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Concerns about TikTok have been around for years and many of the accusations seem to ring hollow. In 2020, US courts overturned the Trump administrations ban on TikTok and WeChat, citing insufficient evidence of national security concerns and a likely overreach of authority. Since then, TikTok has invested significantly in ensuring tighter compliance with US laws, including housing all of its US data with Oracle, an American company. Also, while ByteDance was founded in China, it is 60 per cent owned by US multinationals including Carlyle Group, General Atlantic and Susquehanna International Group Susquehannas co-founder Jeff Yass also happens to be the biggest donor in the US presidential election. As for TikToks data gathering, well, so do the other big tech companies and apps, including Google and Facebook.

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Protests at US Congress after House passes bill that could potentially ban TikTok nationwide

Protests at US Congress after House passes bill that could potentially ban TikTok nationwide

TikTok came under the spotlight for carrying a significant amount of pro-Palestinian content when other social media platforms, such as Instagram and Facebook, were accused of suppressing pro-Palestinian voices. For instance, TikToks videos with the #standwithpalestine hashtag were viewed nearly 15 times as often as its #standwithisrael content.

Concerned pro-Israel lobbyists in the US have confronted TikTok officials and pushed for the company to address what they saw as a growing antisemitic movement being hosted on the platform. Among those openly supporting the TikTok bill is the Jewish Federations of North America, which represents hundreds of organised Jewish communities.

A similar divide is seen among the liberal politicians, with some Democrats voting against the bill and warning that a TikTok ban could alienate young Democratic supporters, many of whom are TikTok users. TikToks many content creators in the US, many of whom earn money from their videos, are also lobbying for the bill to be rejected.

Can ByteDance have its TikTok cake and eat it too?

Even if the bill is passed by Senate, ByteDance will have six months to sell TikTok, failing which the app will then face a ban. If it came to it, such a sale would be extremely difficult, given what is expected to be a multibillion-dollar price tag as well as the hurdles of US antitrust laws and Chinese government approval.

The debate over a TikTok ban has stirred fierce feelings that defy the traditional conservative vs liberal divide, highlighted the controversy over the coverage of events in the aftermath of the October 7 Hamas attacks on Israel and focused attention on the culture wars in America. Whatever the outcome, there is little hope of pleasing the crowd.

Mohammed Sinan Siyech is a doctoral candidate at the Islamic and Middle East Studies Department at the University of Edinburgh and a non-resident associate fellow at the Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi

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Fiery debate over TikTok ban puts Americas culture wars in spotlight - South China Morning Post

The concept of metamodernism isnt particularly well-known, but once you learn about it, you will recognize it everywherein pop music, in movies, in social media posts, in podcast conversations. Heres Eric Weinstein inadvertently articulating the spirit of metamodernism in a recent interview:

Metamodernism is characterized by oscillating between different perspectivesin particular, between postmodern irony and modern sincerity. To apply Eric Weinsteins terminology, its the view that you need to selectively access [contradictory perspectives] in different circumstances.

Weinstein didnt set out to present a metamodern perspectiveno more than Sufjan Stevens and Conor Oberst set out to write metamodern songs. The fact that Weinstein stumbled into these musings is simply indicative of the age we live in. To understand major shifts in culture today, its necessary to look beyond postmodernism and start discussing issuesincluding hot-button culture-war issuesin metamodern terms.

Postmodernism arose in the mid-twentieth century: after World War II, but before the floppy disk and the first computer games, like Pong. So, while postmodernism may give off a vague impression of being radical, hip, and visionary, in fact, its quite an old thing. In technology terms, it arose in the Stone Age. It has been around the block and is showing its rust and wrinkles. As early as the 1980s, writers and thinkers foresaw the death of postmodernism. And just consider how much culture has changed and technology has advanced since the 80s.

The current conception of metamodernism emerged in 2010 with the publication of the paper Notes on Metamodernism by cultural theorists Timotheus Vermeulen and Robin van den Akker. The paper describes the experience of living in a world in which we feel comfortable oscillating between different perspectives and examines this new way of looking at things by discussing developments in architecture, art, and film.

For example, Vermeulen and Akker see the films of Wes Anderson as evidence of a recent trend in Indie cinema characterized by the attempt to restore, to the cynical reality of adults, a childlike naivetyas opposed to the postmodern smart cinema of the 1990s, which was typified by sarcasm and indifference.

Just as a metamodern analysis can help elucidate cultural shifts, it can also help make sense of recent developments in the culture wars. One example of metamodernism is the rise of the Satanic Temple as a legitimate player in culture war issues. On the one hand, the Satanic Temple is a cheesy social club that LARPs as a religion and ironically embraces stereotypical satanic imagery; on the other hand, it issues serious legal challenges to religious organizations that seek to effectively impose Christianity as the state religion in the US.

The Impasse Between Modernism and Postmodernism

The battlefield is indeed the university. How, then, does he characterize these two opponents?

If Christians can put up a monument to the Ten Commandments on government property, then Satanists can erect a statue of Baphomet next to it. If Christians can pass laws restricting abortions, then Satanists can open a religious abortion clinic. And if Christians can have after-school clubs, Satanists can too.

So, is the Satanic Temple a religious parody or a legitimate religion? Well, its both. Its simultaneously both a religious spoof and an organization that courts take seriously. Only the metamodern viewpoint makes sense of this.

Our culture has reached an odd juncture with regard to religion in general. Fewer and fewer people consider themselves to be religious, and, of those who maintain a faith, ever fewer regularly show up to a place of worship. And yet, religion is suddenly fashionable again. For example, in 2022, New York Times contributor Julia Yost described how, in a trendy neighbourhood in New York City, Catholicism is the new hip thing, partly as a rejection of progressive morality, partly as an aesthetic posture among the fashionable New Right.

This phenomenon goes beyond a single neighbourhood in New York. Its a vibe in the zeitgeist. For example, in January 2024, Gen Z writer Suzy Weiss was asked to predict cultural trends for the new year. On the topic of religion, she put it succinctly: Religion in. God is so in. Spirituality out. Bari Weiss, Suzys sister, clarified, Crystals are out, Catholic church is in.

How do you ironically embrace religion, a thing that claims to be so serious as to determine the fate of your soul in the afterlife? You do so by situating yourself within the metamodern framework.

The so-called trad movement is a similar phenomenon, in which highly educated urbanites are choosing to (semi-ironically) adopt traditional gender roles. As I have written previously, the bleeding edge of metamodernism might be a tradwife with a masters degree from UC Berkeley and a squealing baby throwing Cheerios across the room. A short skirt and a long jacket. A camgirl side-hustle and a cross necklace. A feminist who rejects Nth-wave feminism.

Its clear that the metamodern perspective has spread throughout the culture, but it hasnt yet been taken up by the commentariat. Unless you go looking for it, youll almost never hear about it. Although there are plenty of culture-war figures who seem primed to give voice to metamodernism, theyre all stuck in a never-ending cycle of critiquing postmodernism.

Consider a recent clip from a discussion between Sam Harris and Jordan Peterson, The Issue with Postmodernism. The clip centres on a familiar gripe by Harris about the moral confusion of cultural relativism. Harris argues that its objectively wrong for Muslim countries to deprive women of basic rights.

Its hard to disagree with Harriss basic claim. Yet, its also true that all cultures (even those that are morally backwards) are incredibly complex, rich, and beautiful in their own rights. Its possible to relinquish the role of a moral judge for a moment and appreciate the culture of, say, Victorian England, or the Aztec Empire, or modern-day Iran, even though each of these cultures has plenty of elements that are not optimized for the flourishing of all citizens. In fact, most of us do this. We read about the Aztecs, for instance, with a strong sense of wonder and respect before it even crosses our minds to scrutinize the morality of any given social practice or religious tradition they upheld.

There are two contradictory views at play here: 1) cultural relativism offers a lens through which to value and appreciate all the rich and diverse array of cultures, across time; 2) a modern conception of human rights offers a foolproof argument for condemning governments that subjugate women. Metamodernism allows us to entertain both ideas at once and selectively apply them in different circumstances.

The subtext of the metamodern view is that postmodernism, while compelling, is incomplete. In a world in which there are no ground truths and no grand narratives, there can be no moral progress. And yet we all live our lives in accordance with strict moral truths and grand narratives. This is especially true of educated elites who are most sympathetic to postmodernism. As Harris observed to Peterson, the same people who cant condemn a Muslim nation for subjugating women will be morally outraged over a college student wearing an inappropriate Halloween costume.

So, yes, beat postmodernism over the head with modern moral indignation, but dont throw it out entirely. Embrace the muddiness of being a storytelling ape in a digital age in which God is dead but old-world religious practices areat least for the momentin.

And this is the hard thing, says Eric Weinstein, referring to the requirement to oscillate between contradictory perspectives. Anybody with multiple children knows that, with one kid youre saying, You cannot afford to take these risks; if you jump off something like that, think what you could do! While the other kid needs, Nothing ventured, nothing gained, come on!

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The Metamodern Shift in the Culture Wars - Quillette

COTTLEVILLE Amid our remarkably divided times, four school board candidates in the Francis Howell School District found a bit of common ground during a debate on Tuesday.

This election is going to be about teachers, said Steven Blair, a Methodist pastor and father of two.

He and Carolie Owens, a retired music teacher, are endorsed by the local affiliate of the National Education Association.

Blair and Owens didnt agree much with their two opponents during the debate, led by student journalists in the districts high schools. Adriana Kuhn, who owns a marketing company, and Sam Young, a retired U.S. Navy officer, are endorsed by the Francis Howell Families activist group, which has helped push culture wars in the district. Kuhn has brought partisan politics to the race, touting her support by the Republican Central Committee.

But all four candidates endorsed the idea that the election is about teachers increasing teacher pay and keeping them in the district, long one of the highest-ranked districts in Missouri.

How to get there? Thats another matter.

The debate, with pointed questions from the students, was a microcosm of the divisive battles that have embroiled school boards across the nation. In the past few months, the Francis Howell district has been divided by race, as the board rescinded an anti-racism resolution and then tried to cancel Black literature classes and Black history classes. The classes were reinstated, but not until a student-led walkout helped bring attention to the issue. Still, the board voted to erase the part of the curriculum dealing with social justice and political activism in Black history.

That action was a reminder that political activism and history cannot be divided.

Every single one of us is connected to political activism, Blair reminded his fellow candidates during the debate.

Young and Kuhn supported the gutting of Black history and Black literature classes. They talked about how bad masks were in the COVID-19 pandemic, and how its important for school boards to delve into the sorts of debates that decide who uses which bathrooms.

Some people thought it was a good thing that students walked out of school, Young said. I disagree with that.

The four candidates are battling for two seats on the school board. The election is unlikely to end the culture wars, as the winners will replace two board members who were dissenting votes in the curriculum discussions. One way or another, there will still be a culture war majority on the Francis Howell School Board after the April 2 election. Thats a bad thing if the goal is to stop teachers from fleeing, Owens and Blair said.

There are teachers who are leaving Francis Howell for other school districts, Blair said. Ive talked to the teachers. What they want more than anything else is to stop being attacked by the school board.

Nationally, there are signs that voters are tiring of attempts to turn school board votes into partisan elections. After a few prominent post-pandemic victories, including in St. Charles County and the Rockwood School District in St. Louis County, voters have generally moved away from more divisive candidates. In November, for instance, voters in several states Pennsylvania, Kansas, Virginia and Iowa rejected candidates who wanted to focus on buzz phrases like CRT and DEI.

In Francis Howell, theres at least agreement that the school board should be focused on retaining teachers. But ideas on how to do so give voters a clear choice between the two slates of candidates.

Were running against the NEA, Kuhn said of herself and Young.

Owens offered a retort: If youre running against the NEA, youre running against teachers.

Francis Howell North High School senior Lauren Chance talks with the media, along with her schoolmates, after the group led a walkout of students on Thursday, Jan. 18, 2024. The walkout was done to protest the Francis Howell School Board's changes to the district's classes on Black History and Black Literature and the board's earlier action to remove a previously passed resolution against racism and discrimination.

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Messenger: Is Francis Howell school board election about teachers or culture wars? - St. Louis Post-Dispatch

The bill banning rainbow flags from public buildings in Florida sounded like a sure bet.

State Rep. David Borrero (R), the legislations sponsor, argued that it was needed to prevent schoolchildren from being subliminally indoctrinated. That rationale echoed other measures championed by Gov. Ron DeSantis (R) as part of his war on woke.

But instead of sailing through the Republican-dominated legislature, the DeSantis-backed bill died a quick legislative death, making it only as far as one subcommittee.

It wasnt the only culture war proposal from conservative lawmakers to end up in the bill graveyard during the session that ended Friday. One rejected bill would have banned the removal of Confederate monuments. Another would have required transgender people to use their sex assigned at birth on driver's licenses something the state Department of Motor Vehicles is already mandating. A third proposed forbidding local and state government officials from using transgender peoples pronouns.

Some of those ideas have come up in the past and may surface again next year. But the fact that the bills failed, even with public support from DeSantis, marks a change from the days when the GOP supermajority in Tallahassee passed nearly everything the governor asked for.

Florida has firmly cemented itself in recent years as ground zero for the nations culture wars. The Sunshine State is the birthplace of conservative parental rights group Moms for Liberty, the original law restricting LGBTQ+ discussion in classrooms, one of the strictest abortion laws in the country and legislation that has led to the banning of more books than in any other state in America.

But the pushback is growing.

Parents and others have organized and protested schoolbook bans. Abortion rights advocates gathered enough signatures to put the issue on the ballot in Florida in November. A bill that would have established fetal personhood stalled before it could reach a full vote.

Judges are also canceling some of DeSantiss marquee laws, including the Stop Woke Act. A three-judge panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 11th Circuit ruled Monday that the law exceeds the bounds of the Constitutions First Amendment right to freedom of speech and expression.

Even the governor recently admitted the state might have gone too far in trying to remove certain books from school shelves, suggesting laws on book challenges should be tweaked to prevent bad actors from having too much influence.

Democrats and other DeSantis critics say the laws that the governor has pushed will continue to shape public life in Florida for years to come, and they dont expect the Republican supermajority in the state House to suddenly abandon conservative causes. But they do sense a shift.

When his presidential race ended, I think that a lot of his influence and power died at the same time, said state Sen. Shevrin Jones, a South Florida Democrat. And I think that people in Florida and across the country, including Republicans, are starting to see that the culture wars are getting us nowhere.

In the past year, the Florida GOP has been rocked by a sex scandal involving the party chairman and infighting between DeSantis and Trump supporters.

GOP voter registration numbers continued to surpass Democrats, but the party lost two local races they were expected to win: the mayors office in Jacksonville, and a closely contested special election to replace a Republican state representative near Orlando.

The legislative seat flipped blue in January when Democrat Tom Keen defeated his Republican rival, a conservative school board member who raised more than twice as much money and promised to fight the woke agenda. Keen campaigned on lowering property insurance rates and protecting access to abortion.

DeSantis, who was largely absent from the state while he campaigned for the GOP presidential nomination, has urged lawmakers to stay the course. But his doomed presidential bid changed political calculations in and out of the state.

Many lawmakers credit Republican Senate President Kathleen Passidomo for some of the shift. Passidomo stopped several culture war bills from progressing in the Senate, including one that would have punished local officials who oversaw the removal of Confederate monuments.

DeSantis strongly supported the bill, arguing that it is problematic to apply a hyper-woke 21st-century test to historical figures.

Its totally appropriate for the legislature to say, You know what? Were going to stop this madness, DeSantis said at a news conference in Jacksonville in February, two months after the city pulled down a controversial Jim Crow-era monument called Women of the Southland.

Among the public speakers who supported the monuments bill at a Senate hearing was a man who said he wanted to protect Confederate statues to push White culture, white supremacy.

Democrats walked out of the hearing, while Republicans on the committee some of whom visibly recoiled at the white-supremacy remarks approved the bill. But Passidomo refused to bring it to the full Senate.

I'm not going to bring a bill to the floor that is so abhorrent to everybody, she said.

The Senate president also rejected most of the 10 bill priorities the state Republican Party outlined in a legislative wish list, saying the party didnt dictate what lawmakers should do.

DeSantis did not respond to a request for comment but said Friday at an end-of-session news conference that he was satisfied with what was passed by the legislature this year. Sponsors of the bills protecting monuments and outlawing rainbow flags also did not respond to requests for comment.

DeSantis did see some of his priorities pass. The legislature approved a law that the governor pushed prohibiting sleeping in public. And a ban on woke meat food products cultivated in a lab from animal cells easily got the green light from Republican lawmakers.

You need meat, okay? Like, were going to have fake meat? That doesnt work, he said at a news conference in February, rejecting arguments that banning it could stifle innovation.

Even DeSantiss budget requests faced pushback this year. The governor wanted an additional $5 million for his controversial migrant relocation program, but lawmakers only agreed to current spending levels. He also tried to add $57 million toward the recently reestablished Florida State Guard. Legislators signed off on a lower amount $18.5 million, and added a requirement for detailed spending reports from the agency.

What we saw this session was that bills that were either DeSantis ideas or retreads from last year really didnt get anywhere, said the state Houses minority leader, Fentrice Driskell. I think in large part its because DeSantis has lost steam. He lost on the national stage, and that emboldened the Republicans in the legislature to feel like they dont have to go along to get along with this guy anymore.

Parents in Miami-Dade County founded Moms for Libros last year as an antidote to Moms for Liberty, the Florida-based group promoted by DeSantis.

The founders of Moms for Libros Moms for Books say they got together to battle what they see as censorship in schools. Their ranks have grown in the past year, and they say their messages promoted in English, Spanish and Haitian Creole are resonating even with parents who initially supported DeSantiss education bills.

A lot of the conservative Cuban American parents I talk to say they thought it was just about keeping sex out of schools, said Vanessa Brito, co-founder of Moms For Libros. But when they learn what was really happening, like when they heard that a book about Celia Cruz was taken off the shelves, they are very concerned. Having the government come in and tell you that your kids cant have a book about Celia Cruz, that caused an uproar.

The book, Celia Cruz, Queen of Salsa, was temporarily removed from Duval County schools last year.

Brito said she talks to parents who are starting to object to the states growing list of rules and laws pertaining to education. In one incident that made international headlines, a Miami-area school required students to get parental permission to attend an extracurricular activity that included a talk by Florida historian Marvin Dunn, a Black scholar who has chronicled racist incidents in state history.

Republican, Democrat, independent, people just dont want books banned in our country. So it was just a collection of bad ideas that imploded on DeSantis, Dunn said. And now hes actively trying to back off of these policies that have caused so much confusion in the state and in the education system at all levels.

School officials said they were only following the new laws; DeSantis said they were being absurd and told them to knock it off.

The vagueness of the laws have led to full-blown censorship, and people now see that happening in real time, said Brito, who voted for DeSantis the first time he ran for governor in 2018. And from what Ive seen, theyre getting tired of woke this, woke that.

The governor has also seen his anti-woke agenda challenged in court. In addition to the recent ruling on the Stop Woke Act, federal judges have halted enforcement of a law DeSantis signed last year that targeted drag shows. A different court declared that a rule from the state health agency that would ban Medicaid payments for gender-affirming care is unconstitutional.

DeSantis did nonetheless score a legal victory when a federal appeals panel sided with him over the Walt Disney Co. in January in regards to the state takeover of the entertainment giants special taxing district. But even with that win, the consequences of the feud have been far reaching, with the company canceling plans to build a $1 billion employee campus in Florida.

Since his return from the campaign trail, DeSantis has been flying around the state holding news conferences several times a week. Hes talked about congressional term limits, making retail theft a felony and cracking down on rowdy spring breakers. Hes also sent more state law enforcement officers to the southern border in Texas and ordered the release of grand jury records from the Jeffrey Epstein case.

Political analyst Susan MacManus said voters in Florida are paying more attention to pocketbook issues than culture war laws, and state lawmakers most of whom are up for reelection this year need to pay attention. Republicans who may have been following DeSantiss lead on laws that target the LGBTQ+ community and Black history are hearing different concerns when they return to their districts.

Theres a concern Im hearing more and more from people, and in the media, that Florida is becoming too expensive, said MacManus, professor emeritus at the University of South Florida. Were seeing stories on the nightly news about people moving out of the state because the cost of living is too high here.

With homeowners and auto insurance costs that are more than triple that of other states, MacManus said Republican and Democratic voters have more pressing concerns than culture wars.

These legislators are coming back and, and their families and friends are saying they should be doing something that is going help us, MacManus said. The woke things may be interesting to some Republicans, but there are bigger issues.

Mike Fasano, a lifelong Republican who served in the House and Senate for 18 years and is now the Pasco County tax collector, said most culture war issues are not on the minds of families struggling to pay rising property and auto insurance costs.

I dont think families, whether theyre Republican or Democratic or independent, are sitting at the breakfast table talking about which books should be banned, Fasano said. Theyre talking about how theyre going to pay their rent or mortgage and the electric bill and the premium on their homeowners insurance.

Continued here:
DeSantis faces pushback in Florida as voters tire of war on woke - The Washington Post

Megan Cook, Russ Nelson and Ann Groves Lloyd are mayors of small towns in Maryland, Montana and Wisconsin.

Nelson has been the mayor of Belgrade, Montana, for 20 years.

Karen Rose has been with Sarasota County Schools in Florida for more than three decades serving as a special education teacher, middle school principal and since 2020 on the local school board.

Over their tenures, the quartet and local officials across the country have seen the exponential growth of social media and its impacts on civil discourse, as well as the increasing intersections between divisive national politics and whats happening at the community level.

Rose, who became chair of the Sarasota County School Board in November, said shes worked for and with multiple superintendents and times have definitely changed.

We took great pride in no one knowing our political affiliation. We kept each other in check. It was a matter of pride, Rose said.

Now, Florida conservatives (including Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis) and progressives (including some outspoken teacher unions and Democratic-leaning school boards) clash locally over COVID and vaccine rules, controversial books in libraries, the states so-called Dont Say Gay law restricting elementary school teachers from talking to young students about gender identity and sexual orientation and how to teach Americas racial history.

Rose said she saw some previous superintendents let politics take away from the focus on academic achievement.

Cultural wars were being let in and taking hold, she said.

Rose, a Republican, said the current superintendent, Terry Connor, (who was hired last year) has shown a focus on academic achievement and data-driven solutions.

But thats not stopping the politics at board meetings, she said.

There is clearly an organized agenda that is political in the boardroom during public comment, Rose said. Its very organized.

Rose said Democratic advocates will speak during the comment period, noting a recent hearing where 67 people spoke, with only three focused on academics.

Some of the recent comments have been geared toward Bridget Ziegler, who has served on the Sarasota school board since 2014 and was a co-founder of the lightning rod conservative education group Moms for Liberty, which has become a GOP political force.

Liberal activists and other critics have called for Ziegler to resign her post amid a police investigation of her husband, former Florida Republican Party Chairman Christian Ziegler, over an alleged sexual encounter with his wife and another woman. Christian Ziegler could face video voyeurism charges for allegedly videotaping the encounter. Bridget Ziegler has never faced any legal allegations in the episode. She did not respond to an interview request.

Social media and national political tensions have changed the landscape of local politics and discourse at school boards, city councils and other bodies.

Rose saidpolitical advocates, as well as some media outlets, have focused on Florida controversies, including debates over controversial and mature content at libraries. Those debates, along with fights over drag shows at libraries, other public venues and local businesses, have been happening across the country.

They continue to talk about book banning. This board has not banned one single book, she said.

Conservative and progressive advocates increasingly view local councils and school boards as venues to mobilize supporters and address issues of concern.

Carlos Guillermo Smith, senior policy adviser for Equality Florida (an LGBTQ rights group), said the group has a long history of mobilizing parents and community members to attend school board and council meetings when issues of concern arise.

We have also had a regular presence at the Sarasota school board meetings, especially in the wake of recent Moms For Liberty/Ziegler scandals, he said.

Anti-war and pro-Palestinian activists have pushed liberal jurisdictions, including San Francisco, to approve resolutions condemning Israels war in Gaza after the Oct. 7 Hamas attacks and calling for a ceasefire. Other progressives advocated for spending cuts and shifting money away from police after the death of George Floyd in 2020.

Among conservatives, Mark Lee Dickson, a Christian pastor and anti-abortion rights advocate from Texas, has gotten 65 cities and seven counties in Texas, Nebraska, New Mexico and other states to pass Sanctuary Cities for the Unborn Initiatives. The measures aim to signal communities oppositionto abortion rights and resistance to having abortion clinics in their jurisdictions.

Florida has seen local fights over school curriculums, controversial books, drag shows at public venues, COVID rules, LGBTQ rights and what teachers should can teach about sexual orientation and gender identity in classrooms.

Frustrations with and more cautious approaches related to social media are common refrains from local officials wary of viral controversies and local rumor mills.

In small-town Montana, where Belgrade has a population approaching 13,000 people, Nelson avoids social media and its penchant for unpleasant and contentious discourse.

Im not on Facebook. Im not on social media, said Nelson, who has been in office since 2003 and won reelection in November for a final term before his expected retirement. You can call me, or if you need me, you can text me. Thats my technology.

The more contentious nature of local politics whether it comes from social media criticism or its mirroring of national fights over hot-button issues or former President Donald Trump also can discourage potential candidates for local office and can lead to shorter tenures for some city, county and school district staff, Nelson said.

Good people see how challenging it is and dont enter the game, he said.

Ann Groves Lloyd is the mayor of Lodi, Wisconsin, a town of just over 3,200 residents near Madison. Groves Lloyd describes herself as a progressive feminist and small-town mayor on her social media profile on X (formerly Twitter).

The progressive mayor is a vehement critic of former President Trump, is no fan of U.S. Sen. Ron Johnson, R-Wis., and is not sure she can find compromise or common ground with conservative adherents of alt-right media such as Alex Jones or those getting worked up about drag shows.

Groves Lloyd also said she saw already rough civil discourse get even rougher during the debates over COVID mask mandates, vaccines and shutdowns.

It was pretty toxic, she said. For me, personally, I took a giant step back from social media. I used to post a lot of mostly progressive things on Facebook.

Now, the Wisconsin mayor keeps her ideological posts to X, which has a national and international focus.

She also worries about social media rumor mills and rabbit holes leading constituents astray.

From a city perspective, we just wish people would pick up the phone and call us. We are constantly fighting the rumor mill, she said.

Some activists counter that local governments and school boards are not always forthcoming with information or friendly with constituents who are less connected or come from opposing political camps.

Still, social media and live and replayed online broadcasts of meetings allow more residents and local businesses to engage with and keep tabs on local matters.

The more information that we share with the public about whats happening in town, the better. We also have a live feed for all of our council, board and commission meetings. If residents arent able to make it, they can always watch the recordings from our website, said Cook, mayor of Easton, on Marylands Eastern Shore.

The town is using social media as another way of sharing information with the community. Its a quick, easy and efficient way to share information, she said.

Even Nelson said social media helps drive interest and council meeting attendance on hot-button issues such as dogs, fireworks and marijuana,referring to city regulations and decisions on dispensaries after Montana voters legalized cannabis for recreational use in 2020.

Social media allows more residents and local businesses to keep tabs on city councils, county commissions and other local bodies. It can also create more local political tensions that mirror national divisions.

A police officer in Mobile, Alabama, talks to a man protesting a drag story hour at a local public library.

While many local elected offices are nonpartisan, partisan politics has increasingly become part of local elections and governance.

In Montana, Nelson, a self-described moderate Republican, voiced frustration with the far right conservative agenda from the state legislature impacting and dictating policy paths to local entities.

Conservative state lawmakers have passed laws requiring local school districts to open their enrollments to out-of-district students, and looked to put limitsonsome municipal zoning powers, including efforts to develop more affordable and multifamily units statewide.

National political and social media tensions including those centered around former president Donald Trump are increasingly evident in local elections and at local government meetings.

Back East, Easton, which has a population of close to 17,500, is part of Talbot County, which saw a contentious fight that drew national political and media attention over a Confederate statue in front of the county courthouse.

The Talbot Boys statue, erected in 1916, was relocated to a private memorial park in Virginia in 2022 after a vote by the county council. Cook said Easton has been able to avoid some of the wave of national divisiveness, but she has definitely seen a greater interest from Democratic and Republican groups in local races, as well as more questions from voters about her own party affiliation.

In town elections, we dont run on a party system, which I love. It shouldnt matter what youre registered as, if you need assistance from the town were going to be there, said Cook, a Democrat, who was elected mayor last year after serving as Town Council president.

That being said, I was asked more during my last campaign what I was registered as than I have before and both Central Committees seemed to want to be involved.

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