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Teaching citizenship values can help promote active participation among Europeans, but it still often relies on the initiative and motivation of individual teachers. Meanwhile, education remains fragmented across the EU, with each member state implementing their own policies.

Changes to competence in this field remain unlikely for the time being, despite citizens and decision-makers increasingly calling for a more harmonised European approach and more EU support for citizenship educators.

Meanwhile, recent crises have pushed schools to quickly adapt to new learning environments. The influx of Ukrainian refugees in EU countries has shown the need for a cross-border approach to face educational challenges, while the COVID-19 pandemic has definitively pushed teachers and classrooms toward the digital sphere.

In this special report, we look at the role of teachers and educators in making young Europeans active citizens, the challenges they currently face in their work and the role the EU could play in supporting them.

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Citizens of tomorrow: education's role in strengthening EU democracy - EURACTIV

The American people understand that their democracy and their society are in deep trouble.But they do not agree on who or what is the cause of the problem, and do not share a common understanding of basic facts. To make matters worse there is a kind of sinister synergy between America's democracy crisis and other serious problems facing the country, which risks creating a state of collective paralysis.

During his prepared comments before the House Jan. 6 committee last Thursday, retired judgeJ. Michael Luttig, a lifelong conservative Republican who advised former Vice President Mike Pence before and during Donald Trump's coup attempt, issued this dire warning:

A stake was driven through the heart of American democracy on Jan. 6, 2021, and our democracy today is on a knife's edge.

America was at war on that fateful day, but not against a foreign power. She was at war against herself. We Americans were at war with each other over our democracy.

Jan. 6 was but the next, foreseeable battle in a war that had been raging in America for years, though that day was the most consequential battle of that war even to date. In fact, Jan. 6 was a separate war unto itself, a war for America's democracy, a war irresponsibly instigated and prosecuted by the former president, his political party allies, and his supporters. Both wars are raging to this day. America is now the stake in these unholy wars. America is adrift. We pray that it is only for this fleeting moment that she has lost her way, until we Americans can once again come to our senses.

In response to a question from committee chairman Bennie Thompson about the danger to the republic still represented by Trump and his supporters, Luttig elaborated further:

Almost two years after that fateful day Donald Trumpand his allies and supporters are a clear and present danger to American democracy.

That's not because of what happened on Jan. 6. It is because, to this very day, the former president and his allies and supporters pledge that in the presidential election of 2024, if the former president or his anointed successor as the Republican party presidential candidate were to lose that election, they would attempt to overturn that 2024 election in the same way that they attempted to overturn the 2020 election, but succeed in 2024 where they failed in 2020.

If there are any reasonable and intelligent Americans who continue to doubt that this country is in the midst of an existential crisis, facing the dangers of Trumpism and a growing white supremacist authoritarian movement, Luttig's words should shock them back into reality.

A new Yahoo News/YouGov poll adds even more weight to Luttig's warnings about American democracy as it teeters on the precipice of irrecoverable disaster. The lead finding is that more than half of those surveyed, across the political spectrum 55% of Democrats and 53% of Republicans believe it is "likely" that the United States will "cease to be a democracy in the future."

RELATED:Global forecaster on "another bad year for democracy": Is the world near a dire tipping point?

Further findings in that poll are arguably even more troubling given the events of Jan. 6 and the Republican-fascist movement's increasing embrace of violence and terrorism:

This new poll also demonstrates that negative partisanship and other forms of extreme political polarization now appear to be permanent features of American political life.Andrew Romano summarizes this at Yahoo News:

When asked to choose the phrase that best "describes most people on the other side of the political aisle from you," a majority of Republicans pick extreme negatives such as "out of touch with reality" (30%), a "threat to America" (25%), "immoral" (8%) and a "threat to me personally" (4%). A tiny fraction select more sympathetic phrases such as "well-meaning" (4%) or "not that different from me" (6%).

The results among Democrats are nearly identical, with negatives such as "out of touch with reality" (27%), a "threat to America" (23%), "immoral" (7%) and a "threat to me personally" (4%) vastly outnumbering positives such as "well-meaning" (7%) or "not that different from me" (5%).

These findings offer further evidence that the U.S. in the Age of Trump and beyond is what political scientists call an "anocracy," a system that combines features of dictatorship and democracy. The coup against democracy and the rule of law did not end when Trump's insurrectionists left the Capitol on Jan. 6. The Republican-fascists and the larger white right continue to advance a strategy whose ultimate goal is a Christian fascist plutocracy, one modeled on a system of competitive authoritarianism in which political parties still exist and elections occur, but where outcomes are manipulated as in Russia, Hungary or Turkey.

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This dystopia made real will be a combination of such books and films as "The Handmaid's Tale," "Atlas Shrugged," "Brazil," "Idiocracy," "Robocop," "CSA: The Confederate States of America" and "1984."

Donald Trump and his acolytes continue to threaten political violence against their "enemies," meaning liberals and progressives, nonwhite people, Muslims, immigrants, LGBTQ people and any other groups or individuals they deem insufficiently "American" and not part of the MAGA faithful.

The Republican Party, its propaganda machine and other opinion leaders continue to amplify Trump's Big Lie and its inherent conclusion that further violence may be necessary to return Trump (or a successor) to the White House and, more generally, to prevent Democrats from winning or holding power by any means necessary.

The core tenets of the "great replacement" conspiracy theory which a white supremacist terrorist recently claimed as the motive for murdering 10 Black people last month at a Buffalo supermarket have been embraced by a majority of Republicans, and an even larger majority of Trump followers.

National security experts on terrorism and armed conflict have continued to warn that Trump's coup attempt and the Capitol attack are further evidence that the U.S. may face a period of sustained right-wing violent insurgency. Robert Pape, director of the University of Chicago Project on Security and Threats, has estimated that more than 20 million Americansbelieve that using political violence to return Trump to power is justified.

In a widely read December 2021 essay in the Globe and Mail, Canadian political scientist Thomas Homer-Dixon offered a memorably grim prognosis of America's future. He predicted that "American democracy could collapse" by 2025 that is, following the next presidential election and that by 2030, the U.S. "could be governed by a right-wing dictatorship":

We mustn't dismiss these possibilities just because they seem ludicrous or too horrible to imagine. In 2014, the suggestion that Donald Trump would become president would also have struck nearly everyone as absurd. But today we live in a world where the absurd regularly becomes real and the horrible commonplace.

Mr. Trump's electoral loss has energized the Republican base and further radicalized young party members. Even without their concerted efforts to torque the machinery of the electoral system, Republicans will probably take control of both the House of Representatives and Senate this coming November, because the incumbent party generally fares poorly in mid-term elections. Republicans could easily score a massive victory, with voters ground down by the pandemic, angry about inflation, and tired of President Joe Biden bumbling from one crisis to another. Voters who identify as Independents are already migrating toward Republican candidates.

Once Republicans control Congress, Democrats will lose control of the national political agenda, giving Mr. Trump a clear shot at recapturing the presidency in 2024. And once in office, he will have only two objectives: vindication and vengeance.

Homer-Dixon then drew the this parallel between the current state of the U.S. and the collapse of the Weimar Republic in the early 1930s:

The situation in Germany in the 1920s and early 1930s was of course sui generis; in particular, the country had experienced staggering traumas defeat in war, internal revolution and hyperinflation while the country's commitment to liberal democracy was weakly rooted in its culture. But as I read a history of the doomed republic this past summer, I tallied no fewer than five unnerving parallels with the current U.S. situation.

America's future stability is so much in doubt that even global rivals or enemies are concerned about the destructive forces unleashed by the Age of Trump. In a series of phone calls before and after the 2020 election, Gen. Mark Milley, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, sought to reassure his Chinese counterpart, saying, "The American government is stable and everything is going to be OK. ... Everything's fine. But democracy can be sloppy sometimes."

An ambush is always disorienting, and intentionally so, but the best option is always to fight back. That's where we are right now.

This situation is undeniably bewildering, and deliberately so. But for pro-democracy Americans, inaction is not an option. That will inevitably lead to defeat. In military terms, a successful ambush is almost always disorienting, but the best option is always to fight back, not hunker down. The Republican-fascists and their allies want the American people to feel so confused and overwhelmed by their unending attack on democracy, the rule of law, the common good and basic human decency that they essentially turn away, close their eyes and surrender.In essence, the Republican-fascist movement is using their own version of a political "shock and awe" strategy here at home against the American people.

The Lincoln Project recently offered this evaluation of America's democracy crisis:

After three [Jan. 6 committee] hearings we know for certain the nation is at one of the most dangerous moments in its history. These revelations will not change the true MAGA believers mind but will cause them to double and triple down on the "Big Lie" making them more dangerous and perhaps more violent. Every single American needs to decide if they are the side of the seditionists who tried to tear down a free and fair election, or do they support our Republic and its democratic principles?

In short, the American people must act with deliberate purpose and speed if they hope to save their democracy and society. Voting is of course necessary, but by itself is insufficient. "Hashtag activism," with its "likes" and "shares" and memes, is for the most part symbolic or performative politics that accomplishes little or nothing in the long run, and may actually be counterproductive if people mistake it for real action. In the long-term struggle, substantive movement-building and organizing will be required to defeat fascism in America and around the world.

Voting is necessary, but not sufficient. "Hashtag activism" accomplishes little or nothing, and may even be counterproductive. What we need is movement-building.

Supporters of democracy must engage in grassroots organizing. They need to join, establish, and grow a range of civil society organizations. They must raise and donate money in effective ways, not by giving it to doomed Democratic candidates in hopeless races. Ultimately, they must be willing to engage in corporeal politics, including general strikes, street protests, civil disobedience and other forms of direct action where they can confront the Republican-fascists and their allies with overwhelming numbers.

Right now, almost all the momentum is with the Republican-fascists and their broad-spectrum attack on American democracy and society. They are in revolutionary mode, and they are are winning. They will press onward to total victory, unless and until they are stopped. This will require people of conscience to take a personal inventory and ask themselves, "How much am I willing to sacrifice to save my country, my family and future generations from this nightmare?" The future of American democracy and society largely hinges on how many of us can answer that question honorably and rise to the challenge.

Read more on America's crisis of democracy:

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Is American democracy already lost? Half of us think so but the future remains unwritten - Salon

Myanmars rocky democratic transition ended abruptly in a military coup on February 1, 2021. Yet, the generals have kicked a hornets nest. The countrys Bamar majority has long dominated Myanmar, but an assortment of over 20 ethnic armed organizations have contested this situation for decades, and some have taken up arms once more to oppose the coup. Most crucially, faced with junta gunfire, the largely Bamar-dominated pro-democracy movement also made the grim decision to arm itself and fight the military.

The story of post-coup Myanmar is now one of a dedicated popular democratic resistance gaining momentum against a powerful military machine armed with Chinese and Russian equipment. This resistance is largely led by the predominantly Bamar National Unity Government in a loose coalition with some ethnic armed groups, ousted parliamentarians, and activists. They have shaken the junta to its core, successfully seized rural areas across the country, and enjoined several of the countrys ethnic armed groups to directly support them in the fight.

Yet, the odds against them remain steep. The National Unity Government lacks significant Western support most notably in the form of arms and still struggles to bring distrustful ethnic armed groups into a consolidated resistance movement. Currently operating as a diffuse and underequipped insurgency fighting what amounts to at least seven discrete conflicts, anti-junta forces lack strategic-level unity as well. While remarkably effective in numerous tactical skirmishes, the poorly equipped National Unity Governments long-term prospects are, therefore, less than ideal. The juntas military, known as the Sit-Tat, is suffering from overstretch and low morale, but still holds key cities and strategic locations with its superior airpower, armor, and artillery.

Nonetheless, the revolution can achieve victory. Resolving the fundamental distrust between the National Unity Government and ethnic armed organizations may be enough to overcome political and military roadblocks. This will require developing a shared political objective and an effective coalitional military strategy. It will also require persuading non-aligned ethnic armies as well as the Chinese government to increase the flow of arms, so anti-junta forces can launch coordinated offensives to take and hold territory. These steps could prompt the Sit-Tats collapse, or at least compel the junta to allow a return to democratic rule.

The Current Situation

Over the past few months, the National Unity Governments military momentum has slowed as the junta deployed its air power and heavy weapons, locking down cities and preventing the rebels from consolidating their gains. In places like Mindat, Chin State, and Lay Kay Kaw, Karen State, the juntas troops ousted poorly equipped Peoples Defense Forces. In classic authoritarian counterinsurgency fashion, the junta continues to use unanswered firepower to displace lightly equipped units with little concern for escalating civilian casualties.

Peoples Defense Forces and newly founded autonomous defense forces were successful in recruiting roughly 100,000 personnel, but only about 40 percent of them have any small arms whatsoever. Many of these weapons are rudimentary, either locally produced, cast off by the junta, or obtained on the black market from China and Thailand. Stealing weapons is not viable at scale. And while Chinese-supported ethnic armed groups have weapons like FN-6 man-portable air-defense systems that could dent the juntas air and armor, they are reluctant to share them.

Politically, the incredibly diverse ethnic landscape in Myanmar has provided the National Unity Government with a number of potential armed allies, but it has also hampered anti-junta unity. Many ethnic groups have historical grievances and legitimate concerns with a Bamar-dominated pro-democracy movement, which results in limited cooperation beyond the tactical and operational levels. Some groups, such as the powerful United Wa State Army, seek to preserve their own interests regardless of the wider movements fate especially if the National Unity Governments odds of victory remain low.

Yet despite its problems, the National Unity Government and the wider pro-democracy movement cannot easily be crushed and show little intention of surrender. The junta has failed to cow the populace into submission, retake rural areas, or persuade the ethnic armies to join its side. While Myanmar has experienced numerous unsuccessful anti-government conflicts, and the Sit-Tat is often described as a formidable force, this time is different. As shown most recently during its 2019-20 fighting with the Arakan Army, the junta has struggled to defeat popular insurgencies. In the current round of conflict, the Sit-Tat has not only failed to prevail, in several places it cannot venture out into rural areas without suffering serious losses due to small-unit tactical failures. Moreover, the Bamar majority is now actively challenging the junta in a manner unseen since the 1980s, and fighting has spread throughout the country.

This leaves the Sit-Tat overstretched, overburdened, and short on morale. A total military victory for the pro-democracy forces led by the National Unity Government will still be difficult to achieve, but it is likelier now than it has been in decades. To date, the junta has made clear that it will not negotiate with the National Unity Government. Thus, while military victory is a long shot, the pro-democracy movement has no other option but to ramp up military pressure to either overthrow the junta or compel it to hand power to a civilian government.

The Need for Unity

Despite conducting a series of negotiations, the Bamar-dominated National Unity Government is struggling to find common ground with the ethnic armed organizations to build a mutually acceptable democratic federal state. Some dominant pro-democracy political entities still hold the dismissive views of ethnic actors that marked the National League for Democracys rule after 2015. Meanwhile, many ethnic armed groups pursue their own parochial interests. In addition to a few smaller outfits, the most powerful ethnic armed organizations on the National Unity Governments side are the Kachin Independence Army in the north and the Karen National Union to the east. Both have supported the resistance movement since its inception and frequently launch offensives within their own territories, but they are hesitant to invest scarce resources in battlefields beyond their control.

Beyond the ethnic armed groups, only about 60 percent of the Peoples Defense Forces and smaller Local Defense Forces are actually under the National Unity Governments direct operational command. Moreover, the long hoped-for federal army capable of uniting the disparate ethnic armies and the Peoples Defense Forces remains out of reach. While many of the ethnic armed groups reject peace talks with the military, they appear reluctant to wholeheartedly back the pro-democracy forces and some are open to junta outreach. This essentially splits the conflict into seven separate theaters with little overlap. It also allows the junta to divide and conquer and concentrate mass against isolated resistance pockets, as they have successfully done throughout their history.

The National Unity Governments Peoples Defense Forces have rapidly and effectively established themselves in the form of a cellular, horizontally networked guerilla force. Now the groups aiming to overthrow the junta need to undergo a sequential transition from a loosely organized movement to a more structured and centralized force. Martin C. Libicki and Ben Connable claim that networked armed movements have lost significantly more often than they have won, while hierarchically organized insurgencies have a better record. As Rgis Debray, an associate of Che Guevara, claimed: The lack of a single command puts the revolutionary forces in the situation of an artillery gunner who has not been told in which direction to fire. Centralized command and control is necessary to field a force capable of taking urban settlements and strategic hard points.

Thus, the National Unity Government needs to consolidate its own chain of command and convince the fiercely independent ethnic armed organizations to accept a shared military strategy. It has attempted to do so through the establishment of a Central Command and Coordination Committee, but the ethnic armed groups have been loath to subordinate themselves to National Unity Government control. To overcome this, the National Unity Government will need to form a coalition around mutual goals in order to reach a consensus on an overarching strategy. This means forging a shared political objective before effective strategic military cooperation can occur.

Currently, the National Unity Governments goal is to seize the central state apparatus, while the ethnic armed groups largely aim to consolidate their own autonomy. Persuading the ethnic armed organizations that it is in their interest to overthrow the Sit-Tat will require real inclusion and commitments to giving up some central authority in a federal democratic future. It would also be a real departure from Aung San Suu Kyis practices and likely would require moving beyond her legacy to build a more inclusive one. Any political arrangement must be conducive to genuine cooperation between the pro-democratic political forces and the ethnic armed groups. Most importantly, the National Unity Government must make the case to the ethnic armed organizations that the autonomy they seek can only happen under a democratic federal structure.

To be sure, the pro-democracy resistance movement has taken the right steps to advance this unity. It has created a National Unity Consultative Council, which could be a genuine political platform bringing together the countrys diverse stakeholders. Likewise, the Central Command and Coordinating Committee could create a military command structure that would improve collaboration. If the National Unity Government can demonstrate its practical cooperation with the ethnic armed groups, and the National Unity Consultative Council forges a strong alliance around a federal democratic future, they would be a strong magnet for uncommitted ethnic armies. This would also undermine the juntas own efforts to co-opt ethnic armed groups. Just recently, the National Unity Government met with the currently uncommitted Arakan Army of Rakhine State in a move that is sure to turn heads in Naypyidaw.

If and once the National Unity Government persuades the ethnic armies to buy into a shared political objective, it can formulate a more effective military strategy and launch operations to take further territory. Based on her study of recent U.S. coalitions, Patricia A. Weitsman argues that even in the absence of a unified chain of command, effective staff integration is possible. Considering the reluctance of ethnic armed groups to embrace a federal army or fully cooperate with the National Unity Government, pro-democracy forces should at least work on shoring up the Central Command and Coordinating Committee and integrating high-level officers from its constituent coalition members within both itself and aligned ethnic armed organizations to formulate strategy and conduct operations across all seven theaters in Myanmar. This does not necessarily require subordination, but rather compromises and a shared understanding of national-level strategy. Without this, the movement will remain susceptible to the juntas efforts to divide and conquer it.

Tackling the Military Problem

The other problem facing the National Unity Government is its ongoing lack of arms and equipment. The problem is particularly acute for Peoples Defense Forces located outside territory held by ethnic armed organizations, or in regions such as Sagaing and Magway that are distant from Myanmars porous borders. In the early days of the conflict, homemade rifles and ancestral hunting weapons were enough to drive back the juntas demoralized troops. But now, with the Sit-Tats forces supported by air power, modern small arms, light armored vehicles, and artillery, the sheer firepower brought to bear on the Peoples Defense Forces is causing them to scatter to avoid direct confrontations. Thus, while they have no lack of enthusiastic recruits, they have been unable to move beyond rural guerilla tactics. The ethnic armies, with their better equipment and more reliable access to arms have performed somewhat better against junta offensives. For example, the Kachin Independence Army took the strategic Alaw Bum hill soon after widespread fighting broke out in early 2021, and has held the area against ferocious efforts to retake it with air power and artillery.

Once greater political unity is established, the Peoples Defense Forces lack of equipment can be mitigated somewhat through cooperation with ethnic armed groups. Many of the ethnic armies, especially those along the Chinese border or aligned with the United Wa State Army, receive Chinese weapons and equipment, including anti-air systems. Other ethnic armies take advantage of longstanding ties to smugglers in Thailand and China to obtain black market weapons or have significant arms-making industrial capacity of their own. However, persuading the China-backed ethnic armies to sell more weapons directly to the pro-democracy resistance likely means getting Beijing on board as well. Given Chinas growing support of the junta, this is no easy task. Yet, China is not the completely unitary actor that it is sometimes assumed to be, and Beijing also has a history of hedging in Myanmar. If the National Unity Government can win over the ethnic armed groups, demonstrate its capacity to govern territory, and, crucially, avoid angering China, then a pragmatic Beijing or local officials in Chinas bordering Yunnan Province could acquiesce to a livelier arms trade. Given Western reticence towards arming the Peoples Defense Forces, this may be their only option.

The End of the War?

The pro-democracy movements political and military problems may be pressing, but they are not insurmountable. The National Unity Government can rest assured of its main strengths: public support, strong commitment from allied ethnic armies, and quiet cooperation from the unaligned ethnic armed organizations. From this base, it should first unite the collective efforts of all anti-junta forces in pursuit of a genuine federal democracy, then craft a joint military strategy. In newly liberated regions, the National Unity Government and ethnic armed organizations should collaborate to establish effective parallel governance mechanisms to raise funds, ensure humanitarian aid and deliver stability. This will demonstrate to the international community that the pro-democracy movement is the peoples government that it claims to be. From there, military victory or the return of civilian rule may be possible.

Ye Myo Hein is the executive director of the Tagaung Institute of Political Studies and a public policy fellow with the Wilson Center. His research interests include civil-military relations in Myanmar, the countrys armed conflict, and its politics. The views expressed are the authors alone, and do not represent the views of the U.S. Government or the Wilson Center.

Lucas Myers is a program coordinator and associate for Southeast Asia at the Wilson Center. His work focuses on Southeast Asian geopolitics, Chinese foreign policy, and Indo-Pacific security issues. The views expressed are the authors alone, and do not represent the views of the U.S. Government or the Wilson Center.

Image: Karen National Union

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A More United, Better-Armed Opposition Can Bring Democracy to Myanmar - War on the Rocks

Ever since CNNs new overlords at Warner Bros. Discovery chose to replace the corrupt, dishonest Jeff Zucker with the former talk show producer Chris Licht in its top job, the network has pushed the story line, begun by its principal investor, John Malone, that it is moving back to the center and away, as this overly gullible Guardian article argues, from its alleged leftist orientation. Its author quotes Licht saying, We are truth-tellers, focused on informing, not alarming our viewers.

Among the myriad problems with this viewpoint is the fact that the truth these days is in itself decidedly alarming, as one of Americas two major parties is seeking to destroy democracy and replace it with the leader of a fascist cult. Licht and Malone seek to move CNN closer to the center between one party that is a coalition of liberals, moderates, and few conservativesand is therefore more conservative across the board than any other allegedly left-of-center party among industrial democraciesand one that has remade itself into a politically empowered lunatic asylum.

There are two primary reasons for this PR push. The first, as always, is money. According to The Guardian, CNN earned $1.8 billion last year. Meanwhile, Fox News enjoyed revenues of $12.3 billion during the same period. Warner Bros. Discovery is carrying about $59 billion in debt and is accordingly desperate to boost CNNs audience with prejudiced people who like to be lied tothat is, Fox viewers. The Guardian notes, Rumors have been circulating this week that more outspoken left-leaning anchors and contributors at CNN could soon be dropped. By left-leaning, we can assume that the new bosses mean pundits who embrace only some crazy conspiracy theories, rather than all of them. Those who stick explicitly to reality are likely those on the alleged left-wing extreme whom Licht was criticizing to potential advertisers. (It is not remotely true, as this Times headline would have it, that the GOP is a party torn between truth and Trump. It is a party where truth-tellers are banished to the political equivalent of Siberia.)

It should come as no surprise that the fellow who is driving this effort by CNN, John Malone, is both a billionaire and a right-wing ideologue. (He may also be the largest landowner in America.) Hes on the board of directors of the Cato Institute and not only donated $250,000 to Donald Trumps inauguration, but his companies donated another $250,000. He told an interviewer: Look, I think a lot of the things Trump has tried to doidentifying problems and trying to solve themhas been great, though he voiced skepticism as to whether Trump was the right guy to do it. This position tracks closely with that of Elon Musk, who, poised to take over Twitter, and vastly overpaying for the privilege, recently said that he was leaning toward supporting Floridas Gov. Ron DeSantis for president; a politician who, as a Republican consultant quoted by the Journal puts it, has all the benefits of Trump without the baggage. Musk, according to the Journal, explained that his support for Republicans was based on the scrutiny from some Democrats against him and his companies, Tesla and rocket company SpaceX.

Read more Altercation

Malones closest competition as Americas biggest landowner business is Jeff Bezos, the rabidly anti-union owner of The Washington Post, who is, coincidentally, also in competition with Musk for the crown of wealthiest guy in the world. Having a bad year but still active in the mega-billionaire posse is Mark Zuckerberg, principal owner of Facebook, who has also made repeatedly clear his fealty to pro-Trump Republicans and his reliance on the likes of billionaire pro-Trump right-wing ideologue Peter Thiel. And lets not forget Rupert Murdoch, yet another rapacious billionaire who is possibly more responsible than any other person on the planet for purveying the baseless conspiracy theories that continue to poison not just our politics but those of the U.K., Australia, and many other nations (and who, if justice is to be done, might just be forced to pay for a tiny part of it). And, oh, great news, theres this TikTok guy, too, who apparently fits the mold perfectly.

Do you think we can expect that a mainstream media largely owned and operated by right-wing billionaires is going to save our democracy from the people who pursue the policies that ensure that they remain billionaires and pay virtually no taxes in doing so?

I dont. My guess is that the properties they own will keep talking about the center as they move that center further and further into territory where someone like DeSantis begins to sound relatively reasonable. Just look at the MSM hero worship for hero and proud admirer of the man who cheered his proposed hanging, but with whom he nevertheless parted amicably, Mike Pence. And not to alarm anyone, but the media is awash in Trump coverageagainso we can expect more straight reporting of lies, conspiracy theories, violent incitement, sexism, racism, antisemitism, and Islamophobia, with CNN and company striving to cover both sides of these pressing questions. Remember what exCBS chair Les Moonves (like Trump, a credibly accused serial sexual assaulter) said about Trumps 2016 campaign: It may not be good for America, but its damn good for CBS.

The Gannett Company has announced that it is getting rid of editorial pages in its newspaper chain, including the flagship, USA Today, and cutting back opinion pages to a few days a week while refocusing what opinion is still published to community dialogue. This is a move to address a real problem but probably not the right one to make. I have long campaigned against newspaper editorial endorsements. Sure, they make the people who get to give them feel important, and in some cases, they can sway local races. But survey after survey has demonstrated that few people are aware of any distinction between news and editorial in their newspapers (or newspaper websites). What they do know is that Democrats tend to get presidential endorsements more than Republicans because newspapers care (at least a little) about truth, while to be successful in the modern (even pre-Trump) Republican Party, one has to constantly lie. They therefore equate these endorsements with the dreaded liberal bias they mistakenly believe to be afflicting the entire MSM. What would be ideal is if everybody just published (or spoke) what they understood to be the truth and offered their accompanying evidence, adding, whenever possible, why alleged alternative views were not as compelling. That would mean doing away entirely with the distinction between straight news and opinion. Good luck to me, however, on that

Henry Kissinger has a new book out. The dude is 99 years old, so good for him. On the other hand, literally millions of people never got to grow old thanks in significant measure to his actions. Fortunately, this review does a fine job of avoiding that pitfall and walks the reader through a bunch of them. Here is one more drawn from my 2020 book, Lying in State: Why Presidents Lieand Why Trump Is Worse:

Nixons original hope had been to withdraw all US troops by the end of 1971. Kissinger, however, warned that doing so could result in a period of instability (or worse) in Saigon right around the time of the 1972 presidential election. He therefore recommended that they delay the withdrawal until at least the autumn of 1972so that if any bad results follow they will be too late to affect the election. Nixon and Kissinger required a fairly reasonable interval, as Kissinger explained it to Soviet Ambassador Anatoly Dobrynin, between the time the United States withdrew its troops and North Vietnam overran South Vietnam. This cynical strategy, presidential biographer Robert Dallek sardonically noted, had nothing to say about the American lives that would be lost in the service of Nixons reelection, or about the American prisoners of war who would continue their needless suffering if they prolonged the war. Its goal was merely to allow Nixon and Kissinger to evade responsibility for losing the war once the North finally conquered the South. Naturally, Kissinger lied about this when asked by a journalist, insisting that there is no hidden agreement with North Vietnam for any specific interval after which we would no longer care if they marched in and took over South Vietnam. Nixon termed Kissingers handling of the Paris Accords to be a brilliant game we are playing, as Henry really bamboozled the bastards. In this case, the bastards were those Americans who believed their president when he said he was honestly seeking to end the war.

Oh, and I always like this quote of David Halberstams from his otherwise not-so-great 2001 book, War in a Time of Peace: Bush, Clinton, and the Generals: The singular strength of Kissinger was not just his skill at dissembling when necessary, his unusual ability to tell ten different people ten completely different stories about what he was doing on a given issueand remember which version of the story he had told to which person.

One last Kissinger quote, from my forthcoming We Are Not One: A History of Americas Fight Over Israel. Here, he explains his sympathy for antisemitism: Any people who has been persecuted for two thousand years must be doing something wrong.

Do you ever get a little bit sad for no reason? I do. Here is part one and here is part two of the best pick-me-up I know, and one of the greatest performances of any kind Ive ever seen.

See the rest here:
Altercation: Will the Oligarchs Who Own the U.S. Media Save Democracy? Don't Bet on It. - The American Prospect

A video of Rep. Mo Brooks (R-Ala.) plays at the fifth day of hearings held by the House committee investigating the Jan. 6, 2021 attack on the Capitol, in Washington on Thursday, June 23, 2022.Jason Andrew/The New York Times News Service

The five hearings into the Jan. 6, 2021, insurgency thus far have revealed an enormous amount about the Trump White House and its various scheming, rioting and fantasizing adherents. Historians may conclude that it told us even more about the contemporary United States.

The hearings laid bare the efforts of Donald J. Trump to hold onto power in defiance of the power of the countrys voters, courts and state officials.

The hearings also laid bare the fragility of the tendons of nationhood that are being strained in the country today. The first threat to democracy ended with the confirmation of Joe Bidens election. The second threat to democracy persists.

After more than two weeks, two major themes emerged from the sessions.

The intended consequence is the portrayal largely a Democratic effort, aided by two Republican apostates horrified by the former presidents comportment of Mr. Trump as a despot-in-the-making, not so much clinging to power as attempting to grasp power after all the institutions and conventions of American civic life made it clear that his time as president, like that of his 43 predecessors, was finite. It was, as Republican Representative Adam Kinzinger put it in Thursdays hearing, an offensive to sacrifice our republic to prolong his presidency.

But the unintended consequence may be of even more significance. This crisis of political succession comes at a time of racial reckoning and reconsideration and amid fresh appraisals of slavery and the near eradication of Indigenous peoples. As a result, it recasts all of American history, transforming it from a march of national purpose and national progress to an arena of constant national contention and national conflict.

And at the same time the visage of national unity has been shattered.

This occurred, of course, during the period leading up to the Civil War and continuing through Reconstruction after the 1861-1865 conflict, and it occurred during the Vietnam/Watergate period from about 1966 to 1975. Those were periods when Americans took different sides in debates that were both political and moral.

We were divided along party lines in Watergate, William Cohen, a first-term Republican congressman from Maine who in 1974 sat on the Judiciary Committee that voted to impeach GOP president Richard Nixon, said in an interview. Many Republicans thought the Democrats were trying to overturn the election. But there was a group of Republicans who were reasonable people who believed Nixon had to go. There were people in Congress open to persuasion on what the truth was.

This period is different. It includes, to be sure, different points of view whether, for example, a wall is needed at the southern border, or whether guns should be controlled, or whether abortion is tantamount to murder. Americans disagree on those things, just as they disagree on myriad other issues.

But this period involves something absent from the two earlier eras: clashing perceptions of what occurred at a discrete moment of time, both in the 2020 election and in the 2021 insurrection that followed.

The other issues are subject to compromise, though finding common ground on immigration, guns and abortion is exceedingly difficult. Those are issues and the purview of the political world. It is impossible to find common ground to reach a compromise on whether the rampage at the Capitol was simply the fanciful actions of a handful of misguided tourists; or whether the rioters were really leftists hoping to cast Mr. Trumps supporters in a harsh light; or whether it was a grave threat to democratic rule and the peaceful transfer of power.

One view is neatly summarized by former Democratic senator Gary Hart of Colorado, twice a presidential candidate. The country is going through some things that I could have sworn could never happen and I am seeing people saying things I could have sworn I never thought I would hear, he said in an interview. I see people almost glorying in the destruction of the symbols of our democracy.

Today Mr. Hart who when he departed the Senate often reflected on how much he, even as an insurgent who rebelled against the conventions of American politics, revered the Senate could be regarded as a hopeless romantic.

A conflicting view is represented by Ron Kaufman, a veteran GOP activist and operative. The country knows pretty much what happened on January 6th, and that it was a bad thing for the country, he said. As bad as it was, it wasnt the Civil War, or the divisions on Vietnam. In recent years Mr. Kaufman, a member of the Republican National Committee from Massachusetts, has been castigated for being too much of an establishment figure. The views of some of the Trump supporters are even stronger.

In the recent past say, a dozen years ago the Civil War and the Vietnam/Watergate period stood out and apart, dangerous crises in the American passage. Today those two episodes seem more to be part of a national continuum of crisis, threat after threat to unity and national survival. In the recent past, the movement of Loyalists to Canada during the years of the American Revolution was regarded as a colourful side show of a more powerful, more glorious, narrative. Today, that flood of migrants appears as an early indicator of persistent dissent.

Three years before his death, in 1832, chief justice John Marshall writing just after the era known, ironically, as the Early National Period worried, The Union has been preserved thus far by miracles. I fear they cannot continue. That was not an isolated view. In his 2021 American Republics, the University of Virginia historian Alan Taylor identified significant tensions in the American Revolution period. A Revolution in the name of liberty demanded unity, sacrifice and discipline, he wrote, but most citizens defined liberty as the pursuit of individual gains.

That tension is at the heart of much of the Trump upheaval. It is visible in mask mandates, struggles over whether businesses should be shuttered during the pandemic, and fights over whether vaccine passports are required. Were the restrictions during the early months of COVID-19 a responsible governmental response to a deadly health crisis? Or were they yet another restriction on the personal liberty of Americans by a permanent governmental class?

There is not a giant leap from that conflict to this one: Was the Trump insurrection mounted by what committee chairman Representative Bennie Thompson, a Mississippi Democrat, Thursday called the mob and their vile threats an un-American threat to democratic values? Or was it precisely the sort of rebellion that took its form in the rebellion against the tyranny of George III and that Thomas Jefferson himself endorsed when he wrote in 1787 that the tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots & tyrants.

All American schoolchildren encounter that quote in Grade 5. What they do not encounter is what appears four sentences earlier in Jeffersons letter to William Smith, when he asked, what country can preserve its [sic] liberties if their rulers are not warned from time to time that their people preserve the spirit of resistance?

The question the United States must face today is whether the contemporary equivalent of the warning that Jefferson spoke of was the Capitol rebellion or whether the warning was the hearing that portrayed that rebellion as a crime against democratic rule? On the answer to that question the future of the country depends.

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What the Jan. 6 hearings have revealed about the state of democracy in America so far - The Globe and Mail