Archive for the ‘Culture Wars’ Category

Teachers union NEU warns of classroom culture wars – The Guardian

A teachers union is forming a partnership with education experts to critically interrogate the governments plans for a model history curriculum in England, as its leaders warned that culture wars continued to rage over what should be taught in classrooms.

Mary Bousted, a joint general secretary of the National Education Union, said it was joining with the Runnymede Trust and others to monitor the history curriculum changes the government has announced as part of its response to the Sewell report on race and ethnic disparities.

We want to ensure that Black history, cultures and perspectives have proper recognition in all subjects and all year round. And this must centre the perspectives of those who were colonised or their descendants, Bousted told delegates at the NEUs annual conference in Bournemouth.

The Department for Education plans to develop a model history curriculum for use by schools by 2024, with the help of experts, historians and school leaders. Ministers have sought to reassure critics that the curriculum would be diverse in a meaningful, rather than tokenistic way.

Bousted said she had been monstered by the rightwing media and endured gales of outrage on social media after saying she was not interested in a curriculum solely composed of the works of dead white men.

All of which shows me, personally, and us all, politically, that the culture wars rage and continue to rage and that they consume anyone who dares to challenge the narrow, monocultural base on which the current national curriculum, with all its assumptions on powerful knowledge is based, Bousted said.

The partnership with the Runnymede Trust and other education experts would act as a point of critical interrogation of the governments planned changes, Bousted said.

At its annual conference the unions delegates earlier passed motions calling for a campaign to decolonialise school curriculums.

The UK Statistics Authority said it was investigating the DfEs use of statistics in its schools white paper, after the NEUs leaders announced the union had made a formal complaint.

Kevin Courtney, the NEUs other joint general secretary, said the union had complained to the statistics watchdog about this disgraceful, deliberate misuse of statistics and the deliberate suppression of relevant data in the DfEs documents to support its claim that converting local authority schools into academies improved their Ofsted grades.

Bousted pledged to defeat the governments aim of all state schools in England being converted to academies by 2030, calling the white paper the final thrashings of zombie education ideologues with zombie education policies.

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Teachers union NEU warns of classroom culture wars - The Guardian

Maryland vetoes show Catholic witness is victim to ongoing culture war – National Catholic Reporter

Republican Gov. Larry Hogan of Maryland is seen July 22, 2020, in Annapolis. (CNS/Reuters/Jonathan Ernst)

A drama played out recently in Maryland that holds significance for the next presidential election cycle while also highlighting the ever-shrinking role of Catholic witness in the public square as it becomes a casualty of the culture wars.

The production, in development for years, reached its denouement when the majority Democratic legislature passed on to Republican Gov. Larry Hogan a raft of liberal bills. They included one that provides for an expansion of abortion services and providers throughout the state. Hogan vetoed all of them.

In describing the legislative face-off over abortion, The Washington Post duly noted that Hogan distinctly moderate as Republicans go these days, having declared former President Donald Trump "toxic" for party and country is a Catholic who previously was able to avoid the abortion issue by declaring it "settled law" in Maryland.

But Democrats unsettled the law with the new bill that provides for expansion of abortion services into two-thirds of counties where it is currently unavailable and expanding the range of health workers able to provide abortions.

The Maryland State House is seen March 31, 2020, in Annapolis. (CNS/Reuters/Mary F. Calvert)

What is telling and predictive of things to come is that the abortion bill was the only one the Post connected to Hogan's Catholicism as problematic.

The term-limited governor displayed his Catholic bona fides, as the culture wars go, on the veto of the abortion bill. But he also sought to satisfy his Republican base should he, as expected, run for president in 2024. He did that by vetoing other bills including some "that would have created a state paid family leave program, bolstered unions and forced firearm dealers to adopt specific security measures," according to the Post.

On none of those counts did the Post reference the social justice teaching of Hogan's faith a consistent ethic of life that proceeds from womb to tomb or what it might have required of him. Not a question was raised. Perhaps the ideal is to leave denominational associations out of the reporting altogether. But once raised, it is not unreasonable to expect a consistent accounting.

Such narrow perception of Catholic obligation to the common good represents a triumph of the culture warriors who have succeeded in whittling the church's robust social justice tradition to a few legislative items.

A pro-life sign is seen Nov. 16, 2021, in Baltimore, during a Church Militant rally. (CNS/Reuters/Kevin Lamarque)

The circumstance provides a real-life example of what theologian M. Therese Lysaught outlined in a remarkably deep and comprehensive lecture delivered recently to a gathering of invited U.S. hierarchy and laity in Chicago. In that address, "Reclaiming the Catholic moral and intellectual tradition from the culture wars," she referenced Jesus' Sabbath healing of a man with a withered hand. The act enraged some civic and religious authorities of his day. It was, she said, a precursor event showing "distorting culture war dynamics already at play":

Between Jesus and the religious traditionalists, sitting on the margins, is the man with a withered hand. He is a concrete, embodied person probably a poor person who has long been in need of a healing intervention. But the authoritative champions of traditions have no interest in healing him. Rather, across the synagogue invisibly stretches the law a wire for Jesus to trip over as he moves to heal the man.

Likewise, in the U.S. for the past 40 years, the culture warriors have positioned the "pro-life" witness as a tripwire separating the church from most policy efforts designed to assist those with withered hands. Purporting to defend "life" from conception to "natural death," the culture warriors focus on a narrow array of actions almost exclusively legislative efforts aimed at prohibiting a select set of issues.

Multiple forces are responsible for this narrowing of Catholic social witness in the public square, but two stand out. The first is the influence that "Catho-capitalists," in Lysaught's term, have come to exert over the Catholic narrative. Their influence has been amply documented in these pages.

They have used their considerable resources and considerable ability to raise even more to promote a version of Catholicism that wraps itself as a thin veneer around an economic libertarianism that more often than not is in stark contradiction to the church's social justice teachings.

The second force responsible for the current Catholic predicament is the U.S. hierarchy, which, in concert with the culture warriors and their narrow take on social justice, has walked the institutional church into a single-issue political corner from which there is no easy escape. The strategy provides politicians cheap admission to official Catholic favor. It also guarantees, given the expectation that Roe v. Wade will be overturned, that the coffers of the lobbyists on either side of the issue will continue to bulge as they battle into the future on at the state level.

Political parties aren't religious congregations. No party should be granted religious endorsement. Doing so, we've seen, allows Republicans to simply ignore major portions of Catholic social teaching. Democrats, in turn, have little reason to even consider the more moderate opinions on abortion that the largest segment of Americans have held over decades.

This cleaving of issues to suit political ends is antithetical to church teaching which, if it is going to be proclaimed as proof of worthiness in the public square, has to include the whole range. In his 2018 apostolic exhortation Gaudete et Exsultate, Pope Francis makes an unambiguous and passionate plea for defense of "innocent unborn."

Crosses against a backdrop of fall colors are seen near Jesus the Divine Word Church Oct. 29, 2014, in Huntingtown, Maryland. The crosses represent aborted babies. (CNS/Bob Roller)

In the same paragraph, however, he writes: "Equally sacred, however, are the lives of the poor, those already born, the destitute, the abandoned and the underprivileged, the vulnerable infirm and elderly exposed to covert euthanasia, the victims of human trafficking, new forms of slavery, and every form of rejection."

Term-limited Gov. Hogan was able to check off the pro-life box, a valuable item to display for evangelicals and Catholics in the primaries should he pursue higher office.

The Democrats easily overturned his vetoes. "Beginning in 2025," according to the Post report, "Maryland workers will be able to take up to 12 weeks of paid leave to care for a sick family member, a newborn or a new adopted child, among other instances." Maryland firearms dealers will also have to comply with new safety regulations, and public defenders will be allowed to form a union.

Who gets to wear the "I'm Pro-life" button?

The war continues.

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Maryland vetoes show Catholic witness is victim to ongoing culture war - National Catholic Reporter

The PM sees votes in a culture war over trans rights, but this issue must transcend party politics – The Guardian

Last Sunday saw one of the biggest protests outside Downing Street in years.

It wasnt over Ukraine, or the soaring heating bills some fear will eventually push us into social unrest, or even the growing crisis in British hospitals. It was over what should have been a small, if sensitive, legislative change improving a relative handful of lives, which has somehow been blown up into the kind of mutually destructive culture war that burns everyone it touches. And thereby hangs a tale about how not to fight the next general election, for all our sakes.

This particular protest was over the governments long-promised ban on conversion practice, a grim form of quackery involving trying to cure LGBT people of their orientation or identity. Threats to dump it from the forthcoming Queens speech triggered such a backlash in Tory ranks that a U-turn was announced within hours but only for lesbian, gay and bisexual people. Trans people will be excluded, at least in England, pending further examination of claims that a loosely worded ban might deter therapists from properly exploring childrens reasons for questioning their gender identity. (Scotland is expected to proceed with a full ban, and Wales is examining options for doing so.)

Such claims deserve to be taken seriously but theyre not new, having been raised by the Equality and Human Rights Commission this January and long before that by gender-critical campaigners. The British Medical Association, plus other professional bodies that regulate counselling, supports a full ban and ministers have repeatedly argued that any concerns could be resolved in the usual way by careful wording when the bill is drafted.

Yet Downing Street still changed its mind at the 11th hour without even consulting its own equalities ministers, shattering the already fragile trust in its intentions. The result is a flagship LGBT rights policy that has offended and distressed many LGBT people attempts to split trans rights from gay ones are widely interpreted as an attempt to divide and conquer, leaving trans people vulnerable and isolated. A backbench rebellion is now brewing among Tory MPs who are tired of never quite knowing where they stand.

Whatever happened to the new year shake-up of Downing Street that had been meant to bring order to the chaos? Even a planned summit on LGBT rights this summer a Tory manifesto commitment designed to encourage progressive change in countries where homosexuality is still shrouded in taboos had to be scrapped after British gay rights groups withdrew support in protest.

Many are suspicious, too, of a U-turn announced on the eve of difficult local elections. As the Conservative MP for Rutland and Melton Alicia Kearns put it: This ban isnt some new woke frontier for politicians to weaponise in some culture war they think is vote-winning.

The governments LGBT business champion resigned and some predicted the prime ministers personal envoy on LGBT rights, the former Tory MP Nick Herbert, would follow. But instead he released a thoughtful, if exasperated, statement that deserves a wider hearing, calling for a cross-party independent royal commission on trans rights issues to stop them being further weaponised for political advantage.

Some may tell the government that this is a political opportunity for a wedge issue, but this would be deeply unwise, he wrote, noting pointedly that opinion polling shows Britons are tired of ideological punch-ups over trans rights and want to see politicians respond with kindness and practical solutions. But Herbert was equally critical of what he called Stonewalls penchant for boycotts and shouty protests, reflecting frustration among some Tories with a style of activism they think alienates potential allies. His conclusion is that a judge-led commission, free to go wherever the evidence takes it on issues such as teenagers transitioning or the inclusion of trans women in elite female sport, may now be Britains best hope of avoiding a viciously full-blown American-style culture war.

Ironically, thats what many hoped Herbert himself would do when he was appointed last May. Back then, Johnson had been convinced that aggressive culture wars were turning moderate voters off. Working alongside the openly gay equalities minister Mike Freer and then No 10 aide Henry Newman to rebuild bridges with the LGBT community, Herbert came tantalisingly close to brokering a truce; behind the scenes they had powerful backing from Carrie Johnson, a longstanding advocate of LGBT rights who delivered a rare public speech last autumn declaring her husbands commitment to the cause. But in January, the rug was pulled out from under them.

Fearing a leadership challenge after revelations of lockdown-busting parties inside Downing Street, Boris Johnson agreed to a shake-up that saw Carries influence curtailed, Newman exiled, and a new team installed that is frankly uninterested in the niceties of millennial identity politics. Led by policy unit chief Andrew Griffith, chief of staff Steve Barclay and spin doctor Guto Harri, the new regime has positioned Johnson as the voice of the middle-aged bloke down the pub.

Last week, he kickstarted the local election campaign by declaring that biological males shouldnt be allowed to compete in womens sport, a helpful distraction from tax rises coming into force. If it works, expect to see the same tactic, but on steroids, in a general election. Which is why some will see Herberts proposed royal commission as, at best, a nice idea doomed to fail; at worst, kicking things into the long grass.

But where similar schemes have worked as with Dame Mary Warnocks 1980s inquiry into the then pioneering field of human fertilisation and embryology, sensationally portrayed by tabloids as Frankenstein science they have defused public anxiety about the novel and unfamiliar, opening the space for bold leaps forward.

Walking people methodically through complex ethical arguments takes time, but since scientific research on the impact of transitioning on athletes performance is still in its infancy, conclusive answers to some issues of trans inclusion are probably years away anyway. If Boris Johnson ignores the idea although oddly it might suit him given the strange elusiveness of his own views on the subject Keir Starmer should pick it up.

For whether or not hes right about the exact mechanism, Herbert is right about the urgency of lifting this issue above toxic party politics. Hes right that nobody wins a culture war and right that those most harmed will be trans people who already feel stigmatised who deserve greater kindness than todays politics will permit.

Its depressing to think our current political system cant be trusted to handle this maturely. But not half as depressing as looking back in five years time and realising those years were wasted, doing the same thing over and over, and being surprised each time it failed.

Gaby Hinsliff is a Guardian columnist

Politics Weekly UK liveJoin John Harris, Lisa Nandy MP and Gaby Hinsliff in a livestreamed event discussing partygate, the upcoming local elections, the cost of living crisis and more on Tuesday 3 May, 8pm BST. Book tickets here

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The PM sees votes in a culture war over trans rights, but this issue must transcend party politics - The Guardian

On ‘The Late Show With Stephen Colbert’ He Takes Shots At Florida’s War On Critical Race Theory – Deadline

Tonight on The Late Show With Stephen Colbert the educational culture wars are on his mind and Florida (which the host calls Americas mullet) is ground zero for all of it.

Problems have arisen in the south and midwest when it comes to critical race theory and any teaching that focuses on marginalized communities that makes students feel bad for historic wrongs in American history.

What is history class in Florida going to be like now? he says. He goes on to give an example to what students can expect. Ok today kids, were going to learn that in 1492, Columbus sailed the ocean blueblah blah blah, the new Batman is now streaming on HBO Max. Come and get your diplomas!

Unfortunately, the censorship of certain parts of history does not stop there. Colbert talks about some statistics that shed light on just exactly how out of control this is as he states (from CNN) how the Florida education department rejected 41 percent of new math textbooks. These books were rejected because of references to critical race theory. He points out the problem of this thinking and the type of education students can look forward to.

Well that explains the updated unit on division: A house divided against itselfHey thats two houses. Nice!

While the education department claims the process for ruling out said books was transparent, it left the host scratching his head in confusion.

I guess they also banished dictionaries because thats not what transparent means, he jokes.

Watch the rest of the opening monologue above.

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On 'The Late Show With Stephen Colbert' He Takes Shots At Florida's War On Critical Race Theory - Deadline

Beyond the birds and bees –

What can the behavior of apes teach us about sex and gender? A great deal, according to primatologist Frans de Waal and his findings are already stirring controversy

By Laura Spinney / The Guardian

Sex and gender have come to represent one of the hottest fronts in the modern culture wars. Now, on to this bloody battlefield, calmly dodging banned books, anti-transgender laws and political doublespeak, strolls the distinguished Dutch-American primatologist Frans de Waal, brandishing nearly half a centurys worth of field notebooks and followed, metaphorically speaking, by an astonishingly diverse collection of primates.

Given the world it enters, de Waals new book, Different: What Apes Can Teach Us About Gender, would arguably have failed if it didnt stimulate debate. It seems safe from death by indifference, however, since it is dividing opinion even before it is published.

I found the book to be as wise as it was humane, the American primatologist Sarah Blaffer Hrdy told me, while US palaeontologist and writer Riley Black, a non-binary trans woman, is disappointed the author didnt attempt a more radical overhaul of sex.

Princeton University primatologist Agustin Fuentes, meanwhile, is full of admiration for de Waals descriptions of ape behavior, but feels the book falls short when it comes to humans. Given the authors public visibility and his masterful storytelling skills, Fuentes told me, this was his opportunity to present a thorough and thoughtful discussion of the latest research.

Unfortunately, he said, thats not this book.

SOCIAL CONSTRUCT?

What this book is is an attempt to put the biology the sex back into gender. For too long, de Waal thinks, gender was regarded as a purely social construct and talk of inborn sex differences was taboo.

The fact that we have genders is related to the fact that we have sexes and sexual reproduction, he told me, ahead of a tour to promote Different. Thats an undeniable fact, in my opinion, even though the gender concept is obviously more flexible than the two sexes that we have.

Sex (male/female) is approximately binary, he argues, while gender (masculine/feminine) is a spectrum. The fact that the latter grew out of the former should not stop us questioning the cultural components of gender, some of which are based on a misunderstanding of biology, nor rejecting gender-based discrimination. Different doesnt mean better or worse.

He makes this case by reference to the non-human primates he has observed for decades, but the book is also a plea to us to look beyond chimpanzees when searching for parallels in our nearest primate relatives. We are just as close to bonobos, the Kama Sutra apes for whom sex is as banal as a handshake, though much more fun.

It was only by accident, de Waal reminds us, that explorers stumbled on chimps first and they became our go-to model of primate behavior (some Victorian prudishness helped). Since chimps are generally more aggressive than bonobos, this skewed emphasis gave rise to an unjustifiably bleak view of human nature, he feels, which has only begun to lighten up in the last few decades. In his unfashionable optimism about humanity, he compares himself to a frog he once spotted in an Australian lavatory bowl. Like the frog, he has clung on through periodic deluges of cynicism and despair.

Among his accumulated titles, de Waal is professor of psychology at Emory University in Atlanta, Georgia, and from the first pages of Different you know youre in the presence of someone who feels beyond the slings and arrows of the culture wars.

You wouldnt write a book like that if you were 40 and trying to get tenure, remarks Meredith Small, an anthropologist at Cornell University in Ithaca, New York, and an admirer.

Hes well-known enough to feel comfortable sharing personal reflections on growing up as one of six brothers and describing himself as a feminist who nevertheless refuses to denigrate his own gender. Hes also critical of what he sees as the contradictions of modern feminism, in particular, the idea that gender is socially constructed until it comes to gender identity and sexual orientation, which are innate and immutable.

YOUNG FIELD

Primatology is a relatively young field that was founded by men but came to be dominated by women, which means it is acutely aware that who is looking is as important as what they see. This cisgender, straight, 73-year-old white man is no exception. He describes how the field broadened its horizons thanks to the feminization that has happened over his career.

When the women came, we got more interested in female-female and mother-offspring relationships, he told me. Female choice became an important issue.

His entrancing descriptions of apes illustrate this. Theres Princess Mimi, the bonobo with staff who grew up pampered in a human home and was mystified by the retinue of males with obvious erections she acquired on meeting her own kind; the gender-nonconforming chimp Donna and the gay capuchin monkey Lonnie, both of whom were fully integrated into their respective colonies; Mama, the wise kingmaker among chimps; and the rhesus macaque love triangle of Orange, Dandy and Mr Spickles.

Through these characters de Waal brings to life the complexity of sex and social behavior in other apes. He recounts, for example, how Nikkie, a young and possibly overpromoted alpha-male chimp, was chased up a tree by a bunch of disgruntled underlings who wouldnt let him come down.

After about a quarter of an hour, Mama slowly climbed into the tree. She touched Nikkie and kissed him. Then she climbed down while he followed close at heel. Now that Mama was bringing him with her, nobody resisted any more. Nikkie, obviously still nervous, made up with his adversaries. No other chimp in the group, male or female, could have brought about such a smooth closing.

Mr Spickles was the alpha male of a large macaque troop; Orange was the alpha female. The males all looked up to Mr Spickles, the females to Orange. But Mr Spickles enjoyed his privileged status largely thanks to Orange, his staunchest political ally.

When mating season came around, Orange would pair up with Dandy, a handsome male almost half Mr Spickless age. If Mr Spickles tried to chase Dandy away, Orange would simply seek her younger mate out again. But if Dandy was tempted to flaunt his youth and vigor in front of Mr Spickles, Orange would loyally take up position next to the aging alpha.

Orange carefully balanced two preferences, de Waal writes. One concerned political leadership and the other sexual desire. She never confused the two.

EVOLUTIONARY FITNESS

Both males and females strive non-consciously to maximize their evolutionary fitness, but because they differ biologically their methods for achieving this goal differ too. Protecting offspring from male infanticide is a common female preoccupation, de Waal says, which is why one rule holds across species: The typical primate society is at heart a female kinship network run by older matriarchs.

Beyond that, however, there are as many models of relations between the sexes as there are species.

Males and females are both hierarchical, but these hierarchies are based on more than just physical prowess or fighting ability. Prestige, which is less visible, counts too. Hierarchies are always at least partly coercive, but prestige always has a component of altruism and community-mindedness to it, as Mama and Orange showed. In most primates, the alpha female ranks below the alpha male. He has strength but she has choice. (Bonobos, uniquely, have reversed this order: females invest everything in the sisterhood, which collectively dominates the group.)

As a result, the female has been underrated, an argument the British zoologist Lucy Cooke also made recently, in her acclaimed book Bitch. But de Waal thinks weve gone wrong at a deeper level. He challenges the idea that non-humans are natural while humans are cultural, arguing that nature and nurture are inextricably entwined in both. Apes may have gender as well as sex there are hints of cultural variation in the way the sexes behave in non-human primates, though he says it hasnt been studied enough yet but you cant take the sex out of human gender.

In this domain as in so many others, de Waal says, were more similar to other primates than we think. (Years ago, he coined a term for those who warned against anthropomorphizing other primates: anthropodenialists.) Yet humans do seem to be unique in one way. We are apparently the only ape that attaches labels to sexual or gender diversity and prejudices to the labels. In other primates, he says, I dont find the kind of intolerance we have in human societies.

BLOWBACK

He expects blowback from two broad camps the feminists whom he overtly criticizes in the book and those conservatives who claim that men are men and women are women and never the twain shall meet, wrongly asserting that science supports their position. But he also has critics closer to home.

Black says he fails to ask the most fundamental question: what is biological sex?

Is it chromosomes or hormones or gametes, or some combination thereof, or is it a concept we need to go back and start over? she asks. Until weve answered that question, she feels its unreasonable to assume that sex is essentially binary, even if de Waal does allow for some blurring and acknowledges non-binary and transgender people.

Fuentes wonders why he overlooks a large body of research on human sex and gender work by the American neuroscientist Lise Eliot, for example, showing that male and female brains arent that different, or British psychologist Cordelia Fines probing of the complex feedback loops that exist between sex and gender.

To read these and other researchers, Fuentes says, is to understand that the non-human-natural/human-cultural division is a straw person argument. Moreover, in the introduction to Different, de Waal explains that he will not discuss areas of human behavior for which there are no animal parallels, such as economic disparities, household labor and dress.

But you cant discuss gender without these! Fuentes says.

These controversies will undoubtedly dominate discussion of the book once it comes out, so now seems a good moment to flag up some of de Waals quieter but still thought-provoking observations, such as: Most beauty in nature exists thanks to female taste. Or: We have no evidence that any species other than our own knows that sex leads to progeny.

And whether or not you agree with him, Different is worth reading for its anecdotes alone. The description of two grizzled male chimps who were normally sworn enemies, arms slung around each others shoulders, forming a barrage between a newborn and a young alpha male with possibly infanticidal intent, is one of many that will be hard to forget.

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