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The United States stands with those seeking to safeguard democracy and rule of law in Guatemalaand ensure that the will of the Guatemalan people is respected. Under Section 212(a)(3)(C) of the Immigration and Nationality Act, we are taking steps to impose visa restrictions on nearly 300 Guatemalan nationals, including over 100 members of the Guatemalan congress, as well as private sector representatives and their family members for undermining democracy and the rule of law. The United States will continue to take steps to impose such restrictions on any individuals who undermine Guatemalas democracy.

The United States strongly condemns ongoing anti-democratic actions by Guatemalas Public Ministry and other malign actors who undermine Guatemalas rule of law. Most recently, the Public Ministrys announcement of arrest warrants for electoral workers and party representatives, its request to remove the immunity of President-elect Arvalo, and its attempts to annul electoral results constitute evidence of its clear intent to delegitimize Guatemalas free and fair elections and prevent the peaceful transition of power. These actions are plainly inconsistent with the Inter American Democratic Charter.

These brazen measures follow a long list of other anti-democratic actions including: the lifting of immunity of electoral magistrates, the political targeting of opposition members, the intimidation of peaceful protestors, raids on storage facilities housing election result records, and the opening of ballot boxes.

Todays actions reinforce previous measures by the U.S. government to promote accountability for corrupt and undemocratic actors in Guatemala and to support the will of the Guatemalan people. The Guatemalan people have spoken. Their voices must be respected.

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Additional Steps Taken to Impose Visa Restrictions in Response to Anti-Democratic Actions in Guatemala - United ... - Department of State

This week,Donald Tuskwon avote of confidencein Polands parliament to lead a new government as the countrys new prime minister, following a failed bid by the incumbent, Mateusz Morawiecki, to remain in that role.

The vote provoked a visibly nervous reaction from the leader of the outgoing populist government, Jarosaw Kaczyski, who stormed up to the rostrum todenounceTusk, a former prime minister who subsequently served as president of the European Council, as a German agent. Kaczyskisbehavioursince the October election has been all too revealing: the all-powerful national populist leader of the past eight years has lost control of himself, as well as of the country.

Kaczyski can thank his own hateful policies for his electoral defeat on 15 October (following a record voter turnout of75 per cent). Though his Law and Justice (PiS) party won more seats than any other single party, Tusk has built a broad four-partycoalitionwith a solid parliamentary majority. He is now taking great pains to show his appreciation for his partners, including bycreating26 ministerial positions in the new government.

Tusks administration will need to show consistency and unity to deal with Polands many crises. After years of PiSillegally packingmajor judicial institutions with political cronies, a top domestic priority is to restore the rule of law. Tusk alsopromisesa return to Europe, prompting celebrations across the European media, especially in Germany, a key neighbour with which Kaczyski had been picking absurd fights.

In hisexpos, Tusk looked directly at PiSs parliamentary deputies and made clear that no one in the EU will be able to push him around.

Paradoxically, the PiS government was generally an easy partner for Germany, since it isolated Poland within the European Union. While Tusks victory wasgreetedwith joy in Berlin, German leaders surely know they will be dealing with a serious, seasoned player who will defend Polands interests more effectively than PiS ever did.

In hisexpos(a speech outlining the new governments plans), Tusk looked directly at PiS parliamentary deputies and made clear that no one in the EU will be able to push him around. In doing so, he took the air out of PiS aggressive propagandising about him being subordinate to Berlin, and he sent a clear signal to both the German and French governments. He has already announced that he will oppose proposed EU treaty changes designed to remove the unanimity requirement,warningagainst naive, sometimes even unbearable Euro-enthusiasm behind efforts to change the character of the EU.

In terms of foreign policy, Tusk says he will focus primarily on maximising support for Ukraine from Poland and other EU and NATO states. He did not mince words: I cannot listen to politicians who talk about being tired of the situation in Ukraine. They are tired, they say it to the face of President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. Polands task is to loudly and firmly demand that the West fully resolve and help Ukraine in this war. There was a clear message here for Hungarys pro-Kremlin prime minister, Viktor Orbn, whom Tusk knows well and once considered a friend.

Still, Tusk also declared that his government will show cordial and benevolent assertiveness when it comes to Polish interests on the Polish-Ukrainian border, where Polish truckers have set upblockadesto prevent their lower-paid Ukrainian counterparts from entering. Tusk says he will offer an immediate solution to this problem, which is destroying the Ukrainian economy.

On the fraught issue of immigration, Tusk showed during his stint as president of the European Council that he has a strong, principled position on the matter. His policy can be summed up as Borders First!. All borders must be secured before a properly functioning migration and asylum system can be established, though the authorities can protectthe Polish border and be humane at the same time. His government intends to seal the border but also to end the illegal practice of push-backs, which hascost the livesof more than 50 people on the Polish-Belarusian border in recent years.

During Tusks first government,Radek Sikorski and Swedens then-prime minister,Carl Bildt, forged a special relationship. Now, Tusk wants to do the same within NATO.

The importance of this issue is underscored by the fact that Tusk already hasplansto fly to Tallinn and meet with the prime ministers of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. They have many of the same priorities: dealing with the war in Ukraine, securing their borders (all are targets of a Russian and Belarusian hybrid war that includes funnelling immigrants over their borders) and strengthening their cooperation with like-minded governments.

In his expos, Tusk made sure to mention Finland, signalling a stronger focus on NATOs northern front. During Tusks first government,Radek Sikorski(who is returning as head of the Foreign Ministry to rebuild Polands ruined diplomacy) and Swedens then-prime minister,Carl Bildt, forged a special relationship. Now, Tusk wants to do the same within NATO. It is a sensible strategy, since he cannot hope for cooperation within theVisegrad group, owing topopulist spoilerslike Orbn and Slovakias new prime minister, Robert Fico.

Poland today is like a ship that needs to be rebuilt while at sea. The situation is not unlike 1989. The biggest difference is that the economy today is in crisis, rather than in ruins. Still, other challenges are just as difficult, if not more so. Back then, Russia (or rather the USSR) was on its knees, whereas now it is waging wars of aggression. There is no Polish politician today who could handle these challenges better than Tusk.

Project Syndicat

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What Donald Tusks return means for Poland Democracy and society - IPS Journal

A majority of voters across seven Western countries, including the United States, France and the United Kingdom, believe their democracy is in worse shape than it was five years ago, according to a poll whose results were seen by POLITICO.

Nearly seven in 10 American respondents said the state of democracy had declined in recent years, while 73 percent of poll takers shared the same opinion in France. In the United Kingdom, more than six out of 10 respondents said that democracy was working less well than five years ago, according to the poll which was carried out by Ipsos in September.

The results reveal widespread angst about the state of democracy ahead of major votes in the United States, the U.K, and the European Union in the year ahead as well as mixed views of the 27-member union.

In all but one of the countries which also included Croatia, Italy, Poland and Sweden about half of voters reported being dissatisfied with the way democracy was working, while majorities agreed with the statement that the system is rigged in favor of the rich and powerful, and that radical change was needed.

Only in Sweden did a clear majority, 58 percent, say they were satisfied with how the system of government was working.

Among EU countries, the survey revealed deeply contrasting views on the state of the Union. A majority of respondents in the countries surveyed said they were in favor of the EU, but a plurality in all the countries said they were dissatisfied with the state of democracy at the EU level, while only tiny minorities reported feeling they had any influence over EU decisions.

Those views were offset by higher levels of satisfaction at the way democracy worked at the local level.

Only in Croatia was satisfaction with democracy at the EU level, at 26 percent, higher than it was for democracy at the national level, at 21 percent.

The results of the survey will give EU leaders food for thought as they gear up for European Parliament elections. While voters elect the Parliament directly, the choice of who gets the top jobs such as president of the European Commission, the blocs executive branch, or the head of the EU Council, which gathers heads of state and government is indirect. National leaders pick their nominees, which are then submitted to the Parliament for conformation.

In recent years, EU-level political parties have been trying to make the process more democratic by asking leaders to give top jobs to the lead candidates, or Spitzenkandidaten, from the party that wins the most votes in the election. But that system was ignored by leaders after the last election, when they rejected the lead candidate of the conservative European Peoples Party, Manfred Weber, in favor of current Commission President Ursula von der Leyen.

While all the major parties say they are committed to proposing lead candidates ahead of the next EP election, leaders havent publicly committed to follow the system.

These findings suggest that a key challenge for the EU ahead of the 2024 European Parliament elections will be to leverage continuing support for the EU project to help restore positive perceptions of EU institutions, agencies and bodies, Christine Tresignie, managing director of Ipsos European public affairs, said in a statement.

The poll was carried out September 21-30 via KnowledgePanel, an online random probability survey. Respondents aged 16 and over were questioned in Croatia, France, Italy, Poland, Sweden and the United Kingdom, while in the United States adults aged 18 and over were polled.

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Western democracies face crisis of confidence ahead of big votes, poll shows - POLITICO Europe

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Democracy Now! doesnt belong to any corporation, government or political party. Youre the reason we existand that means we need your help to produce our truth-seeking, independent news. If everyone who visited our website this month gave $12, we would easily meet our annual goal. Right now, a generous contributor will DOUBLE your donation. If you give $12, well get $24.I hope youll donate as much as you can today. Every dollar makes a difference. Thanks so much! -Amy Goodman

We rely on contributions from you, our viewers and listeners to do our work. If you visit us daily or weekly or even just once a month, now is a great time to make your monthly contribution.

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U.S. Stalls Sale of 27000 Rifles to Israel over Settler Violence - Democracy Now!

Not long after Robert Fico formed the new government for the fourth time, he swiftly proposed significant changes that would severely erode democratic institutions and protection of freedom of expression in the country. ARTICLE 19 is concerned that legislative changes proposed by the new government will affect the rule of law and will further hinder the prolonged quest for justice for the murdered investigative journalist Jn Kuciak and his fiance, Martina Kunrov. Additionally, we are alarmed that Fico has launched a new battle against critical media, and has made clear his ambition to severely restrict civic space. We call on the new government to fulfil its obligation to protect and enhance the tenets of democracy in Slovakia and retract from any moves that would undermine them.

ARTICLE 19 is concerned by the deteriorating situation for freedom of expression, media freedom and protection of civic space in Slovakia. The attempts to curtail the space for freedom of expression must be treated with the utmost seriousness by the international community.

We would like to highlight the following three concerns.

On 6 December 2023, the Slovak Government tabled the proposal to abolish the Office of the Special Prosecutor and subsume it under the general prosecution branch of the law enforcement. The government agreed to approve the closure through fast-track legislative procedure. The move could result in shutting down operations as soon as 15 January.

The Special Prosecutors Office was established in 2004 to deal with the most serious crimes and sensitive corruption cases, including those linked to Ficos SMER party. After its abolition, cases will be transferred to the Prosecutor Generals office, which had previously annulled investigations in several high-level corruption cases.

In its 2023 rule of law report on Slovakia, the European Commission sounded the alarm over allegations of politically-motivated decisions and recommended limiting the Prosecutor-Generals power. The imminent closure of the Special Prosecution has induced great concern over government accountability and the erosion of the rule of law in the country, specifically due to the key role the office plays in tackling corruption. The decision sparked nationwide outcry, including protests, and firm criticism from opposition politicians and President Zuzana aputov. The European Commission urged Slovakia to refrain from advancing on the amendments without thorough consultation with stakeholders at national and European level.

ARTICLE 19 is deeply concerned about what the closure of the Special Prosecution would mean for the struggle for justice for Jn Kuciak and Martina Kunrov. The Special Prosecutor was investigating their murder a crime that sent shockwaves through Slovakia and eventually toppled the previous Fico government in 2018. Though the perpetrators have since been sentenced to long prison terms, the alleged mastermind, Marian Koner, an entrepreneur with close ties to Ficos Smer party, continues to evade punishment. Following a retrial that found him not guilty a decision ARTICLE 19 and partners at Media Freedom Rapid Response strongly condemned at the time Koners case is set to be heard in the Supreme Court.

We recall that under international human rights standards, states must ensure accountability for all violence, threats and attacks against journalists through impartial, prompt, thorough, independent and effective investigations. The UN Human Rights Council Resolution 33/2 specifically calls for the creation of special investigative units to deal with crimes against journalists. We are concerned that dissolving the Special Prosecutors office will ultimately entrench the ongoing impunity, as securing full justice for the murder of Jn Kuciak and Martina Kunrov. would become even harder. Jn Kuciaks father was one of the first to sign a petition against plans to abolish the office.

Following the signing of the coalition agreement in October, Robert Fico declared his intention to introduce a new law that would designate civil society organisations receiving funding from abroad as foreign agents. He also asserted that the incoming government marked the conclusion of an era where Slovakia was ruled by non-governmental organisations.

Although Fico attempted to draw parallels to the 1938 USA Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA), his proposal mirrors a highly controversial Russian law that has long become a key means for the Kremlins crackdown on civil society. Given the nature of Slovak civic space, with foreign funding making up a crucial contribution to organisations budgets, the legislation would inevitably curtail their capacity to operate freely and engage in public interest issues.

ARTICLE 19 has long criticised attempts to restrict the work of civil society organisations through foreign agents laws. Previously, we highlighted that these types of restrictions are rarely compatible with international and regional human rights standards. Democratic societies depend on vibrant civic space and the free flow of information. Restricting them does not bring stability. Instead, it fosters discontent with the suppression of fundamental human rights and foments instability.

ARTICLE 19s concerns over the rule of law and the shrinking of civic space are compounded by the continued attacks against the media.

Shortly after assuming the Prime Ministers post, Fico took aim at four leading media outlets: Markza, Dennk N, SME, and Aktuality.sk (where Jn Kuciak worked before his murder). Fico declared the outlets hostile and accused them of spreading hatred and absurdities and doing politics without taking responsibility. He has made it clear that journalists associated with those outlets are not welcome to press conferences or on government premises.

ARTICLE 19 is concerned about these statements, especially in light of Ficos and the SMER partys long track record of targeting critical journalists. Over the years, Fico has been repeatedly hostile to journalists and engaged in smear campaigns against them. He has labelled journalists as an organised criminal group with the aim of breaking Slovak statehood and encouraged the police to investigate them. In the lead up to the 2023 general elections, the SMER party published 174 social media posts smearing journalists. Verbal attacks, often fuelled by malicious remarks from top politicians, are a common tactic deployed by authorities, which ARTICLE 19 has documented around the world. In Slovakia, they constitute a primary threat to journalists, as they fuel impunity and contribute to the growing public distrust in the media. The Slovak government is also planning to cut the funding of the public broadcaster RTVS and divide the media into two separate entities.

ARTICLE 19 reminds Prime Minister Fico and the new government that banning journalists from entering government offices constitutes a breach of law and international standards. Both the Act on Publishers of Publications and the Act on Media Services require public authorities to provide information to the media.

ARTICLE 19 urges PM Fico and the Slovak government to immediately refrain from further actions that undermine the fabric of a resilient civil society. A rushed procedure to abolish the Special Prosecutor, whose work has led to several successful convictions for corruption, is a blow to the independent judiciary and may jeopardise future attempts to hold power to account. The continued impunity for the murder of Kuciak and Kunrov is the most prominent example. The government must commit to and take action to secure justice for Jn, Martina and their families that includes putting on trial those who ordered the murder.

ARTICLE 19 also calls on the Slovak government to abandon the proposals for the harmful foreign agent law, which in other contexts has proved to be no more but a weapon against public participation.

Lastly, we reiterate that journalists should be able to carry out their vital public service and watchdog role without fear of intimidation or attack. A country that merely a few years ago mourned an investigative reporter killed for his valuable work must step up to protect independent media, not label them as enemies or turn the public against them.

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Slovakia: New government threatens democracy and embeds culture of impunity - ARTICLE 19 - Article 19