Archive for the ‘Democracy’ Category

Bare government and a distorted democracy – ARAB TIMES – KUWAIT NEWS – Arab Times Kuwait English Daily

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THE joy of the government in the survival of its Foreign Minister Sheikh Ahmad Nasser Al-Muhammad from the vote of no-confidence was short-lived after both the Minister of Defense Sheikh Hamad Jaber Al-Ali and the Interior Minister Sheikh Ahmad Al-Mansour tendered their resignation in protest of the parliaments abuse of interpellation tool.

This was followed by MP Abdullah Al-Mudhaf filing an interpellation against the Minister of Public Works. It is expected that MP Bader Al-Mulla will file an interpellation against His Highness the Prime Minister in the coming days.

The government deserves to be blamed for all this, due to the fact that the head of the government did not realize from the start that handing over the thread and needle to the MPs would lead to this difficult situation, and that his government would collapse sooner than anticipated because it was based on unstable grounds.

Is it conceivable that within a month and a half of the governments life, it has dealt with all these interpellations and resignations? Is it because the government is not coherent and capable of confrontation?

What we are experiencing is not like any democracy in the world. It is closer to the systematic killing of the state, which has been suffering for years due to an adventurous parliamentary practice based on personal interests only, while the government has resigned from its role.

This is exactly what has made the people look for salvation to exit this distorted democratic cycle that brought them nothing but misfortune and misery.

There are rumors about exorbitant under-the-table deals being accomplished by the MPs, who are well aware of the location of the governments pressure points. Also, the prime minister is working on stripping his Cabinet of all protection tools because he is yet to make up his mind and preserve the authority of his government.

Therefore, it seems that sacrificing ministers is the new trend, at a time when parliamentarians are getting fiercer in their pursuit of more personal gains.

Well done to both the Defense and Interior Ministers for announcing their resignation in the presence of a National Assembly that was able to dominate a government whose leaders only concern is to immunize himself from accountability, and has no objection to sacrificing ministers one after another.

Therefore, we only have the supreme leadership to turn to in order to get Kuwait out of this absurdity.

This can happen not only by dissolving the National Assembly, but also by dismissing this government, which is unable to protect itself, and coming up with a stronger one, which is composed of states figures and is able to remedy all the devastation caused by the four governments of Sheikh Sabah Al-Khaled, as well as the legislative authority that did not legislate what serves the country, the people and development.

By Ahmed Al-Jarallah

Editor-in-Chief, the Arab Times

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Bare government and a distorted democracy - ARAB TIMES - KUWAIT NEWS - Arab Times Kuwait English Daily

Is American democracy really in peril? A debate with Ross Douthat. – Vox.com

The 2020 election was a stress test for the American political system. How well it fared is a matter of dispute: Where some see strong political institutions that successfully repulsed Donald Trumps anti-democratic onslaught, others see rickety ones that could very well buckle and collapse in the coming years.

Ross Douthat, the New York Times columnist, takes the former view. He sees what happened in 2020 as a problem created by the combination of Trumps unique disregard for democratic norms and a flawed set of laws governing presidential elections but, more importantly, a threat that the American system successfully fended off. The immediate challenges for democracy could be addressed by a patch to the Electoral Count Act, currently under discussion by a bipartisan group of senators; the longer-term prognosis for American democracy is brighter than many think.

My view is far less rosy. I see a Republican Party still dominated by Trump and his allies, where believers in election fraud fantasies are working across the country to seize control over the nuts and bolts of election administrations (so-called election subversion). These post-2020 developments are combining with deep-seated anti-democratic impulses in the GOP to put us on a path toward stolen elections and a system rigged in the GOPs favor.

Ross and I have disagreed on this point for some time in print, so we decided it might be helpful to talk it out: to discuss the reasons we have profoundly different views on where American democracy is headed and why we disagree so strongly.

What follows is a transcript of our debate, edited for length and clarity. The full discussion, which also covers issues like the risk of political violence in America, is featured on the Vox Conversations podcast. (Subscribe on Apple Podcasts, Google Podcasts, Spotify, Stitcher, or wherever you listen to podcasts.)

You describe what happened in 2020 as a kind of freak one-off. But when mainstream Republicans push a narrative of illegitimacy surrounding the federal government and the nature of election administration itself, you create the conditions for people to reject the outcome if they dont like it. The wave of efforts to undermine the nonpartisan structures that have traditionally governed our election administration system since 2020 are, I think, truly breathtaking.

If theres a real crisis in 2024 or 2028, you can imagine all sorts of bad outcomes up to and including an actual stolen election.

What are the breathtaking acts of subversion? Because it seems to me that the United States has this sort of weird, one-neat-trick problem where its like, Oh, you want to overturn an election? Well, guess what? If it comes down to one state and we can just find one governor who sends a rival slate of electors to Congress, then because of the vagaries of this weird 19th-century law, we can get an overturned election.

I agree that thats something worth worrying about. But its something that you could probably fix just by reforming the Electoral Count Act in various ways. If the biggest threat of electoral subversion could be undone by a bipartisan bill that Mitch McConnell might support, then Im less inclined to say, Well, this is a sign that, structurally, the US is headed toward authoritarianism. Its more like this particular demagogue and this particular flaw in our system could [cause] an 1876- or whatever-style constitutional crisis.

Yeah, that would be bad, but its different from saying here are the 17 structural forces that are going to turn the United States into Viktor Orbns Hungary, which is not as far as I can see going to happen.

But over the course of the next 10, 20 years or something like that, it is not crazy to imagine that scenario happening. Not an exact carbon copy, for many reasons the controls on the press in Hungary, for example, are not conceivable in the United States.

But we have a long history of sub-national authoritarianism in the United States. We kind of modeled that in the Jim Crow South states, which were typically remembered as domains of racial apartheid but also were places where the Republican Party couldnt win by virtue of the way the law was structured. And there are lots of different ways and reasons to believe that we are moving in a more autocratic direction today.

For starters, we have electoral institutions the big-picture ones like the Senate and Electoral College that enable white, rural conservative Christian voters who are inclined to believe their status is declining to have outsize influence over the political system.

We have one party thats much more willing to engage in gerrymandering and suppression targeting the other partys voter base than the other one. We can debate how effective voter suppression tactics are; its a complicated story. But gerrymanderings not, right? It is clearly a very effective way of cementing control over legislatures though Democrats havent been doing as badly as many feared in the current House redistricting.

Then add to all of that comprehensive efforts at elections subversion from top to bottom. You have a precinct strategy that Steve Bannon has pioneered thats led to Republicans not really just ordinary Republicans, but people who deeply believe the Trump lies flooding local election administration possessions.

What do you think these people are going to do? Do you think that they are going to throw out votes?

It depends on what position theyre in. Some people lets say a judge in charge of election supervision at a local level I think thats possible.

Do I think its going to happen? Maybe, maybe not. But I dont think its inconceivable that you could get some precinct-level voter activist challenging a bunch of voters and then a judge whos sympathetic to the Stop the Steal cause saying, Oh, yeah, that challenge is right.

How many ballots does he throw out? Hes throwing out, like, 30 percent of the ballots, or like 0.0001 percent?

Im not sure what the value of speculating like that is.

Well, because you are creating a speculative scenario where literally the United States is turning into an autocracy. In order to actually make the US an autocracy, you need something more than a county supervisor rules out an extra 20 votes because the signature match is blurry or something. You need an actual shift in the way elections are run that permanently makes it impossible for Democrats to win.

The stuff that a county supervisor could get away with under our current laws which I assume will remain in force and be adjudicated by a court system that is filled with Republicans who showed very little appetite for the Stop the Steal stuff the stuff you could get away with is not autocracy-making stuff. It just is not, right?

Youre describing an isolated situation where its one person acting independently. What were actually seeing is large masses of people, on the order of thousands, right, trying to get involved in the system.

Because its a democracy. People are allowed to run for office.

I dont think its bad to run for office, but I do think its bad to run for office in order to use power in nefarious ways.

Right. But these people think that the existing county supervisors were cheating in some big way. They think they were busing in fake ballots.

And you think thats bullshit, right? So when these people take over, do you think theyre going to bus in fake ballots? It just seems to me that what the actual Republicans running for office believe about the system is that the Democrats are cheating, and they need to be in charge so that cheating wont happen. Okay, so then theyre in charge. Are they going to cheat on a massive scale?

But their understanding of cheating is highly politicized and made up. When you listen to someone like Steve Bannon talk, they take there to be massive evidence of fraud in a variety of different cases. And often, that evidence of fraud is they come up with some weird, totally made up, ridiculous statistical model that says its impossible that Democrats could have gotten X votes.

So, in their view, those Democratic ballots are illegitimate because theyre Democratic ballots that are cast in an area where you believe that should be impossible, right? So you come up with some pretext maybe its signature matches, maybe its something else that causes people in a variety of different places to do this over and over and over again, to the point where you do end up getting a lot of ballots thrown out.

Then take a state like Wisconsin, where you have a Republican legislative majority that has gerrymandered itself into near-permanent control. Now you have a Democratic governor, but that wont last forever. You can imagine, as theyve done, pushing the boundaries of anti-democratic legislation on the state level [to enable election subversion].

So, in a few American states, you have extreme gerrymandering that right now makes the state legislatures uncompetitive. I agree that thats a problem. Im just going to say, again, that that is not a situation that gives you an American autocracy.

Let me just offer a different interpretation.

The Republican Party currently has a set of structural advantages in the Senate, and more recently in the Electoral College. It didnt have those advantages with the political coalitions just eight years ago. Obama had a slight Electoral College advantage.

Those kinds of advantages are a very normal feature of American political history. If you go back and look at Democratic House majorities in the 1950s through the 1970s, they were usually much larger than their actual share of the vote. It was just less of an issue because the country was less evenly divided, so it was harder to get an area where the Democrats could have a House majority without winning an outright majority as the Republicans have had a couple times.

Thats sort of the underlying reality. That reality, though, is being overstated by Democrats who are convinced that they actually command majority support from the American public, when in fact they do not.

In 2016, Donald Trump won the presidency with a minority of the popular vote. However, the majority of Americans did not vote for Hillary Clinton in that election. If you look at the House, the national House popular vote, [a plurality] of Americans voted for Republican candidates.

And if you combine that with the fact that the Libertarian vote was larger than the Green Party vote, slightly more Americans voted for right-of-center presidential candidates than left-of-center presidential candidates. So the outcome of the 2016 election, which was basically power sharing between the Trump wing of the Republican Party and Mitch McConnell, actually tracked pretty well with what the American public cast its ballots for in 2016.

Then in 2020, Joe Biden could have lost the Electoral College, but he didnt. And the Democrats have control of all three branches of government. And basically, what weve seen in every midterm election, or almost every midterm election going back 20 years, is strong swings against the incumbent party. So you have an evenly divided country where the Republicans have this slight advantage based on Senate apportionment and the Electoral College.

Thats a big problem for Democrats. Its a problem that requires Democrats to make some tactical choices that they dont particularly want to make, that they dont think are fair, where they have to move slightly to the right of where the median voter is.

But its not autocracy. Talking about it like its a world where Democrats are unable to win elections and have these clear majorities and are living under minority rule is just false to the actual distribution of public opinion and what people are actually voting for.

But Im not saying that the existence of the Senate and the Electoral College alone are what make a future of autocracy more likely, nor am I saying that we are currently in an autocracy. Youve set up this strawman position that sounds like a Daily Kos commenter rather than my actual view.

You were the one who used the word autocracy first. I would never use it because its a terrible word that doesnt actually describe what people are using it to describe.

So Im talking about competitive authoritarianism, referring to a system where elections happen, they matter, and sometimes the opposition even wins them, especially at a local scale. But the opposition is not effectively capable of wielding power due to the way in which the incumbent party has set up the system to favor itself and give itself a hammerlock on institutions.

I dont think were there yet. I actually dont think were all that close, though were a lot closer than I kind of wouldve thought we were [a few years ago].

How can we be close to that kind of scenario when the Democratic Party controls every branch of government?

The issues that you get into with sort of authoritarian states also have everything to do with control over mass media, control over educational institutions. Liberal control over media, education, and related institutions in the United States has grown more powerful over the last 20 years, not less, which is itself a driver of populist backlash. But even the leadership of the military is more progressive and less right-wing than it was 10 or 15 or 20 years ago.

The scale of progressive power in the United States is simply too vast to make this kind of scenario that you are sketching, where changes to electoral rules lock in Republican power for 25 years. [By contrast], Donald Trump stealing an election is imaginable.

Yes, Democrats control institutions right now, but not so effectively. They couldnt pass a fairly minimal voting rights revision [earlier this year] with unified control over government. Thats because of the filibuster, one of a series of things set up that make it difficult to change the direction institutions are trending toward given what the Republican Party is today.

Think about the degree to which the vast majority of Republican partisans accept that the 2020 election was stolen. The Republican legislators who criticize this are basically drummed out of the party leadership and ostracized. Local officials, too. [Republican] Aaron Van Langevelde in Michigan was the critical deciding vote in certifying the states election. Without him, there could have been an electoral crisis in Michigan. One guy, and hes gone now.

That, to me, is all suggestive of a country thats trending toward a serious democratic deficit and, in the long run, potentially, unified and consistent Republican control over democratic institutions.

My assumption is that if there was an insane scenario where the 2024 election came down to one state and Donald Trump managed to make himself president via the House of Representatives, what would happen in 2026 is a version of what happened in 2018, where the Democrats had swept back into control of the House of Representatives. Because that is what has happened in basically every similar scenario over the last 20 years.

I mean, [look at] the gerrymandering stuff this time around. Democrats actually seem like theyre going to come out doing slightly better, in part because Republicans are just not that ambitious and in a bunch of states were too worried about going for the really strong gerrymander, because it would make a few of their seats vulnerable.

That doesnt seem like a party thats confident about its stranglehold on American democracy. It seems like a party operating, as both parties are, in a highly competitive, 50/50, polarized environment, which may disappear. But if it disappears, I think its more likely to be because one of our parties figures out how to actually govern the country than [because] Steve Bannon succeeds in rigging all of our elections.

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Is American democracy really in peril? A debate with Ross Douthat. - Vox.com

British democracy is on the edge – Al Jazeera English

What should we make of the recent unusually turbulent weeks in British politics? The picture is not just one of a prime minister under siege and political manoeuvrings. The unusual occurrence is that the prime ministers behaviour has raised fundamental uncertainties about the United Kingdoms constitution and democracy whether it is fit for purpose, and whether it can withstand the turbulence.

The first ripples of constitutional disquiet had started almost as soon as Boris Johnson came to power in 2019, with concerns over his personal honesty, breaches of the ministerial code that is meant to govern the conduct of government ministers and a number of actions that skirted the borders of constitutional acceptability. This was compounded by attacks from his allies on the informal checks and balances in the political system, such as independence of the judiciary and the media, along with threats to breach international law in the tussle over Brexit. Already, by 2021, the Johnson government had forged a reputation of being willing to break rules and conventions.

Over time, those ripples of concern have mounted into a tsunami, with proven corruption, gross breaches of integrity, lying, multiple further allegations of cronyism and corruption around COVID procurement, and a host of other misdemeanours, each of which in normal times might have caused a resignation. The government, and all public servants, adhere to a voluntary code of standards called the Nolan Principles, with an expectation that any significant breaches would be resolved by a removal from office. It has its roots in a longstanding system that now looks glaringly old-fashioned.

As a backlash finally mounted, a senior civil servant, Sue Gray, was directed by the prime minister to conduct an internal investigation. This was to be specifically into the well-evidenced allegations that he had on several occasions broken the COVID lockdown rules to attend parties, despite regularly appearing on television telling the rest of the country to follow those same rules.

With new revelations breaking almost every day, pressure increased for Johnson to resign, but many of the parliamentarians who have the power to remove him as prime minister declared they were waiting for the Sue Gray report before making a judgement as to his fitness for office. The constitution would require parliamentarians to take action, as the report itself is delivered to the prime minister, who judges himself whether he is guilty of any wrongdoing, and then decides whether there should be any penalty placed on himself.

On the eve of the report being delivered, there was further drama: Gray had uncovered evidence of lockdown law-breaking that merited bringing in the Metropolitan Police who, until then, had steadfastly refused to investigate the stories and photographs circulating in the media.

It is a heady mixture of wrongdoing, cover-up and lies, that has dragged the civil service and the police into the arena of political debate. What once looked to be a robust democracy now looks surprisingly vulnerable to a populist who can exploit the constitutional loopholes, downgrade the checks and balances, and co-opt the police.

One of the lessons the world has learned over the past 20 years is that liberal democracies are surprisingly fragile. They may be less likely to descend into armed civil war than those traditionally considered to be fragile states, but they can slip easily into illiberal democracy, especially when mistrust in the incumbent political establishment opens the door to the election of populists. Hungary and India, to name but a few, have embarked on this path. Others, like South Africa, went further, into the territory of state capture.

By and large, liberal democracies rely on trust and consensus promoted by free speech and free assembly, rather than the exercise of a state power supported by a strong internal security and intelligence apparatus. This has been well-demonstrated in the COVID pandemic, during which public health has relied on citizens supporting lockdowns, wearing masks and getting vaccinated. A loss of trust means either that significant parts of the population will not do what the government wants as happened in the United States during the pandemic or the state must use its power to impose the will of the government as in Hong Kong.

Western liberal democracies, chastened by their experiences in the Middle East, have retreated from evangelising about how their own model of political economy can be adopted elsewhere. Furthermore, the experiences of the UK under Johnson, like the US under Donald Trump, show that the challenge has become one of preserving democracy at home rather than spreading it abroad. Levels of trust by the voters in British politicians are already low, and that to some extent explains the anti-establishment vote for Brexit and the subsequent election of Johnson. But, like so many populists, the breaches of standards and integrity that Johnson has come to symbolise have caused further disillusionment.

This is the context in which to read the UKs political turmoil over recent weeks. What is at stake is not the end of democracy, but a decline into semi-democracy as Johnson clings to power, or is replaced by someone who takes his assault on the constitution a stage or two further. That would not just be bad for the UK; it would signify to the world at large that there is nothing very secure about liberal democracies and that they can all too easily be compromised or captured.

The Johnson government has been untypical of modern British governments. Without yet being systemically corrupt, there has been more corruption and corruption risk in and around this government than any British government since at least the second world war. But being still a democracy, not all the power, and therefore the scope to abuse the power, lies with Johnson.

There is still a pathway in which the Sue Gray report is published and condemns the prime minister; there is an impartial investigation by the police; and Johnson is removed, to be replaced by someone who moves quickly to prioritise issues of integrity, closing the loopholes in standards and the constitution and rebuilding public trust. For all his misdemeanours, there is no reason to expect that a defeated Johnson would pursue a scorched earth policy like Trump, rallying hardline supporters to assault democracy.

But it could go the other way: there is also a pathway in which Johnson remains, or is replaced by someone who takes the same approach, but is more efficient at it. Britain stands on the edge; not too late to pull back, but all too easy to teeter forward. Watch this space.

The views expressed in this article are the authors own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeeras editorial stance.

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British democracy is on the edge - Al Jazeera English

As the need to act on climate is more apparent, are the world’s democracies up to the task? | TheHill – The Hill

With every passing year, the looming threat of climate change becomes more real, its impacts not distant and uncertain but present and unescapable. Early manifestations droughts and dislocations, floods and hurricanes, wildfires and heatwaves are mere harbingers of what is to come if humanity fails to act. It takes some effort not to see where we are heading.

We know all this and yet we do not act with anything like the urgency the moment demands.

Some have begun to question whether the worlds democracies are up to the task. Certainly, even a casual look at U.S. politics suggests that this is a reasonable question. The essential characteristics of climate change are daunting. Its global scope requires international cooperation, the long lag before its full effects are evident requires foresight, and the wrenching changes required both to minimize it and to cope with its impacts require hard tradeoffs. Climate change is a wicked problem for all governments, but perhaps even more so for democracies, which must persuade their publics to make sacrifices for the global good and for future generations, and to make painful choices quickly.

Climate change may be democracys greatest test, and it is struggling to meet it.

Yet it is not only the limitations of democracy to confront climate change that should worry us, but also the perilous threat that climate change poses to democracy.

The pathways through which climate change threatens democracy are numerous, as a recent report persuasively summarizes.

Two impacts of climate change are particularly dangerous.

First, climate change exacerbates economic inequality, as those with greater means are better able to adapt to its impacts than those of lesser means. And perhaps nothing is more destabilizing in a democracy than extreme economic inequality. Throughout history, inequality has undermined political legitimacy, making societies ripe for revolutionaries and demagogues alike.

Second, climate change increases migration, as extreme weather, increased flooding, drought, and wildfires make life less tenable in many places. Like inequality, rapid migration is deeply destabilizing, both in the country of departure and in recipient countries, often feeding the xenophobia and intense nationalism that undermine democracy, as we are seeing in Europe and the United States.

In some quarters, there is whispering that perhaps we need less democracy to save the planet, that maybe the China model is better than the American. The Chinese, of course, trumpet it. But there is little reason to believe that autocratic governments will do better, and many reasons to believe that they will do far worse. In this, as in so many matters, democracy is the worst form of government, excepting all others.

The only path forward is to repair our existing democratic institutions and build new ones better suited to the task at hand. The conundrum is that while we need effective democratic governance to mitigate and adapt to climate change, climate change is making democracies increasingly dysfunctional.

Thats why climate and democracy is a major focus of the upcoming Denver Democracy Summit, a non-partisan gathering of the experts, leaders, and policymakers from around the world hosted by the Josef Korbel School of International Studies.Our goal is not just to sound the alarm, but to catalyze action. The question, then, is what is to be done?

Of course, we need to do everything possible to shore up democratic governance (as if we needed more reasons to do so!). Combating misinformation, restoring trust in public institutions, creating more inclusive processes, and protecting basic civil and human rights are all vital in their own right, but crucial if we are to address climate change.

But as we seek to make progress on the broad challenges to democracy, we should also focus particular attention on limiting the impact of the biggest climate-driven contributors to democratic decline.

First, we need to do all we can to limit the inequitable impacts of climate change, in the United States and around the world. In the U.S. that means much more aggressive funding targeted at those least able to adapt to what is coming including funding for relocating from low-lying areas, for transforming farming practices, for health care needs associated with higher heat, and much more. At the global level, we need much greater investment by wealthy nations in the poorer, for many of the same reasons.

Second, we need to focus on climate migration. Not hardening borders, but addressing root causes like providing assistance to enable farmers to adapt their practices, making more efficient use of scarce freshwater resources, creating greater economic opportunity in poorer regions of the world, and more.

Without climate justice, democracy will fail.

Frederick Fritz Mayer is dean of the Josef Korbel School of International Studies at the University of Denver.

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As the need to act on climate is more apparent, are the world's democracies up to the task? | TheHill - The Hill

Catholic Bishops in Angola call for the consolidation of democracy. – Vatican News

Angolas Catholic Bishops say the country could use this years elections to boost the countrys fledgling democracy. The Bishops also urge the government to urgently address issues of poverty.

Paul Samasumo - Vatican City.

The Bishops said all eligible voters must register and renew their cards in readiness for the August elections.

In a report released by the Catholic-owned Radio Ecclesia, Archbishop Jos Manuel Imbamba, President of the Bishops Conference of Angola and So Tom (CEAST), said the August general elections could be a watershed moment for the country to make a democratic leap forward.

A strengthened democracy, by its nature, contributes to the affirmation of human dignity, the strengthening of justice, peace and well-being among citizens, said the CEAST President.

Archbishop Imbamba, the Ordinary of the Archdiocese of Saurimo, spoke from the Diocese of Benguela, where the Bishops are meeting in a CEAST plenary assembly.

The city of Benguela, situated in the western part of Angola, is one of the most populous towns.

The ruling party, MPLA has been in power since 1975. President Joo Loureno was first elected in 2017 after serving as Defence minister under president Jos Eduardo dos Santos. The ruling party recently confirmed President Lourenos bid for a second mandate.

Angola is yet to fully recover from a brutal civil war that started in 1975 and only ended in 2002. The war began after Angola became independent from Portugal in November 1975. The two former anti-colonial movements, MPLA and UNITA, engaged in a protracted power struggle that led to devastation. About 500 000 people died in the war. Many roads, bridges, and buildings were damaged.

Currently, the opposition holds about a third of the seats in the National Assembly. In 2017, the opposition complained of widespread irregularities in elections won by MPLA.

It remains to be seen how the National Electoral Commission (CNE) will demonstrate its independence. It is composed in proportion to party representation in parliament. Another concern is Angolas decision to count votes from a central place and not at local polling stations as is the norm.

Angolas oil-driven economy has remained stagnant for six years despite being a major oil producer. The cost of living has been on the increase, and in their statement this week, the Bishops noted that unemployment and the poverty situation in Angola are issues that need to be addressed urgently.

Economists also say Angola has a huge international debt, most of it owed to China.

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Catholic Bishops in Angola call for the consolidation of democracy. - Vatican News