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Heres something you often hear people say as they get older: I remember the last time that was popular. Fashions once considered outdated come back in style. Movements arise and subside, and then surge again. A benefit of age is the wisdom and perspective you bring to the current moment. History doesnt always repeat itself or move in predictable cyclical patterns, but the more you study it and the longer you live, the more you see how the present and the past rhyme.

I must be getting older, because ever since I turned 40 last year, Ive said several times, I remember the last time that was popular. Most recently, Ive been saying that about online debates over the proper posture for Christians seeking to engage the culture in this era. I see the resurgence of a neoReligious Righta return of the culture war mentality among many younger evangelicals who believe the need of the hour is for the church to jump into the fray of hardball politics and be bolder and louder in opposing leftward trends that are harmful for society.

I say neoReligious Right because its not exactly the return of the Jerry Falwell era, and there are some crucial differences that set todays thirst for culture warring apart from my parents and grandparents generation. Well get to some of those distinctions soon.

But this resurgence has piqued my interest because I came of age in the 1990s. My parents were part of the religious right. They followed state and national politics closely and got involved in local elections, with my father serving two terms on the city council. I remember the night of the 1994 midterms and the Gingrich-led Contract with America. In those crucial years of adolescence, Rush was on the radio, Jerry Falwell was sending out videos replete with right-wing talking points and conspiracy theories, Southern Baptists were boycotting Disney because of the companys leftist agenda, men were gathering in Washington, DC, for Promise Keepers, and the character flaws of Bill Clinton were on full display (and worthy of our disgust).

Fighting for the soul of the countrythe culture war mentalitywas the demonstration of faithfulness. Churches were asleep, and Christians apathetic. It was time to wake up. The moment was urgent. As Carman sang in 1992, The only way this nation can even hope to last this decade is to put God in America again!

Historians debate the zenith of the religious right. Was it in the 1980s with the election of Ronald Reagan and the defeat of the Equal Rights Amendment? The 1990s when Bill Clinton was impeached? Or the re-election of George W. Bush in 2004, when voters made clear their disapproval of same-sex marriage? Whatever the case, the moral majority exerted considerable influence on politics and culture during these decades.

At the same time as many pastors and church leaders sought to bring their convictions into the public square, a countermovement was taking place, most notably in the rise of megachurches and the church growth movement. Evangelism was front and center for these congregations. Emphasizing politics made it harder to reach people with varying philosophical and political commitments. Political posturing was divisive and counterproductive; even worse, it distracted from the churchs main mission of winning people to Jesus.

Another countermovement also existedthe religious left, though it was never as large or influential as the religious right. Leaders in this group often chastised white evangelicals for their political idolatry, but too often the religious left was just a mirror image of the kind of engagement they so despisedthe only difference being the political priorities and positions aligned with the left rather than the right. As the Emerging Church movement got going in the late 1990s and early 2000s, some of the leaders who distanced themselves from the political postures of the right wound up walking in lockstep with partisans on the left.

By the time the Emerging Church conversation was at its height and evangelicals were cheering the Iraq War, I was a student at an evangelical university in Eastern Europe. My perspective on American politics had shifted considerablynot away from an underlying conservative political philosophy (which I continue to espouse), but due to my encounters with global Christianity, a wider range of reading, familiarity with different churches seeking to be faithful in various contexts, and seeing the American culture wars from the outside. Much of the attention the American church devoted to politics seemed wildly misplaced and misguided, out of step with churches in many other parts of the world.

So, I gravitated toward stronger distinctions that would help the church maintain its priority on discipleship and evangelism: (1) distinguishing between the church as an institution and Christians as individual believers and (2) prioritizing the mission of the church over the implications of Christians living out their faith. I tried to understand the cultural and historical reasons why many black Christians and white Christians who share confessional unity could be so divided on political priorities. I lamented the intrusion of political debates into every sphere of life.

The gospel-centered movement that arose in the late 2000s and into the 2010s was, in part, an answer to the Emerging Church movement, whose aversion to institutions and authority prevented it from building structures that could sustain its growth. Look at the foundational documents for The Gospel Coalition (written in 2006) and you get a glimpse of the challenges facing the church during that era, including postmodernisms effects on how we interpret Scripture.

The gospel-centered movement was also an answer to the prevalence of church growth philosophy. Leaders decried overly pragmatic approaches in the church, shared concerns about the decline of serious doctrinal instruction, and sought to reestablish the priority of the gospel itself as the unifying force for evangelicalism and the renewal of the church.

Gospel centrality, by nature of its spotlight on the fundamental message of Christianity, cut against the focus of many religious rightinfluenced churches. Political disagreements remained, but they were demoted. The excesses of the moral majoritys approach to politics were on display, and younger pastors turned away from that combative posture (although sometimes replacing cultural combat with intramural theological combativenesscommonly regarded as cage-stage Calvinism).

Synergy showed up in the gospel-centered movement and the missional conversations at the time because both rejected the politicizing of the church so often seen in the religious right as well as the leftward theological drift of the Emerging Church and religious left. This alliance made sense because the gospel and mission naturally go together, as the good news we spread is about the missionary heart of a God who seeks and saves the lost.

During this time, the old guard of the religious right appeared as more of a caricature of its former glory, with increasingly bizarre viewpoints put forth by gray heads with unmerited cultural confidence. For many younger pastors, the whole idea of taking back the country from godless forces felt like a lost cause. If older evangelicals thought of America as a type of Israela country chosen by God for special purposes in the world, younger evangelicals saw the country as a type of Babylona place where the true church will, for the foreseeable future, be a moral minority, prophetic from the margins.

The Israel/Babylon motif has shaped recent generational approaches to political involvement. The old religious right, in thinking of America as a type of Israel, reacted to current events as a betrayal of Christian heritage and prioritized politics as the mechanism for effecting change in society. Younger evangelicals, in thinking of America as Babylon, reacted to current events with a sense of resignation and prioritized pastoral help and counsel in a rapidly secularizing society.

But then, in the span of less than a decade, a series of convulsions reshaped the landscape. The Supreme Court decision redefining marriage for all 50 states in 2015, the rapid loss of political will to enact conscience protections and ensure religious liberty, and then the surprising victory of Donald Trump in 2016 (brought about by a resurgent religious right and widespread white evangelical support) changed the environment. The push for acceptance of gender theories that require a certain suspension of disbelief (not to mention the suppression of speech defining reality) only exacerbated the tensions.

The Israel/Babylon motif doesnt capture the concerns of this current moment. The neoReligious Right agrees with younger evangelicals that were in Babylon. The debate is about how the church should respond to this environment. What does faithfulness in Babylon look like?

The earlier sense of resignation, of being passive in the face of rapid political change, has come under fire from many younger pastors and leaders who believe this cultural moment calls for a rejection of the excesses of old religious right and the apolitical above the fray response so often on display among the leaders of the church growth and gospel-centered movements. You cannot focus on discipleship, they say, without dealing with politics because faithfulness in the public square is a part of discipleship. Overreacting to the religious rights problems has led to a widespread failure in addressing political questions in discipleship, creating a void that leaves the church vulnerable to all kinds of false ideologies.

History is rhyming again, and so were witnessing the rise of a neoReligious Right that seeks to recapture something of that movements focus on political priorities while connecting political thought to Christian discipleship. In forthcoming columns, I want to give some attention to this new development and then offer suggestions for how these resurgent culture-warring sensibilities can be properly channeled so as to result in a stronger church, without the collateral damage often associated with these kinds of battles. More to come.

This is the first column in a series. If you would like my future articles sent to your email, as well as a curated list of books, podcasts, and helpful links I find online,enter your address.

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The Return of the Culture War - The Gospel Coalition

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The University of North Texas has more than 42,000 students, but few are as infamous as senior Kelly Neidert.

Since she arrived at the Denton campus in 2019, the 22-year-old marketing major has revived its Young Conservatives of Texas chapter which had been dormant for years and developed a reputation among students and administrators as the campus biggest provocateur.

Shes easily recognizable in her red Make America Great Again hat and a megaphone sometimes slung over her shoulder she uses it to troll her liberal classmates. On Twitter, she branded herself the most hated conservative college student in the state of Texas.

When students held a protest in January to push for more online classes during the peak of the omicron variant, Neidert went to the top of a nearby parking garage and shouted through her megaphone for more in-person classes. On social media, she tweets statements like, trans women are men, actually, and One of my greatest accomplishments is giving Covid to someone who was vaxxed.

On TikTok, she posted a video in which she approached a group of students holding an event for Coming Out Day and said she was coming out as conservative.

Last month, her reputation grew even more after she invited anti-trans political candidate Jeff Younger to campus to speak at a YCT meeting, a move that sparked a massive protest of students who drowned out Younger with expletive-laden screams Younger responded by calling them communists and telling them to shout louder until university police ended the event because of safety concerns.

Police hid Neidert in a janitors closet to avoid protesters who were roaming the halls, allegedly searching for her.

Neidert repeated the story as a guest on various right-wing media outlets throughout March. She and other YCT members routinely record students reactions to her groups events on campus which have included protests, students cursing at her and death threats on social media then share the videos during her media appearances on Fox News, Newsmax and other outlets.

Thank you libs for the endless amount of content you are giving me, she posted on Twitter last fall after students protested an anti-abortion candlelight vigil that her group hosted.

In just a few years, Neidert has single-handedly elevated the happenings at UNT into the national political debate about free speech on college campuses.

To her allies on the right, shes a crusader against the woke left that is censoring conservatives in American higher education. In December, she was named one of the rising stars in Texas conservative politics by the far-right, Texas-based Current Revolt site.

To her opponents on the left, shes using YCT and social media to spew hate speech about transgender students and to harass them, all to further her own image within the conservative movement.

Shes a grade A troll, UNT political science major Maya Isola said. In a way, I have to commend her, because she knows what shes doing.

UNT President Neal Smatresk told a group of students protesting the universitys handling of the Younger event last month that Neidert and YCT members have taken over the dialogue [on campus], according to a video of the conversation provided to The Texas Tribune by a student.

I dont know if we can ever stop the one individual who is in that group because shes become a media sweetheart, Smatresk added. And I think that shes going to keep going.

Neidert told the Tribune that her motivation to post her experiences at UNT online is to show what its like to be a conservative on campus today.

I think that conservatives, especially older ones who havent been on a campus in a while, theyre shocked by it, Neidert said. And so the goal of my TikTok has been to show people this is happening at college, and its also happening in Texas. (Her TikTok account, which at one point had 64,000 followers, has been suspended for weeks. She says the platform considered a video from the Younger protest to be violent.)

Since late 2020, events organized by Neidert and her group have sparked at least one confrontation per semester between UNT students and YCT members. Each time, Neidert or another member has documented the incident with photos or video, and then Neidert shares the images with conservative TV outlets which often put them on screen as Neidert tells the host about the experience.

When YCT members planted hundreds of flags on campus for an anti-abortion memorial in the fall of 2020, students began removing them and Neidert grabbed her phone and started recording. The video later played on an online broadcast of Real Americas Voice, a self-described alternative to mainstream networks where traditional values continue to get trampled on.

In that segment, Neidert said the backlash she received on social media over the event included suggestions that she should kill herself.

Kelly, youre a brave young lady. Continue your fight because you can be stronger than all those folks, the host said as she wrapped up the segment. It has to be hard to be on that campus, though.

The following semester, Neidert appeared on Fox News after her group hid 250 Easter eggs around campus with Bible verses inside. Neidert told the host that they received backlash on social media from students who said they were going to stomp on the eggs and replace the Bible verses with condoms.

As the Fox News host introduced Neidert, a chyron that said, The rise of cancel culture, flashed across the screen. She asked Neidert why the students were so angry.

This has been a pretty common theme when my group does any type of activity on campus, Neidert said. Its very liberal here, and these students dont know how to interact with those who have a different opinion.

A few weeks before the Younger event thrust UNT into the spotlight, Neidert used her TikTok account to draw attention to the event. She posted a video online of an interaction she had with a student in the library who she said confronted her as she was printing fliers for the event that said, Criminalize child transitions.

In the video, the student asks Neidert, How do you all live, honestly? Yall pretend to be Christian, youre not.

When Neidert responds, How do we live? he interrupts: Fuck you. Stop this Im kind shit. Dont do that. Fuck off.

Youre going on TikTok, and I have 64,000 followers, she told him as he walked away.

The video has 1.2 million views on Twitter.

In March, the videos of students screaming, standing on desks and cursing during the Younger event flooded social media. Neidert joined Younger on the conservative network Newsmax a few days after the event to discuss the incident with host Rob Schmitt.

As the two of them spoke, the hashtag #CrisisofMiseducation flashed across the screen over Neiderts video of herself exiting the building, escorted by police. Students are heard screaming, Fuck you, Kelly!

Most of the students know who I am by now, so I was expecting some backlash, she told Schmitt, adding that she was terrified when police pulled her into a closet as antifa ran up and down the hallways.

When I see kids like that, I honestly just feel bad, Schmitt said. Theyve been completely indoctrinated by some really sick people in our society.

Left-leaning students on campus said theyre aware Neidert is using their reactions against them on conservative media and social media.

They acknowledge that some protesters behavior during the Younger event particularly those who searched for Neidert inside the building wasnt productive. But they said they cannot just ignore her rhetoric.

Theres two options: Let her grow passively and slowly, pretty much unfettered, or get attention for a countering voice, said Emily, a transgender student who said she started to organize in opposition to YCTs actions because she felt targeted on campus. She asked to be identified only by her first name because her family doesnt know shes transgender.

For transgender students in particular, Emily said, Neiderts rhetoric about their existence made the fight more personal.

Meanwhile, thousands of UNT students want Neidert gone from campus. A petition calling for Neiderts expulsion from UNT had more than 20,200 signatures online as of Thursday, and students also have demanded in another petition and during protests that the university remove YCT from campus.

In the video of Smatresk talking to student protesters, multiple students claimed Neidert had harassed them and used hate speech against transgender students. Smatresk repeatedly told those students to file gender discrimination or civil rights complaints with the university without a formal complaint, he said, the school could not act.

When asked whether students had submitted formal complaints, the university said in a written statement that it received informal complaints about Neidert and the campus YCT chapter via email, and a review of those complaints did not yield any policy violations. The university also said the YCT chapter has not violated any university policies.

UNT student Tara Olson, who helped organize protests calling on the university to hold YCT members accountable for their actions, said she was disappointed the school wouldnt punish YCT or remove Neidert from campus.

Its almost like theyre afraid of getting backlash from the conservative media that Kelly has become a part of, she said.

Neidert and the YCT chapter have also drawn fire from other UNT conservatives. Immediately after the Younger event, three leaders for the UNT chapter of Young Americans for Freedom issued a scathing statement on Twitter calling YCT a radioactive force to conservatism and accusing Neidert of stoking conflict on campus to fuel her own media career.

If she can manufacture more outrage by provoking the campus left, she can create the narrative that the left is evil, said the statement, which was later deleted without explanation. In her mind, such narratives are attractive to media outlets.

Group leaders declined to be interviewed by the Tribune.

Neidert said shes not pursuing a media career. And in hindsight, she said, Youngers decision to engage with the protesters, calling them communists and snowflakes, did make it seem as if her group was just trying to provoke liberal students on campus and get attention.

I definitely think that that kind of painted the situation in a different light for people on the left, she said. [Younger] calling them communists and screaming at them, I didnt really like that, honestly.

Neidert is calm and matter-of-fact when she reflects on the controversies that have swirled around her for the past few months. She doesnt see herself as a political radical; she considers herself part of the broader conservative movement and repeatedly refers to her beliefs as mainstream, particularly regarding health care for transgender children.

Yet she understands how she is perceived, quipping that her online presence and the attention from the Younger event might make it difficult for her to find a job after graduation.

She was raised Baptist in Denison, 75 miles north of Dallas, and credits her family for her political leanings. She remembers watching Fox News with her grandfather before school, but she really started paying more attention to politics during her junior year of high school when Donald Trump was elected president.

She said she appreciated Trumps willingness to state his opinions without trying to appease everyone in a way that waters down the message.

I definitely think theres a lot of positives with just saying exactly how you feel, she said.

When she enrolled at UNT after a year at the University of Mary Hardin-Baylor, a small Baptist college in Belton, between Waco and Austin, Neidert said she was encouraged by her twin brother, Jake who was involved in the YCT chapter at Baylor University to resurrect UNTs dormant YCT chapter. Neidert attended a weekend leadership training held by YCTs statewide organization, which she said further fueled her interest in campus activism.

She said students from colleges across Texas learned about political campaigning, how to make attractive flyers for events and how to use social media effectively. There was an entire session about using internet memes, Neidert said.

Thats what our generation likes. So they were kind of talking about how to make good ones, trendy ones that people might like, she said. A lot of it was not even political at that point. It was just marketing.

Under her leadership, YCT has aligned itself with far-right Texas political candidates. The group had an Instagram Live event with Allen West, the former chair of the Texas Republican Party who ran to the right of Gov. Greg Abbott in the recent Republican gubernatorial primary. It also hosted a rally with Shelley Luther, who became famous for refusing to close her hair salon during the pandemic and later ran unsuccessful campaigns for both the Texas Senate and the Texas House. (Neiderts brother served as Luthers campaign manager in her House race.)

We dont have to align ourselves with every Republican, said Neidert, who has not ruled out running for office in the future. We can kind of pick and choose who we think is the most conservative.

Her group also sued the university over its tuition rates. The Texas Public Policy Foundation, a right-leaning advocacy group, recently won a lawsuit on behalf of the campus and statewide Young Conservatives of Texas groups that blocks UNT from charging out-of-state students higher tuition than undocumented students who qualify for in-state tuition. UNT has appealed the ruling.

A few weeks after the Younger incident, Neidert was back on campus, wearing her MAGA hat. This time, she was waiting to meet a team for conservative commentator Steven Crowder. His team had reached out to Neidert to be its campus liaison as they recorded a debate segment called Change My Mind for his YouTube channel, which has 5.6 million followers.

The topic that day was whether transgender women should participate in womens sports.

As the film crew started setting up and students realized YCT was involved, they started to alert each other on social media that the group and Neidert specifically were doing something on campus.

As Neidert waited, students stared. Some took her photo. Neidert smirked, then turned and waved at them.

They really hate when you do that, she said.

Disclosure: The Texas Public Policy Foundation, the University of North Texas and Baylor University have been financial supporters of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune's journalism. Find a complete list of them here.

We cant wait to welcome you in person and online to the 2022 Texas Tribune Festival, our multiday celebration of big, bold ideas about politics, public policy and the days news all taking place just steps away from the Texas Capitol from Sept. 22-24. When tickets go on sale in May, Tribune members will save big. Donate to join or renew today.

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A Texas college student has thrust her campus into the national culture wars - The Texas Tribune

A teachers union is forming a partnership with education experts to critically interrogate the governments plans for a model history curriculum in England, as its leaders warned that culture wars continued to rage over what should be taught in classrooms.

Mary Bousted, a joint general secretary of the National Education Union, said it was joining with the Runnymede Trust and others to monitor the history curriculum changes the government has announced as part of its response to the Sewell report on race and ethnic disparities.

We want to ensure that Black history, cultures and perspectives have proper recognition in all subjects and all year round. And this must centre the perspectives of those who were colonised or their descendants, Bousted told delegates at the NEUs annual conference in Bournemouth.

The Department for Education plans to develop a model history curriculum for use by schools by 2024, with the help of experts, historians and school leaders. Ministers have sought to reassure critics that the curriculum would be diverse in a meaningful, rather than tokenistic way.

Bousted said she had been monstered by the rightwing media and endured gales of outrage on social media after saying she was not interested in a curriculum solely composed of the works of dead white men.

All of which shows me, personally, and us all, politically, that the culture wars rage and continue to rage and that they consume anyone who dares to challenge the narrow, monocultural base on which the current national curriculum, with all its assumptions on powerful knowledge is based, Bousted said.

The partnership with the Runnymede Trust and other education experts would act as a point of critical interrogation of the governments planned changes, Bousted said.

At its annual conference the unions delegates earlier passed motions calling for a campaign to decolonialise school curriculums.

The UK Statistics Authority said it was investigating the DfEs use of statistics in its schools white paper, after the NEUs leaders announced the union had made a formal complaint.

Kevin Courtney, the NEUs other joint general secretary, said the union had complained to the statistics watchdog about this disgraceful, deliberate misuse of statistics and the deliberate suppression of relevant data in the DfEs documents to support its claim that converting local authority schools into academies improved their Ofsted grades.

Bousted pledged to defeat the governments aim of all state schools in England being converted to academies by 2030, calling the white paper the final thrashings of zombie education ideologues with zombie education policies.

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Teachers union NEU warns of classroom culture wars - The Guardian

Republican Gov. Larry Hogan of Maryland is seen July 22, 2020, in Annapolis. (CNS/Reuters/Jonathan Ernst)

A drama played out recently in Maryland that holds significance for the next presidential election cycle while also highlighting the ever-shrinking role of Catholic witness in the public square as it becomes a casualty of the culture wars.

The production, in development for years, reached its denouement when the majority Democratic legislature passed on to Republican Gov. Larry Hogan a raft of liberal bills. They included one that provides for an expansion of abortion services and providers throughout the state. Hogan vetoed all of them.

In describing the legislative face-off over abortion, The Washington Post duly noted that Hogan distinctly moderate as Republicans go these days, having declared former President Donald Trump "toxic" for party and country is a Catholic who previously was able to avoid the abortion issue by declaring it "settled law" in Maryland.

But Democrats unsettled the law with the new bill that provides for expansion of abortion services into two-thirds of counties where it is currently unavailable and expanding the range of health workers able to provide abortions.

The Maryland State House is seen March 31, 2020, in Annapolis. (CNS/Reuters/Mary F. Calvert)

What is telling and predictive of things to come is that the abortion bill was the only one the Post connected to Hogan's Catholicism as problematic.

The term-limited governor displayed his Catholic bona fides, as the culture wars go, on the veto of the abortion bill. But he also sought to satisfy his Republican base should he, as expected, run for president in 2024. He did that by vetoing other bills including some "that would have created a state paid family leave program, bolstered unions and forced firearm dealers to adopt specific security measures," according to the Post.

On none of those counts did the Post reference the social justice teaching of Hogan's faith a consistent ethic of life that proceeds from womb to tomb or what it might have required of him. Not a question was raised. Perhaps the ideal is to leave denominational associations out of the reporting altogether. But once raised, it is not unreasonable to expect a consistent accounting.

Such narrow perception of Catholic obligation to the common good represents a triumph of the culture warriors who have succeeded in whittling the church's robust social justice tradition to a few legislative items.

A pro-life sign is seen Nov. 16, 2021, in Baltimore, during a Church Militant rally. (CNS/Reuters/Kevin Lamarque)

The circumstance provides a real-life example of what theologian M. Therese Lysaught outlined in a remarkably deep and comprehensive lecture delivered recently to a gathering of invited U.S. hierarchy and laity in Chicago. In that address, "Reclaiming the Catholic moral and intellectual tradition from the culture wars," she referenced Jesus' Sabbath healing of a man with a withered hand. The act enraged some civic and religious authorities of his day. It was, she said, a precursor event showing "distorting culture war dynamics already at play":

Between Jesus and the religious traditionalists, sitting on the margins, is the man with a withered hand. He is a concrete, embodied person probably a poor person who has long been in need of a healing intervention. But the authoritative champions of traditions have no interest in healing him. Rather, across the synagogue invisibly stretches the law a wire for Jesus to trip over as he moves to heal the man.

Likewise, in the U.S. for the past 40 years, the culture warriors have positioned the "pro-life" witness as a tripwire separating the church from most policy efforts designed to assist those with withered hands. Purporting to defend "life" from conception to "natural death," the culture warriors focus on a narrow array of actions almost exclusively legislative efforts aimed at prohibiting a select set of issues.

Multiple forces are responsible for this narrowing of Catholic social witness in the public square, but two stand out. The first is the influence that "Catho-capitalists," in Lysaught's term, have come to exert over the Catholic narrative. Their influence has been amply documented in these pages.

They have used their considerable resources and considerable ability to raise even more to promote a version of Catholicism that wraps itself as a thin veneer around an economic libertarianism that more often than not is in stark contradiction to the church's social justice teachings.

The second force responsible for the current Catholic predicament is the U.S. hierarchy, which, in concert with the culture warriors and their narrow take on social justice, has walked the institutional church into a single-issue political corner from which there is no easy escape. The strategy provides politicians cheap admission to official Catholic favor. It also guarantees, given the expectation that Roe v. Wade will be overturned, that the coffers of the lobbyists on either side of the issue will continue to bulge as they battle into the future on at the state level.

Political parties aren't religious congregations. No party should be granted religious endorsement. Doing so, we've seen, allows Republicans to simply ignore major portions of Catholic social teaching. Democrats, in turn, have little reason to even consider the more moderate opinions on abortion that the largest segment of Americans have held over decades.

This cleaving of issues to suit political ends is antithetical to church teaching which, if it is going to be proclaimed as proof of worthiness in the public square, has to include the whole range. In his 2018 apostolic exhortation Gaudete et Exsultate, Pope Francis makes an unambiguous and passionate plea for defense of "innocent unborn."

Crosses against a backdrop of fall colors are seen near Jesus the Divine Word Church Oct. 29, 2014, in Huntingtown, Maryland. The crosses represent aborted babies. (CNS/Bob Roller)

In the same paragraph, however, he writes: "Equally sacred, however, are the lives of the poor, those already born, the destitute, the abandoned and the underprivileged, the vulnerable infirm and elderly exposed to covert euthanasia, the victims of human trafficking, new forms of slavery, and every form of rejection."

Term-limited Gov. Hogan was able to check off the pro-life box, a valuable item to display for evangelicals and Catholics in the primaries should he pursue higher office.

The Democrats easily overturned his vetoes. "Beginning in 2025," according to the Post report, "Maryland workers will be able to take up to 12 weeks of paid leave to care for a sick family member, a newborn or a new adopted child, among other instances." Maryland firearms dealers will also have to comply with new safety regulations, and public defenders will be allowed to form a union.

Who gets to wear the "I'm Pro-life" button?

The war continues.

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Maryland vetoes show Catholic witness is victim to ongoing culture war - National Catholic Reporter

Last Sunday saw one of the biggest protests outside Downing Street in years.

It wasnt over Ukraine, or the soaring heating bills some fear will eventually push us into social unrest, or even the growing crisis in British hospitals. It was over what should have been a small, if sensitive, legislative change improving a relative handful of lives, which has somehow been blown up into the kind of mutually destructive culture war that burns everyone it touches. And thereby hangs a tale about how not to fight the next general election, for all our sakes.

This particular protest was over the governments long-promised ban on conversion practice, a grim form of quackery involving trying to cure LGBT people of their orientation or identity. Threats to dump it from the forthcoming Queens speech triggered such a backlash in Tory ranks that a U-turn was announced within hours but only for lesbian, gay and bisexual people. Trans people will be excluded, at least in England, pending further examination of claims that a loosely worded ban might deter therapists from properly exploring childrens reasons for questioning their gender identity. (Scotland is expected to proceed with a full ban, and Wales is examining options for doing so.)

Such claims deserve to be taken seriously but theyre not new, having been raised by the Equality and Human Rights Commission this January and long before that by gender-critical campaigners. The British Medical Association, plus other professional bodies that regulate counselling, supports a full ban and ministers have repeatedly argued that any concerns could be resolved in the usual way by careful wording when the bill is drafted.

Yet Downing Street still changed its mind at the 11th hour without even consulting its own equalities ministers, shattering the already fragile trust in its intentions. The result is a flagship LGBT rights policy that has offended and distressed many LGBT people attempts to split trans rights from gay ones are widely interpreted as an attempt to divide and conquer, leaving trans people vulnerable and isolated. A backbench rebellion is now brewing among Tory MPs who are tired of never quite knowing where they stand.

Whatever happened to the new year shake-up of Downing Street that had been meant to bring order to the chaos? Even a planned summit on LGBT rights this summer a Tory manifesto commitment designed to encourage progressive change in countries where homosexuality is still shrouded in taboos had to be scrapped after British gay rights groups withdrew support in protest.

Many are suspicious, too, of a U-turn announced on the eve of difficult local elections. As the Conservative MP for Rutland and Melton Alicia Kearns put it: This ban isnt some new woke frontier for politicians to weaponise in some culture war they think is vote-winning.

The governments LGBT business champion resigned and some predicted the prime ministers personal envoy on LGBT rights, the former Tory MP Nick Herbert, would follow. But instead he released a thoughtful, if exasperated, statement that deserves a wider hearing, calling for a cross-party independent royal commission on trans rights issues to stop them being further weaponised for political advantage.

Some may tell the government that this is a political opportunity for a wedge issue, but this would be deeply unwise, he wrote, noting pointedly that opinion polling shows Britons are tired of ideological punch-ups over trans rights and want to see politicians respond with kindness and practical solutions. But Herbert was equally critical of what he called Stonewalls penchant for boycotts and shouty protests, reflecting frustration among some Tories with a style of activism they think alienates potential allies. His conclusion is that a judge-led commission, free to go wherever the evidence takes it on issues such as teenagers transitioning or the inclusion of trans women in elite female sport, may now be Britains best hope of avoiding a viciously full-blown American-style culture war.

Ironically, thats what many hoped Herbert himself would do when he was appointed last May. Back then, Johnson had been convinced that aggressive culture wars were turning moderate voters off. Working alongside the openly gay equalities minister Mike Freer and then No 10 aide Henry Newman to rebuild bridges with the LGBT community, Herbert came tantalisingly close to brokering a truce; behind the scenes they had powerful backing from Carrie Johnson, a longstanding advocate of LGBT rights who delivered a rare public speech last autumn declaring her husbands commitment to the cause. But in January, the rug was pulled out from under them.

Fearing a leadership challenge after revelations of lockdown-busting parties inside Downing Street, Boris Johnson agreed to a shake-up that saw Carries influence curtailed, Newman exiled, and a new team installed that is frankly uninterested in the niceties of millennial identity politics. Led by policy unit chief Andrew Griffith, chief of staff Steve Barclay and spin doctor Guto Harri, the new regime has positioned Johnson as the voice of the middle-aged bloke down the pub.

Last week, he kickstarted the local election campaign by declaring that biological males shouldnt be allowed to compete in womens sport, a helpful distraction from tax rises coming into force. If it works, expect to see the same tactic, but on steroids, in a general election. Which is why some will see Herberts proposed royal commission as, at best, a nice idea doomed to fail; at worst, kicking things into the long grass.

But where similar schemes have worked as with Dame Mary Warnocks 1980s inquiry into the then pioneering field of human fertilisation and embryology, sensationally portrayed by tabloids as Frankenstein science they have defused public anxiety about the novel and unfamiliar, opening the space for bold leaps forward.

Walking people methodically through complex ethical arguments takes time, but since scientific research on the impact of transitioning on athletes performance is still in its infancy, conclusive answers to some issues of trans inclusion are probably years away anyway. If Boris Johnson ignores the idea although oddly it might suit him given the strange elusiveness of his own views on the subject Keir Starmer should pick it up.

For whether or not hes right about the exact mechanism, Herbert is right about the urgency of lifting this issue above toxic party politics. Hes right that nobody wins a culture war and right that those most harmed will be trans people who already feel stigmatised who deserve greater kindness than todays politics will permit.

Its depressing to think our current political system cant be trusted to handle this maturely. But not half as depressing as looking back in five years time and realising those years were wasted, doing the same thing over and over, and being surprised each time it failed.

Gaby Hinsliff is a Guardian columnist

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The PM sees votes in a culture war over trans rights, but this issue must transcend party politics - The Guardian