Archive for the ‘Culture Wars’ Category

School principals say culture wars made last year ‘rough as hell’

"Rough as hell."

That's how one high school principal in Nevada describes the 2021-'22 school year, when conflicts with parents and community members were all too common.

"Something needs to change or else we will all quit," says another principal, in California.

Those voices are part of a new, nationally representative survey of 682 public high school principals, many of whom describe a level of tension and division within their broader school communities that is not only high but, in the words of one Utah principal, making the job harder "than any other era in my 20 years of administrative experience."

John Rogers, a professor of education at UCLA, helped lead the survey effort and says, while an earlier, 2018 survey of principals revealed conflicts spilling into schools, "what's different in 2022 is that a lot of the political conflict is being targeted at public schools," especially in narrowly divided "purple" districts.

More than two-thirds (69%) of principals surveyed report "substantial political conflict" with parents or members of the community last year over several controversial topics:

The survey was conducted during the summer of 2022 by the Institute for Democracy, Education and Access at UCLA and the Civic Engagement Research Group at UC Riverside.

The resulting report is rich with detail and gut-punch quotes that school leaders offered researchers in exchange for anonymity. NPR was not able to independently verify educators' stories or identities. Below are a handful of the survey's biggest takeaways.

Nearly half (45%) of principals surveyed say the level of parent/community conflict they saw last year was either "more" or "much more" than anything they'd seen before the pandemic.

Just 3% say they felt less conflict last year.

Principals cite many stressors, including a kind of ambient anxiety created by the pandemic that was then exacerbated by the spread of misinformation on social media, the rise of the Black Lives Matter movement, the divisive tenure of former President Trump, and, most importantly, the role of national, largely conservative organizations in galvanizing parents and turning schools into culture war battlegrounds.

In fact, the more politically divided a community is, the more likely principals are to say their schools have been riven by conflict.

Researchers found that schools in purple congressional districts (where Trump won 4554.9% of the vote in 2020) were more likely to experience "acute" levels of political conflict than schools in blue districts (where the vote for Trump dipped below 45%) or in red districts (where Trump support exceeded 55%).

And those political conflicts can also play out between students.

Almost seven of 10 (69%) principals report "students have made demeaning or hateful remarks towards classmates for expressing either liberal or conservative views."

"I had to come down and help the teacher, like a veteran teacher, who's never had

problems having discussions," remembers one Iowa principal. "And the kids were just so stuck in their trenches, they weren't willing to be open to even listen to the other side."

In many places, according to the survey, misinformation sparked fires of conflict.

"We had a group of parents that went bananas on us on the masking, and believed that we were encouraging kids to get a shot that surely had a microchip in it because the government wanted to control their brains," remembers one Nevada principal.

This same principal, who says he is a registered Republican in a predominantly conservative district, worries that parents' belief in misinformation has had a chilling effect on schools' ability to talk about current events and even recent history.

"You can't [use newspapers] anymore. You can't use CNN because the parents will go nuts on you. You can't use Fox because it's so out there. It's hard to teach kids about what's going on in any kind of context, because there is no context anymore."

Nearly two-thirds (64%) of principals report that parents or community members pushed back against information used in classrooms. And this tug-of-war over facts "grew almost three-fold in purple communities between 2018 and 2022," according to the report.

"The only way I think we're going to get out of a situation like this is teaching kids, and maybe even the greater public at large, what is good information," opines one Nebraska principal.

The bitter, politicized fight around critical race theory has been well-documented. But this survey sheds new light on just how pervasive those conflicts were in schools.

Roughly half of principals, according to the report, say parents or other members of their communities tried "to limit or challenge ... teaching and learning about issues of race and racism" last year.

In purple districts, nearly two-thirds (63%) of principals noted that kind of community pressure.

Not only that, many district leaders gave in.

Nearly a quarter (23%) of principals in purple communities told researchers that district leaders, including school board members, "took action to limit teaching and learning about race and racism." That was higher than in both red communities (17%) and blue communities (8%).

"My superintendent told me in no uncertain terms that I could not address issues of race and bias..." one Minnesota principal remembers. "He told me, 'This is not the time or the place to do this here. You have to remember you are in the heart of Trump country and you're just going to start a big mess if you start talking about that stuff.' "

Another principal, in Ohio, says when a group of angry parents found no evidence of CRT in his school's social studies curriculum, they accused him of "teaching undercover CRT."

"We are trying to weather this storm and see if we can get through it," the Ohio principal says, even as his staff "has become scared ... worried that ... if I talk about the Civil Rights Movement and Jim Crow, am I going to be accused of telling White people they are bad?"

Nearly half (48%) of principals say they faced outside efforts, from parents or the broader community, to "challenge or limit LGBTQ+ students' rights," with principals in purple communities almost twice as likely as those in more conservative or liberal areas to say they faced multiple such efforts.

A California principal says, "one counselor described to me how a parent screamed at her on the phone" and used an anti-gay slur. "It's quite disheartening to work so hard and care for all our students when so many people are being hateful and threatening."

The survey results also reveal a mirroring effect where adult efforts to curtail LGBTQ+ students' rights parallel rising rates of students themselves harassing LGBTQ+ classmates.

"The percentage of principals indicating multiple attacks on LGBTQ+ students grew across all schools," according to the report, "from 15% in 2018 to 24% in 2022."

In purple communities, however, that number more than tripled.

In spite of the pressure and its toll, many principals say they believe the vast majority of parents do not support the conflicts that have so divided their schools, that many of these fights are driven by "small clusters of hate," as one North Carolina principal puts it.

Principals believe this silent majority remained silent last year "because they're too busy or overwhelmed or are afraid that if they become engaged, they're going to face danger," UCLA's Rogers says.

Rogers' collaborator, Joseph Kahne, a professor of education at UC Riverside, warns that silence isn't healthy for a school system that is meant to serve all children.

"If the vast majority of folks are quiet, then folks who have very strong opinions or who are willing to engage in very contentious politics will have an outsized influence," Kahne warns. "If all parents and community members speak up, and if they have reasoned and focused conversations, that dialogue will be good for schools."

And, Kahne and Rogers argue, good for democracy.

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School principals say culture wars made last year 'rough as hell'

2022 in the classroom: A look back on book bans, culture wars, and the fight over parental rights – ABC Action News Tampa Bay

2022 in the classroom: A look back on book bans, culture wars, and the fight over parental rights  ABC Action News Tampa Bay

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2022 in the classroom: A look back on book bans, culture wars, and the fight over parental rights - ABC Action News Tampa Bay

Controversy over an Iqbal song in a UP school and how these culture wars impoverish us all – The Indian Express

Controversy over an Iqbal song in a UP school and how these culture wars impoverish us all  The Indian Express

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Controversy over an Iqbal song in a UP school and how these culture wars impoverish us all - The Indian Express

From Culture Wars to Kulturkrieg? Claudia Franziska Brhwiler

Music artists who sing in Swiss German hardly ever make headlines outside their native territoryand not even there, if they choose a niche genre like reggae and if they are not under contract with a major label. That had been very much the reality for the singer and songwriter Lauwarm, who earns his living mainly as a carpenter. His YouTube channel usually counts less than five hundred subscribersuntil one little summer scandal made nearly 30,000 people click on one of his music videos.

The song that suddenly grabbed so much attention is fittingly titled sProblem, the problem, for it was an unexpected problem that drove the click numbers up: a July concert in Bern, Switzerlands capital, was stopped because guests of the venue felt uncomfortable that a white band was playing reggae and one of its guitarists sported blond dreadlocks. Cultural appropriation was their verdict. In ironic contrast to his stage name which means lukewarm, Lauwarm became a hot topic, grabbing headlines in both Germanys most prestigious weekly, Die ZEIT, and its most notorious tabloid, BILD. It felt like an odd repeat, as months earlier the young German singer Ronja Maltzahn was uninvited from a concert hosted by the Fridays for Future movement because she, too, wears her hair in dreadlocks.

Just as the online anger on allegedly insensitive hairstyles subsided, another debate on cultural appropriation and racism dominated opinion pages: the cancellation of Winnetou.

Winne-who, you might wonder?

Winnetou is probably the only Native American celebrity figure who is utterly unknown in the United States. The brainchild of German author Karl May (18421912), the story of the noble savage and Chief of the Apaches has been devoured by generations of dominantly German-speaking readers, and a series of movies has an equally loyal following. In fact, the story gets re-discovered and re-interpreted regularly, be it as an over-the-top comedy and satire like the wildly successful movie Der Schuh des Manitu (2001) or as a prequel to Mays story in an upcoming childrens movie on the young Chief Winnetou.

One of Germanys biggest childrens book and board game publishers, Ravensburger, announced the publication of new books and puzzles to accompany the movie release. But before a single copy reached the stores, Ravensburger announced that it would not sell the movie tie-ins after allit claimed that it had recognized how culturally insensitive the planned publications would have been. And suddenly, journalists also dug up the two-year-old decision by ARD, Germanys and the worlds largest public broadcaster network, to no longer show any Winnetou movies.

Yes, you would not learn anything about real Native Americans and their way of life, the history of oppression and discrimination they faced and still face by reading or watching Karl May movies. The author only visited the United States oncethe success of his Winnetou books made him affluent enough to travel overseas. And yes, Karl May was anything but a moral role model; he was indeed a scoundrel who had served time in prison and who was always on the lookout for an easy way to make an extra dime.

But in contrast to those who have now called for banning his work and adaptations thereof, most readers are and were well aware of the limitations of both work and author: the first thing I learned about Native Americans in Swiss primary (elementary) school was that I should not believe anything May wrote. The focus for readers and movie audiences was rather on the moral lessons in his books, such as the value of respect and tolerance, friendship, and loyalty.

Both the debate on Winnetou and on dreadlocks perfectly mirror controversies in the United Statesyet the mirror seems distorted: the verbatim and unquestioned introduction of terms such as cultural appropriation, woke, and cancel culture is problematic enough given the dramatically different histories and current demographics of German-speaking countries. But it is not only the terms as such that are adopted, but also the antagonistic style associated with them in the US context: problems regarding cultural appropriation, racism, and/or colonialism are to be solved by pressure, cancellation, and the negation of any true dialogue or room for compromise.

At the same time, right-wing commentators and activists may not (yet) ask for book bans as they successfully do in the United States, but they have likewise adopted a deafeningly shrill tone when it comes to addressing the concerns of liberal progressives. True dialogue would, however, require listening, that is, active listening and paying attention to what is said. Case in point: a media analysis portal has found that the Winnetou debate overstated the influence of so-called woke activists and instead followed a simplistic narrative.

A polarized and uncompromising debate fought on the basis of contextually inadequate conceptsit is tempting to call this an Americanization of cultural and political debates.

Swiss and German warriors not only point the finger at each other in their culture warsthey also point it at a third party: the United States

The same can be observed with the arguably most contentious culture war issue right now, namely abortion. Switzerland is notoriously slow in social liberalization processesafter all, Swiss women only received the right to vote in 1971. Six years later, and thus four years after Roe v. Wade, Swiss voters decided against liberalizing abortion, even though the suggested policy was quite strict in comparison to Roe: for the first twelve weeks of a pregnancy, women would have had unconditional access to an abortion; after the first trimester, medical reasons would have been required. In 2002, nearly thirty years later, social and moral attitudes had changed: More than 72% of Swiss voters favored the so-called Fristenlsung.

Challenges to said law have been futilethere is a robust consensus that abortion should remain legal and accessible under these conditions. And yet, Dobbs created a moment of panic: not only did many Austrian, German, and Swiss media outlets misrepresent the decision so that many people believed that abortion had become completely illegal in the entire United States. Some also suggested that the decision might affect Europe. The specter of a Kulturkampf in lockstep with American culture wars?

Needless to say, such a development is highly unlikely. While culture war issues are indeed pressing concerns in the United States, European onlookers are mainly one thing: voyeurs, and often self-righteous ones at that. In this vein, Dobbs has served some European politicians and media commentators as an opportunity to display their own righteousness with little regard for the fact that their countries regulations would be irreconcilable with Roe.

German foreign minister Annalena Baerbock, for instance, declared her solidarity with US women by taking to the streets. Minister Baerbock stressed that abortion was part of a womens right to control her own body. Yet in Germany, the legal situation is closer to what Mississippi aimed for originally than the reality of Roeand the Minister herself only took a stance against the prohibition of abortion ads rather than the abortion restrictions as such.

Controversies on culture war issues are generally dominated by an accusatory logic. But in contrast to US debates, Swiss and German warriors not only point the finger at each otherthey also point it at a third party: the United States. On the one hand, US terminology feeds the vocabulary and theories underlying these controversies. On the other hand, the US is given as either a deterring or inspiring example, whatever serves the narrative. Neither is conducive to a constructive debateand all of it is a distraction from our actual problems and our own flaws.

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From Culture Wars to Kulturkrieg? Claudia Franziska Brhwiler

Clinging to Culture Wars & Conspiracy Theories, Extremist Candidates Weaponized Disinformation to Try to Stop the Gears of Progress from Turning;…

Clinging to Culture Wars & Conspiracy Theories, Extremist Candidates Weaponized Disinformation to Try to Stop the Gears of Progress from Turning; But a Series of Projected Outcomes on Tuesday are Expected to Reveal that Growing Voter Momentum f  Human Rights Campaign

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Clinging to Culture Wars & Conspiracy Theories, Extremist Candidates Weaponized Disinformation to Try to Stop the Gears of Progress from Turning;...