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Since 2021, the Summit for Democracy process has focused attention on how governments and non-governmental actors can work together to strengthening democratic institutions and processes, protect human rights, and advance the fight against corruption.

At the first Summit for Democracy in December 2021, representatives from governments around the world, civil society, and the private sector organized into 15 cooperative, multi-stakeholder Democracy Cohorts: platforms intended to undertake concerted action toward the implementation of Summit commitments in areas of common interest.

The 15 Democracy Cohorts focused on a range of topics, including technology, media freedom, youth engagement, financial transparency, rule of law, election integrity, and gender equality, among others. With 23 governments and 24 civil society and private sector actors co-leading these platforms, participants reflect democratic societys shared stake in advancing key facets of transparent and accountable governance.

In dialogue with civil society, the United States launched the Democracy Cohorts concept to support and monitor commitments made during the first Summit and provide additional opportunities for continued dialogue and collaboration among governments and authorities, civil society representatives, private sector leaders, philanthropic partners, and academics. While each Cohort included at least one government and one civil society co-lead, their focus, objectives, actions, and deliverables were their own to determine and execute through inclusive, multi-stakeholder collaboration with co-leads and participants. Several governments and many civic groups enthusiastically volunteered to lead and participate in the Cohorts, lending their experience and expertise to foster democratic learning.

Coming together for meaningful dialogue and collaboration, the Cohorts underscore the importance of strengthening democratic principles and participation, holding democratic governments accountable, and helping democracy deliver for its citizens. The Summit for Democracy organizers present the following summaries of each Cohorts work and outcomes for the consideration of Summit participants, who may choose to utilize identified best practices, adopt recommended commitments, collaborate with Cohorts to advance ongoing efforts, and sign on to Calls to Action or Declarations. Like other Summit participants, the U.S. government will give due consideration to Cohort recommendations and deliverables.

TheFinancial Transparency and Integritycohort,co-led by the Government of the United States, the Brookings Institution, and the Open Government Partnership, focused on concerted, collaborative actions to advance financial transparency, accountability, and integrity.

Key outcomes include:

TheInternational Cooperation for Anti-Corruptioncohort,co-led by the Government of Moldova, the Basel Institute on Governance, and Transparency International, concentrated on international cooperation in anti-corruption awareness and enforcement, with a focus on asset recovery.

Key outcomes include:

TheAnti-Corruption Policies as a Guarantee for National Security, Stability, and Sovereign Policycohort,co-led by the Government of Bulgaria, the Basel Institute on Governance, and the Center for the Study of Democracy, identified challenges and opportunities to promote anti-corruption policies and models for collective action.

Key outcomes include:

TheMedia Freedomcohort,co-led by the Government of Canada, the Government of the Netherlands, and Internews, reviewed progress and concrete action toward the first Summits commitments and encouraged new, innovative, and measurable commitments to advance media freedom around the world.

Key outcomes include:

TheInformation Integritycohort,co-led by the Government of Canada, the Government of Latvia, and the Alliance for Securing Democracy, highlighted and amplified best practices to strengthen a healthy information ecosystem.

Key outcomes include:

TheRule of Law and People-Centered Justicecohort,co-led by the Government of the Dominican Republic; the Government of Kosovo; the American Bar Association Rule of Law Initiative; Pathfinders for Peaceful, Just, and Inclusive Societies; Transparency International; and the World Justice Project, engaged interested stakeholders to participate in global rule of law and access to justice processes, such as facilitating cooperating with the Justice Action Coalition, as an opportunity to share achievements and challenges for rule of law and justice reforms.

Key outcomes include:

TheDeliberative Democracy and Citizens Assembliescohort,co-led by the Government of Ireland, the European Commission, and the newDemocracy Foundation, focused on providing citizens with a meaningful role in public decision-making through citizens assemblies by bringing together community representatives.

Key outcomes include:

TheElection Integritycohort,co-led by the Government of Greece, the Government of India, the Government of Mauritius, and the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, concentrated on opportunities for training and capacity building programs and technical consultancies in support of election management bodies (EMBs) and electoral authorities (EAs) globally.

Key outcomes include:

TheLaborcohort,co-led by the United States and the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO), helped to inform the commitments and reforms that governments may choose to make, and fostered diplomatic engagement around labor priorities that emerge from theMultilateral Partnership for Organizing, Worker Empowerment, and Rights(M-POWER) initiative, which the U.S. government announced at the first Summit for Democracy to advance workplace democracy and support trade union rights in the global economy.

Key outcomes include:

TheCivic Spacecohort, co-led by the Government of the Czech Republic, the Government of Norway, and the International Center for Not-for-Profit Law, focused on supporting and protecting civil society actors and promoting civic space to ensure open and inclusive democracy.

Key outcomes include:

TheResisting Authoritarian Pressurecohort,co-led by the Government of Lithuania, Freedom House, and the Alliance of Democracies, focused on raising awareness and generating action on the cost of political imprisonment, aiding pro-democracy and human rights defenders from non-democracies, and building resilience to authoritarian coercion.

Key outcomes include:

TheTechnology for Democracycohort,co-led by the Government of Estonia, the Government of the United Kingdom, and Access Now, promoted the development, use, and governance of digital technologies to strengthen democracies and enhance the enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms. It aimed to ensure that digital technologies are developed and deployed in a responsible, secure, and rights-respecting manner.

Key outcomes include:

The Gender Equality as a Prerequisite for Democracy cohort, co-led by the Government of Romania, the Government of Sweden, Georgetown Universitys Institute for Women, Peace, and Security, and International IDEA, emphasized the connection between gender equality and democracy and developed policy recommendations to bolster womens participation in and contributions to democracy. Key outcomes include:

TheInclusive Democracycohort,co-led by the Government of Spain, Comit Espaol de Representantes de Personas con Discapacidad, and Fundacin Tringulo, concentrated on creating more inclusive democracies through the full participation of the most vulnerable groups.

Key outcomes include:

The Youth Political and Civic Engagement cohort, co-led by the Government of Ghana, the Government of Nepal, the European Commission, AfricTivistes, the European Partnership for Democracy (EPD), and the European Youth Democracy Network (EDYN), explored ways to implement Summit commitments on youth political and civic engagement. Key outcomes include:

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Summit for Democracy: Democracy Cohort Outcomes - United ... - Department of State

Data: U.S. State Department; Map: Madison Dong/Axios Visuals

President Biden declared at this week's Summit for Democracy that the tide is turning in the global struggle between democracies and autocracies.

Driving the news: In drawing up invitations, though, Biden had to make some awkward calls as to which countries fall on which side.

Flashback: Biden set himself up for a headache when he raised the idea of a democracy summit on the 2020 campaign trail.

Yes, but: Sensitive to the perception that the U.S. is holding itself up as a lone paragon of democracy, the administration invited Costa Rica, the Netherlands, South Korea and Zambia to co-host the mostly virtual event.

No leader is going to fundamentally change their behavior just to earn an invitation to a virtual summit, but the gatherings could provide a useful platform for civil society, says Marti Flacks, director of the human rights initiative at CSIS.

The bottom line: While the pros and cons of holding these summits are much debated, Bidens broader claim about the global democratic trajectory isnt unfounded. In its annual report on the state of global democracy, Freedom House described 2022 as a possible turning point.

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Who's in and who's out at Biden's democracy summit - Axios

As I sat down to start working on this column I looked at the calendar on my computer and saw that May 1, 2023, will fall on a Monday. I also learned that May 1 will be the first day of Asian Pacific American Heritage Month. What the good folks at Apple failed to note is May 1 is Law Day. Readers who have followed this column likely recall that I write about it most every year. This year is no exception.

Each year a theme is chosen. Past themes have focused on the rule of law as well as the Constitution of the United States and various amendments to that document. The organizers changed things up a little this year selecting as the theme, Cornerstones of Democracy: Civics, Civility and Collaboration.

Rather than focusing on a particular constitutional provision, this theme recognizes serious challenges facing our society and serves as a call to the legal profession to lead the way in addressing those challenges.

Deborah Enix-Ross, president of the American Bar Association, issued a statement in which she recognized the proud history of our country and its uninterrupted democracy. She also opined that we are at a critical moment in our history. She commented on what many Americans have observed, stating We face a country divided over many issues. We have experienced decreasing faith in institutions and a growing distrust of one another. We have seen attacks on the justice system, the norms of our democracy, and the rule of law. She further expressed concern regarding her perception of a lack of civility in our conversations as well as a lack of understanding of basic civics. She challenged the legal profession to lead the way.

In my years as an attorney and judge, I have worked with and observed lawyers who are marvelous advocates. I have no doubt that our profession is up to the challenge. However, in order to preserve our great country and its democracy all citizens must get on board.

The 2023 theme points to three cornerstones. We shall look at each in the order they appear, starting with civics. According to the dictionary, civics is a social science dealing with the rights and duties of citizens. While we begin to learn about each in grade school, our education should be ongoing. I suspect we have all heard someone proclaim I know my rights! On occasion such a person asserts a right that does not exist. We need to know and protect our rights. Courts are in the business of protecting rights of citizens. However, if we do not understand our rights we may never seek court enforcement of them.

Duties of citizenship must also be learned and remembered. My favorite example is jury duty. As I have written in prior columns, our entire system of justice, both civil and criminal, depends upon citizens answering the call. Regarding all civic duties, we cannot leave it to someone else.

Lawyers spend considerable time dealing with people who have competing interests and conflicting points of view. Whether negotiating a contract or divorce settlement or trying a case in court, they show they can be zealous advocates while communicating in a civil manner.

Lawyers are not alone in this regard. All of us deal with conflict and significant differences. We have to be able to be civil in navigating our way through these challenges. I recently heard PGA tour golfer Rickie Fowler answer a question as to what he had learned from legendary golfer Arnold Palmer. One of the things that stuck with Rickie was his observation that Arnold Palmer, despite his lofty status, treated people as he wanted to be treated himself. That sounds like what we refer to as the Golden Rule. That may not solve everything but it is surely a good start.

The final component, collaboration, requires people working together. A football, basketball or baseball team cannot be successful if each player follows an individual game plan or, worse, fights with teammates. As a country we have many challenges and more than a few enemies. We cannot prevail if we do not work together. Devoting our energy to tearing each other down and working to make people with differing views look bad is a recipe for failure. I suspect we would all be pleased to see more collaboration in Washington and Springfield. It might catch on with the rest of us. Our history shows we are capable of standing together in tough times.

As we strive to preserve our democracy let us all remember civics, civility and collaboration. They are indeed cornerstones.

David Bernthal of Mahomet is a retired 21-year federal magistrate. He is a counsel with the Webber & Thies PC law firm. His email is askthejudge1@gmail.com.

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Off the Bench | Three C's are cornerstones to our democracy - News-Gazette

During the secondSummit for Democracy, the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) is unveiling new efforts to advance democracy abroad under the Presidential Initiative for Democratic Renewal (PIDR), as well as sharing updates on progress made over the past year on initiatives announced at the first Summit.

USAID is contributing eight new initiatives many of which are focused on policy reforms to the PIDR for the second Summit. The PIDR comprises five lines of effort in response to significant challenges to democracy in the 21st Century. This includes thePartnerships for Democratic Development (PDD),which provides multi-year support to countries that demonstrate sustained democratic progress. Today, at the 2023 Summit for Democracy, USAID is announcing the first wave of nine PDD partner countries: Armenia, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Malawi, Nepal, North Macedonia, Paraguay, Timor-Leste, and Zambia.

For FY 2023 and FY 2024, the Administration has requested $540 million ($270 million annually) to support USAIDs PIDR programming, subject to the availability of funds and working with Congress.

Continued here:
USAID Announces New Initiatives at the 2023 Summit for ... - USAID

Demonstrators protest against plans by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's government to overhaul the judicial system in Tel Aviv on March 28, 2023. | Oded Balilty/AP Photo

Joe Bidens second Summit for Democracy has been billed as a chance for the president to champion democracy and call out the evils of autocracy around the world.

Unfortunately for Biden, Benjamin Netanyahu preempted his programming this week.

The Israeli prime ministers now-paused plan to defang the judiciary of one of Americas staunchest democratic allies has injected an inconvenient set of circumstances into Bidens democracy celebration. Biden and his aides opposed the judicial overhaul and said so as much in public (and just as forcefully in private). But they remain unsettled by Netanyahus actions even as he has put the idea on hold.

On Tuesday night, Biden said Israel had gotten itself into a difficult spot and that he hoped Netanyahu walks away from it.

Netanyahu, however, released a rather defiant statement indicating he would press ahead with some form of judicial change and that Israel makes its decisions by the will of its people and not based on pressures from abroad, including from the best of friends.

Underlying the fear inside the White House was a sense that the Netanyahu-led far-right coalition now governing the once-stable democracy in the Middle East has authoritarian leanings. Those concerns have deepened as Washington tries to hold together a democratic alliance against dictatorships in places including Russia, China and Iran, an archrival of Israel.

There are domestic considerations as well. The turmoil in Israel has given Biden a foreign policy headache right in the run-up to the 2024 presidential race. A longstanding public backer of Israel, Biden now heads a party in which a growing number of members are openly critical of the country.

Some of those Democrats say Biden needs to set aside his affection and go beyond rhetoric to pressure Israel on everything from safeguarding democracy to establishing a Palestinian state.

Joe Biden has personally made clear repeatedly that theres going to be no consequences, so why should Netanyahu change his behavior based on anything the United States says? said Matt Duss, a leading progressive voice and Middle East analyst who has advised Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) on foreign policy.

Despite Netanyahus push for the judicial overhaul, Israel was invited to participate in the summit, the second of which Biden has convened since taking office. But the Israeli leader was not expected to attend the leader-level meetings that Biden will helm on Wednesday, White House aides said. A person familiar with the issue said that Netanyahu was instead slated to speak on a panel during the week, but it was not clear if even that was finalized.

The White House tried to tamp down tensions with Israel on Tuesday. The U.S. ambassador to Israel, Tom Nides, said Netanyahu would at some point be invited to Washington, although a White House spokesperson said no meeting had been decided. Aides said that while they were encouraged Netanyahu paused his plan for the judiciary, they were still in wait and see mode about whether he would return to them in the next session of the Knesset. Allies do not expect Biden to be hurt politically by his handling of the matter.

Where he has expressed differences with Israel on West Bank settlements and on a judicial overhaul that could weaken Israels democratic foundations he is on solid ground with the vast majority of Americans, and those in his party, said Dan Shapiro, a former U.S. ambassador to Israel under then-President Barack Obama. I suspect any rival, from any side, would find this issue to be hardly worth taking on.

Even before the judicial overhaul plan was introduced, the Biden administration had grown alarmed by Netanyahus coalition government, which includes several figures with racist, homophobic, misogynist and religiously extreme ideologies.

For Netanyahu, a veteran Israeli pol, it was a means of getting back into the prime ministers office as he tries to evade corruption charges in Israels courts. But inside Biden world, it appeared to be more than just an alliance of convenience. Some of Netanyahus allies back legislation making it harder to remove him from office, and his statement Tuesday suggested he was worried that his coalition might fracture if he is seen as kowtowing to Washington.

Biden and Netanyahu have known each other for decades and share a personal warmth and familiarity. Hey man, whats going on? is Bidens standard greeting to Netanyahu, aides said.

But they also have had sharp differences.

Their ties were strained by Netanyahus 2015 speech to Congress in which he castigated the Iran nuclear deal worked on by the Obama administration, when Biden was vice president. And Biden has expressed private dismay that Netanyahu became such a fawning acolyte of ex-President Donald Trump and that Israel has largely stayed on the sidelines during Russias war on Ukraine.

White House aides arranged a call between the two men earlier this month with the hopes that Biden could nudge the prime minister toward abandoning his judicial overhaul.

Despite firm words from Biden, Netanyahu proceeded with the plan, rattling many American Jews concerned about Israels future. Administration officials, keenly aware of the importance of Americas security relationship with Israel, proceeded carefully, both publicly and privately warning Netanyahu that he should seek a compromise with those who oppose the overhaul.

Over the weekend, Netanyahu fired his defense minister for criticizing the judicial plan. The White House released a statement that echoed its past ones, reminding Netanyahu that democratic societies are strengthened by checks and balances, and fundamental changes to a democratic system should be pursued with the broadest possible base of popular support.

Yet the huge protests were what appeared to have forced Netanyahu to back down, at least temporarily.

Ahead of the Summit for Democracy, White House aides say that Netanyahus decision to relent on the judicial reform push was proof that Israels democracy was responsive and worked.

But the push itself still raises questions about the future of Israeli politics and injects more uncertainty into an already unstable region.

Israel is hardly the only country invited to the summit facing internal strife. India, for example, has seen serious democratic backsliding under Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Poland, too, is facing questions about its democratic strength, as are countries such as Mexico and Brazil. The United States own democracy has been tested in the wake of the Trump presidency.

But the tension with Israel is the one with the most direct ties to Bidens own political future as he eyes a re-election decision and possible rematch with Trump.

Biden has long been a traditionalist on U.S.-Israel relations. He has remained close to reflexively pro-Israel advocacy organizations such as the American Israel Public Affairs Committee. He has declined to return the U.S. Embassy to Tel Aviv after Trump relocated it to Jerusalem. And he has refused to impose conditions on the billions of dollars in U.S. security assistance the United States provides to Israel.

Those moves by the president who has also received the backing of the more progressive pro-Israel advocacy group J Street has run counter to the budding sentiment within the Democratic Party.

A growing number of liberal voices are critical of the Israeli governments treatment of the Palestinians. And a Gallup poll released this month showed that Democrats sympathies in the Middle East now lie more with the Palestinians than the Israelis, 49 percent versus 38 percent

These are shifts that could prove an annoyance to Biden on the campaign trail.

At the end of the day, this issue is not a voting issue for 99.999 percent of people, right? said Jeremy Ben-Ami, the president of J Street. But I dont think the majority of the Democratic Party is going to be okay if Israel takes steps that provoke tremendous outbreaks of violence and lots of people are getting hurt. I dont think theyll be okay as Israel undoes its judicial independence and the underpinnings of its democracy.

Continue reading here:
Biden's favorite Middle East ally is spoiling his democracy party - POLITICO