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In-person event:

Political developments such as Brexit or the 2016 U.S. Presidential elections have shown the relevance of post-truth politics and a premise that mis- and disinformation may be here to stay as fundamental challenges to liberal democracy. What impact has post-truth politics had on the (de-)legitimation of European integration and on European politics and democracy more broadly? How has post-truth politics played out in the public sphere? What are its implications on democracy in a wider sense?

At this open seminar, the researchers behind the Jean Monnet Network Post-Truth Politics, Nationalism and the (De-)Legitimation of European Integration (JMN-PTP) present the findings of over three years of work on the subject. The seminar is designed as a forum for interested citizens, academics and policy makers alike and will feature a keynote address by the networks coordinator as well as a presentation of the four policy briefs that the network has produced on the basis of its research findings.

Registration ends on 28th April 16:00

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Post-truth Politics and the Future of Democracy in Europe - CEPS

ZAMBOANGA CITY (MindaNews / 13 April) In a society transitioning from armed conflict towards democracy, ethnic representation serves both as a case of identity politics and a quest for just representation. While the majority rule holds true in a democratic society, democracy also promotes minority rights. In a multiethnic context, majoritarian democracy is indeed problematic.

While the majority population can easily expect representation by virtue of their sheer electoral number, the representation of minority ethnic groups can sometimes be elusive. This is why many governments across the world embraced the concepts of reserved seats, proportional representation and affirmative actions as legal devices and assurances that these minority ethnic groups can participate in the public decision-making spheres and have their voices heard and considered. The crafting of the electoral system is therefore crucial for the development of functional and inclusive democracy. In their introduction to Electoral Systems and Democracy (1994), Larry Diamond and Marc F. Plattner point out how the exclusion of minorities can be a serious threat to democracy.

Diamond and Plattner (1994) also cited the important works of Donald Horowitz, professor of law and political science at Duke University, on the purposes of the electoral system. Those purposes that have implication to minority or ethnic representation are the ideas of proportionality, accountability of elected representatives, and inter-ethnic conciliation. Without these devices in place, the minority can be perpetually excluded from governance. Thus, the success of democratization will be harder to attain and largely limited without the participation of ethnic minorities in public leadership and discourses. This is even more problematic in cases of highly-selective representation or biased arguments of representation as determined by those in power, such as who should represent and which ethnic groups should be represented or be allowed to participate.

We place our trust in democracy because, according to Adam Przeworskis analysis in Democracy and the Market (1991), it is the best prospect for managing deep societal divisions, whether through the conscientious crafting of electoral design or the presence of legal devices that promote minority rights. Timothy Sisk, in his book Power Sharing and International Mediation in Ethnic Conflicts (1996), argues that practices and institutions resulting in broad-based coalitions, generally inclusive of ethnic groups in society, can reconcile the principles of self-determination and democracy in multiethnic contexts. Therefore, we call on the current government to continue building public institutions and processes that are inclusive and representative of societys diversity. Ben Reilly and Andrew Reynolds (2000) consider institution and process building to be of greater importance in societies where people are deeply divided along ethnic lines.

Sisk (1996) proposes two ways forward: the consociational and integrative approach. The former relies on elite cooperation to form a multiethnic coalition after the election, while the latter involves party coalitions before the election.

The last active non-violent recourse of those unrepresented in the public sphere is the civil society. This is the case of 1Sama Coalition, a gathering of Sama professionals that started as an online group discussion about their political predicaments. But we should take note that even within Civil Society, it may be difficult for ethnic minorities to thrive. Without a promotive and protective framework for civil society, it will be difficult for ethnic minorities to address their grievances, especially those beyond their collective resources and capacities.

A plural society like ours can only be truly pluralistic if there is participation and representation of ethnic and other diversities. There is a saying on the essence of democracy attributed to John Dewey, American philosopher, and education reformer, the old saying that the cure for the ills of democracy is more democracy is not apt if it means introducing more machinery of the same kind But the phrase may also indicate the need of returning to the idea itself, of clarifying and deepening our apprehension of it, and of employing our sense of its meaning to criticize and remake its political manifestations.

Moros as Muslims, we can take guidance from the Holy Quran reminding us the purpose of our diversity, O mankind, indeed We have created you from male and female and made you peoples and tribes that you may know one another. Indeed, the most noble of you in the sight of Allah is the most righteous of you. Indeed, Allah is Knowing and Acquainted. (Verse 13, Chapter 49: Al-Hujurat, Holy Quran). Or in an earlier verse (10) in this same chapter, reminding who we are and how we shall treat each other, The believers are but brothers, so make settlement between your brothers. And fear Allah that you may receive mercy.

In this blessed month of Ramadan, and particularly in the period of Laylat ul-Qadr, we have a unique opportunity to reflect and make amends in order to address disparities and promote fairness in the Bangsamoro region. This includes ensuring equitable participation and representation for all ethnicities in the region. May the light of Laylat ul-Qadr shine upon our leaders and those in whose hands our collective unity rests upon, May the Almighty guide them towards creating a legacy of inclusivity and justice, Ameen.

(MindaViews is the opinion section of MindaNews. Noor Saada is a Tausug of mixed ancestryborn in Jolo, Sulu, grew up in Tawi-Tawi, studied in Zamboanga and worked in Davao, Makati and Cotabato. He is a development worker and peace advocate, former Assistant Regional Secretary of the Department of Education in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao, currently working as an independent consultant and is a member of an insider-mediation group that aims to promote intra-Moro dialogue.)

Read more here:
KISSAH AND DAWAT: Ethnic Representation: Making Democracy ... - Minda News

One of the most joyous and surprising features of modern Israeli society is its vibrant, visible and confident LGBTQ community. It spans all geographies, generations, ethnicities and religious affiliations, including a growing presence within Israels Modern Orthodox movement.

Over the past 30 years, it has become easier for LGBTQ Israelis to lead open lives, create families and serve their country. LGBTQ people are visible in prominent roles in Israeli business, culture, politics and academia. And Tel Aviv has become known as one of the most gay-friendly cities in the world.

How has this happened in a Middle Eastern country with little separation of religion and state and several large minority groups deeply opposed to LGBTQ equality?

Let me suggest a few answers. Generations of activists and allies have stepped up to create some of the strongest and most important organizations in Israeli civil society, including Israel Gay Youth, Jerusalem Open House and the Agudah.

Another central element began in 1993, when LGBTQ soldiers were first allowed to serve openly in the Israeli army. For the past 30 years, young Israelis from all walks of life have had the chance to get to know LGBTQ people as partners in protecting their country in some cases as their commanders and, in many cases, as their friends. This experience changes people, and it changes a country.

Yet for all this progress, Israels governing coalitions have, at best, been reluctant participants in this social evolution, and more often have been opponents. In 1992, the Knesset passed legislation banning workplace discrimination based on sexual orientation. Yet since that time, no significant legislation advancing LGBTQ rights has been approved. As recently as February 2016, the Knesset marked its first LGBTQ rights day, but the next day, the governing coalition led the charge to defeat bills designed to recognize bereavedsame-sex widowers, banconversion therapy, recognizesame-sex marriage and train health professionals to deal with gender and sexual orientation issues.

Some progress on LGBTQ rights has continued to advance over the past few decades, but almost all of it has stemmed from decisions of Israels Supreme Court.

While same-sex marriages performed in Israel are not recognized, the Supreme Court ruled in 2006 that the marriages of same-sex Israeli couples performed abroad must be registered in Israel, though the court made a distinction between registration and recognition. That said, Israeli same-sex couples now routinely leave the country to be married so they can have their marriages registered upon their return home.

More recently, the Supreme Court has advanced LGBTQ rights in areas such as adoption and surrogacy. Almost all of these decisions were meant to reverse decisions or policies set by ministries of the government that promoted unequal treatment of Israels LGBTQ citizens and families.

This brings us to today, where it is no wonder that Israels LGBTQ community has been one of many groups joining hundreds of thousands of Israelis to protest the proposed judicial reforms that look more like an attempt to weaken or obliterate the one part of the Israeli government that has protected the rights of vulnerable minorities.

Frankly, there are women and minorities in Israel whose rights and protections may be even more at risk than those of the LGBTQ community, including Israels Arab citizens, immigrant communities, asylum seekers from Africa and its Jewish citizens who identify with non-Orthodox streams of Judaism.

This is the time for our North American Jewish organizations and specifically our Bay Area Jewish community to respond even more strongly to this struggle to preserve Israels democratic character. Sadly, for many years Israel has imported some of the worst of what America has to offer, from Kahanism to xenophobic populism to portraying the media as the enemy of the people.

Now we must offer them our best.

Our Israeli siblings have been on the streets week after week with remarkable courage and determination for what will surely be a long battle. If we want to see Israels democracy survive, we must march with them, whether in Israel or at one of the regular Bay Area protests organized by UnXeptable. The future of this country that we love hangs in the balance.

Continue reading here:
Fight for LGBTQ Israelis, other minorities and democracy J. - The Jewish News of Northern California

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Today, President Biden and the leaders of Costa Rica, the Netherlands, the Republic of Korea, and the Republic of Zambia opened the second Summit for Democracy, which gathered leaders from around the world to spur further action to strengthen democratic resilience, demonstrate how democracies are delivering for citizens, and highlight how democracies are best equipped to address the worlds most pressing challenges.

As a testament to the shared desire of people and governments around the world to advance lasting peace, prosperity, and human dignity, the United States is pleased to join over 70 governments and authorities in endorsingtheSummit for Democracy Declaration.

The Declaration was developed and negotiated by an intergovernmental coordination body that included participation from over 65 governments and authorities from Africa, Asia, Europe, North America, and South America. To allow all Summit for Democracy participating governments and authorities the opportunity to endorse the text, the Declaration will remain open for endorsement following the conclusion of the second Summit.

Inter alia, the Declaration affirms the endorsing parties political commitments to:

Visit link:
Declaration of the Summit for Democracy - United States ... - Department of State

As Vice President Harris has said, the status of women is the status of democracy. The ability of women and girls to participate safely, freely, and equally in political life and in society is a defining feature of democracy, but this hard-won progress is increasingly fragile. Wherever women and girls are under threat, so, too, is democracy, peace, and stabilityfrom Iran, where women are courageously demanding respect for their human rights and fundamental freedoms in the face of oppression; to Ukraine, where we are once more seeing rape used as a weapon in Russias brutal and unjust war; to Afghanistan, where the Taliban bars women and girlsfromattendingschool andfully participating in society.

As we face unprecedented global challenges, we must harness the full potential, participation, and leadership of women and girls. In hosting the second Summit for Democracy, the Biden-Harris Administration is committed to advancing womens political and civic participation and leadership and ensuring that they are at every table where decisions are being made. Research shows that the status of women and the stability of nations are inextricably linked, and that societies that foster gender discrimination and allow oppressive gender norms to flourish are more likely to be unstable.

Today, at the second Summit for Democracy, the Biden-Harris Administration is highlighting key actions and progress made during the intervening Year of Action.

Accelerating Womens and Girls Civic and Political Leadership under the Presidential Initiative for Democratic Renewal. At the first Summit, President Biden established the Presidential Initiative for Democratic Renewal, a landmark set of policy and foreign assistance initiatives that increase the Administrations ongoing work to bolster democracy and defend human rights globally. Today, we are building on those efforts by:

Advancing Womens Involvement in Peace and Security Efforts. Womens participation in peace and security processesas peacekeepers, leaders, and members of the defense and security sectoris essential to global security, stability and democracy. To advance womens meaningful participation, the Biden-Harris Administration has taken the following actions:

TheGlobal Partnership for Action on Gender-Based Online Harassment and Abuse (Global Partnership). A commitment from the first Summit for Democracy and launched at the 66th United Nations Commission on the Status of Women, the Global Partnership, which currently has 12 participating governments, brings together international organizations, civil society, and the private sector to prioritize, understand, prevent, and address the growing scourge of technology-facilitated gender-based violence, which disproportionately impacts women and LGBTQI+ political and public figures, leaders, journalists and activists.

Today, alongside the release of the Global Partnerships 2023 Roadmap, the Biden-Harris Administration is announcing key actions and investments to prevent and respond to technology-facilitated gender-based violence and counter its chilling effects on women leaders and democratic participation, including more than $13 million in targeted funding across USAID and the Department of State. Key actions include:

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The Status of Women is the Status of Democracy: Advancing ... - The White House