gilbert: I thought about the protests, too, when I was reading the section on Campbells soup, and the power of branding for charitable causes, like pink soup cans for breast cancer. It seems theres immense power in this instant visual iconography, like a sea of pink hats everywhere.

Thompson: As far as Im concerned, that march could have been led by a myriad of different issues, but thank goodness it was a womens march. It was great for that, it had a different tone and a different feel, and the pink hats led a lot of that, a feeling of literal texture. The Campbells thing is a little different because that chapter is about how companies like to brand themselves as social-good companies, like how Googles motto is Dont Be Evil. I think that under Trump were going to be in for a lot more of brands for social justice, because, I suspect, a lot of people are going to be unhappy with him, even if they supported him. A lot of the energy with him was against somethingagainst Hillaryand now shes out of the picture thatll have to shift to another target. And a lot of companies will be able to position themselves as being against the current system, when really in fact theyre not against it at all.

Gilbert: The idea in the book too about the massive psychogenic illness of social media, and our self-perpetuating bubbles was fascinating. Because right now, every time I go on Twitter, I get a feedback loop of doom.

Thompson: I think were all in a national and international learning curve with that. Its almost like theres an emotional logic to social networking that were all learning together, collectively. Were learning the emotional responses that happen to us online, were learning that were all kind of trolls when it comes to the internet. Were watching everyone freak out but also learning that freaking out emotionally wears us down. Were all on this strange emotional rollercoaster ride together. This is such a new way to receive news, its such a new way to relate to people close to us. Who knows where its all going? But that, certainly, is very different from the culture wars of the 80s.

Gilbert: How can we, as consumers of culture, be aware of the ways in which our emotions might be being manipulated by it? While also not being afraid of it?

Thompson: Well, its a good question. I think mindfulness, certainly, and Im no therapist, but Im a big fan of talking things out in groups and getting some distance from how things affect you before you react to them. Theres an early analysis in the book of Walter Lippmann [his thoughts on democracy, and how he believed that people acted emotionally rather than rationally]. I would say the same analysis applies to media. I dont want to dismiss democracy as a concept, but certainly key pillars of itthat citizens vote rationallyare inaccurate when it comes to who we are as people. Part of that, then, is really getting a handle on how people know what they know. A lot of what drives culture is branding, and a lot of the driving engine of our society knows already exactly who we are and how to get us to do things. The logic of most industries actually works very coercively. So, Im not answering your question, but I think its good to be aware of how intimate and deeply fearful we are.

Gilbert: What I took from your last answer is that since were begin targeted so effectively by brands based on our identity, maybe we should start mixing things up? I should start consuming culture that isnt typically my kind of thing?

Thompson: Quite honestly, on a more strategic level, its good to just get outside of your bubbles. Looking at the red state/blue state thing, its not really about states. If you throw a rock 40 minutes outside of a city, youll probably hit a Trump area. But what that demonstrates, too, is that geographical proximity also has a huge power over who we think we are. The people around you inform you more than the internet does. This says to me that what we need is for people from the country to come to the city, and people from the city to come to the country, and we need to have honest and open conversations about what were thinking about.

Read the original here:
Nato Thompson's New Book Explores Culture's Power to Persuade ... - The Atlantic