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AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, The War and Peace Report. Im Amy Goodman.

Antiwar protests are continuing in Russia. A local monitoring group says over 5,000 people were arrested by police across 69 Russian cities Sunday. This comes as part of a sweeping crackdown on civil society and the press. Russian President Vladimir Putin has signed a new law to impose jail terms of up to 15 years for spreading so-called false information about the military or its activity in Ukraine.

The prominent independent newspaper Novaya Gazeta said it was removing its reporting on the invasion because of censorship. The papers editor, Dmitry Muratov, was one of the recipients of the 2021 Nobel Peace Prize just a few months ago. In a message to its readers, the paper said, quote, Military censorship in Russia has quickly moved into a new phase: from the threat of blocking and closing publications (almost fully implemented) it has moved to the threat of criminal prosecution of both journalists and citizens who spread information about military hostilities that is different from the press releases of the Ministry of Defense, unquote.

On Thursday, independent Russian channel TV Rain went off the air, with its staff walking off set saying No to war. Non-Russian news outlets, including CNN, ABC, CBS, Bloomberg and BBC, have moved to limit their activity in Russia.

This comes as Russia becomes increasingly economically isolated. Visa and Mastercard have become the last corporations to cut or, the latest corporations to cut or reduce ties to Russia.

Were joined now by Ilya Budraitskis. He is a Russian historian and political writer. Hes the author of the award-winning book Dissidents Among Dissidents: Ideology, Politics and the Left in Post-Soviet Russia. We last spoke to him from Moscow in February. He has since left Russia.

Welcome back to Democracy Now!, Ilya. If you can talk about the crackdown on the protests and the press? Again, at this point, I think its over 13,000 people have been arrested across Russia for protesting.

ILYA BUDRAITSKIS: Yeah. So, in fact, were entering the new political reality in Russia for now, because all the previous, lets say, laws of game, theyre not working. And if before, just months, two months ago, you could be arrested for the participation in the street demonstration and just spent some days in prison or pay some fine, for now if youre arrested or if you just spread some information which is different from the official point of view, you could be imprisoned for years. And that is the new situation. Thats a new level of risk for the protest movement in Russia. And, of course, those people who just yesterday came to the streets of the main Russian cities, they are extremely, extremely brave, and I think they should be a part of the heroic part of the history of the global antiwar movements.

AMY GOODMAN: Can you talk about who the people are who are protesting and how much information is getting out about these protests all over Russia right now, despite the crackdown on the press?

ILYA BUDRAITSKIS: So, most of those people, they are young people. Theyre, lets say, some students or just young people under 25. And unfortunately, those part of the population which actively oppose the war is very, lets say, limited in terms of generations and in terms of access to information, because, as probably was told already in your programs, in Russian official media the picture of reality, the picture of what is happening in Ukraine, is totally different. Its like an alternative reality. Theres no images of bombings of the Ukrainian cities. There is no even any true information about the actions of the Russian military units in Ukraine. So, in fact, most of population have, unfortunately, a very wrong understanding of what is really going on there. So, those who came to these protests last days, they mostly get their alternative information from some social media which are still accessible in country or from the, lets say, alternative oppositional websites, which most of them which are now blocked, but you still can access them using the VPN and so on.

AMY GOODMAN: The significance of Dmitry Muratov, who won the 2021 Nobel Peace Prize, his newspaper, Novaya Gazeta, saying theyre just not going to report it because of the censorship?

ILYA BUDRAITSKIS: Yes, absolutely. So you have a new situation with the censorship. And as you know probably, even the term war or the term invasion, theyre described as the disinformation or the fake news in Russia, and you could be according the new law just adopted by the parliament couple of days ago, you can be imprisoned up to 15 years for the distribution of such disinformation. Yes, so, and already we have criminal investigations on people who not just write something in this way, yeah, but even repost some news on social media which call this war a war. Yeah? So, the situation

AMY GOODMAN: War or invasion, you cant use those words.

ILYA BUDRAITSKIS: Or invasion, yes, you also cant use the term invasion. You can use only the term special military peacekeeping operation. And also, you cant spread any alternative information of the losses of the Russian army, and you only can use the official information from the Russian Ministry of Defense. And the difference between these numbers, so if you look on the numbers reported by Ukrainian side and the numbers reported by Russian side, they are so different, so different from each other. So, just couple of days ago, Russian Ministry of Defense first time officially recognized that around 500 Russian soldiers already died in Ukraine. So, on Ukrainian sources, you have the information that more than 7,000 Russian soldiers already were killed. And, of course, you cant continue this censorship for a long period of time, because all these soldiers who already died in Ukraine, all these Russian soldiers, they have their relatives, they have their families in the different areas of Russian Federation. And, of course, this is starting to form some different point of view among some part of the Russian people.

AMY GOODMAN: Are people hearing the pleas of Ukrainians? Like on Friday, President Zelensky appealed to Russians to stage protests over Russian forces seizure of Europes largest nuclear power plant, Zaporizhzhia. Now thousands of Ukrainians are fleeing that area. Then youve got the Ukrainians telling the Russian mothers to come pick up their soldier sons in Ukraine. Are you hearing these pleas? Are they hearing in Russia?

ILYA BUDRAITSKIS: Unfortunately, as I said before, the access to the information is very limited. And I think that this address by Zelensky also was distributed only around those who have this access to the alternative information, to that sort of social media.

AMY GOODMAN: Ilya, we dont have much time, and I want to get to a few points. Sanctions, the effect of these sanctions on the people of Russia, the population?

ILYA BUDRAITSKIS: Its already huge. Its already huge effects. It will lead to the collapse of, lets say, the middle class in Russia. It will lead to the, lets say, to the destruction of the future for I dont know millions of young people in the country. And it will lead to the social catastrophe. And I am not sure that the current leadership of Russia can manage the social catastrophe and rule the country in this

AMY GOODMAN: And so, do you think this will lead to a settlement? In the 10 seconds we have, or in the minute that we have, do you think this could lead, press Putin to settle with Ukraine?

ILYA BUDRAITSKIS: I dont know, in fact, because we see that his decisions are quite irrational, quite irrational.

AMY GOODMAN: Irrational.

ILYA BUDRAITSKIS: And we cant discuss it in the, lets say, rational way.

AMY GOODMAN: Have you been shocked by what has taken place?

ILYA BUDRAITSKIS: Of course. Of course, as millions of people in my country.

AMY GOODMAN: Do you think the protests will continue?

ILYA BUDRAITSKIS: I hope so, despite of the very, very brutal, very aggressive pressure that we have from the top.

AMY GOODMAN: Did you flee because of whats taking place?

ILYA BUDRAITSKIS: In fact, I dont want to talk about it much.

AMY GOODMAN: OK. Ilya Budraitskis, I want to thank you so much for being with us. Ilya Budraitskis is Russian historian and political writer, author of Dissidents Among Dissidents: Ideology, Politics and the Left in Post-Soviet Russia.

That does it for our show. Check our website for jobs. Im Amy Goodman. Stay safe.

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Russian Crackdown on Dissent Intensifies as Over 13,000 Arrested for Opposing Ukraine Invasion - Democracy Now!

ISLAMABAD Special Assistant to Prime Minister on Political Affairs, Dr Shahbaz Gill on Monday said that it was beauty of the democracy that people have difference of opinion with each others. He said that Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf leadership was united to tackle any challenges. Aleem Khan has a deep relation with the PTI and he himself rendered matchless sacrifices for the party, though his reservations on governance will be resolved, he said while talking to a private news channel. He said they all are strength of PTI and have the ability to tackle the challenges and a wall against those who were looter of the country. SAPM Dr Shahbaz Gill said PTI will easily foil oppositions no-trust motion as Prime Minister Imran Khan enjoys full support of party members and allies in the Parliament. Addressing a news conference he said, the opposition was destined to fail in ousting a democratically elected government which would fulfill its constitutional term of five years. Gill dispelled the notion that the opposition has support of the governments coalition partners saying the respectable politicians always stood by the commitments they made with others. By announcing no-confidence move, Shehbaz said the opposition trapped into a blind alley particularly due to their corrupt leaders who were hell bent on saving their loot and plunder. He said, it was in knowledge of the government that the opposition revived the culture of horse trading in the politics. Gill said the PTI members had requested the prime minister to chalk out a strategy to expose the opposition in public after the failure of no-trust move.

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Difference of opinion, beauty of democracy, says Shahbaz Gill - The Nation

As one of the detrimental legacies of the protracted conflict, Somalia has been stuck in a vicious cycle of clan-based indirect selection of political representatives and leaders for more than 20 years, both at Federal and State levels. In the last year, the nation has been grappling with indirect electoral process at the Federal level marred by procedural irregularities, unfair practices, political tension and corruption. Despite this bleak outlook for Somalia's political landscape, there have been efforts to transition the country into democracy in some parts of the country. Puntland State of Somalia, a semi-autonomous Federal Member State in Somalia's north-eastern region, successfully conducted its first early direct local government elections in three districts on 25 October 2021. I oversaw these elections, which were declared free and fair by national and international observer and was overwhelmed with joy to witness the success of our endeavor. The experience has gripped the nation's imagination and instilled a sense of hope, a sudden awakening of public interest and realization that peaceful direct elections were feasible in Somalia.

I was elected as the Chairman of the third Transitional Puntland Electoral Commission (TPEC), appointed in August 2019, to coordinate democratisation activities and manage the first direct one person one vote local government elections in the State. There have been two previous electoral commissions that invested time and resources in the programme but were unsuccessful for various reasons to move the process forward. I led the Commission for two years and six months, and during that period, we succeeded not only to hold peaceful, free and fair elections but to mainstream democracy and bringing it to the heart of the Puntland State political system.

Our work began with the creation of an environment of dialogue, community and stakeholder engagement, consultations and ensuring shared ownership of the process and outcome. We completed the essential laws, regulatory frameworks, policies and procedures for the democratisation programme and electoral system for Puntland State. We set standards for political associations and put in place fair and transparent inspection process, validation and a registration system. We oversaw the effective formation of nine political associations with divergent political ideologies, visions, strategies and programmes. Through our standards of conduct, work and outreach, we restored the trust of the Somali people and our international development partners and donors in the democratisation programme. And finally, we pioneered and successfully conducted peaceful direct early local government elections in three districts of Qardho, Ufeyn and Eyl for the first time in more than a half-century.

The defining characteristic of our democratisation programme was our unequivocal and stringent enforcement of our standards of conduct and work ethics. We have built relationships with different stakeholders based on mutual trust, compliance with the laws, accountability and transparency, recognition of separate roles and responsibilities and respect for the neutral, impartial and independent position of the Commission.

The second notable feature was the local ownership and leadership of the process, and the recognition that it was not born out of pressure from external actors. Rather, it grew out of the need for political change in the State and the appeal of a democratic political culture that was a model built within where citizens could choose their political leaders in a climate of healthy competition.

The third distinguishing quality of our work related to our approach and engagement with stakeholders and Somali citizens. Inclusive politics and democracy are mentioned almost in all Somalia's peace and state building priorities and became the clich of the day for many of the political elite and a campaign slogan for all those vying for presidential and senior positions up and down in the country.

We are committed to concluding elections as soon as possible: Somali Premier

The Commission has taken a more responsible approach to frame the democratisation narrative as that of a dynamic learning process of introduction, improvement, consolidation and practice. I have argued, in my interaction with government officials, representatives of political associations, civil society groups and the public, that the direct local government elections were merely the first and necessary transitional step for democracy in Somalia but not sufficient if the other dimensions of democracy were lacking. The process must, therefore, include strong rule of law institutions, respect for individual rights and freedoms, free media and the citizen's right of access to accurate information.

After the October 2021 early elections, the democratisation process in Puntland has come under attack. I have never been reticent about the challenges we faced nor complacent about the enormous and complex tasks of delivering direct democratic elections in a country that was reeling from the effect of protracted conflict and for a population which has never known elections for over half a century. I resigned from my position as the Chairman and a member of the Commission on 2 January 2022 in the light of a series of existential challenges and disagreements with the government over the management of the democratisation programme.

First, the Commission was severely underfunded despite numerous requests to the government. For example, in 2020 it received only about 16 per cent of its allocated budget from the treasury, which hampered its capability to carry out its core functions and plans to expand its coverage and work for different districts in the State. I voiced my concerns on numerous occasions that the Commission could not operate without full political and financial backing. The government must now accept its failings in this regard and authorise the timely and unhindered transfer of funds to the Commission.

Secondly, I recognised that although democracy embodies a culture of transparency and accountability, it could hit a formidable snag if it was not underpinned by effective rule of law institutions, namely independent judicial mechanism with jurisdiction over constitutional issues and election disputes. The absence of a constitutional court in Puntland State coupled with the expiry of the term of Puntland High Court Judges on 15 August 2021 created a constitutional, legal and judicial vacuum and made our work to reassure political associations and the public very difficult. The government cannot evade the glaring reality of this failure and the urgent need to appoint Puntland High Court judges and form a Constitutional Court.

Thirdly, the completion and publication of district boundaries of the State was very vital for the electoral process, particularly drawing constituency boundaries, identifying polling stations, registering voters and resolving disputes between neighbouring districts and communities. The Commission received a number of boundary complaints from the communities in adjacent districts of Qardho and Ufeyn during the early elections which served as an indication that there would be a torrent of boundary disputes among the 50 districts in Puntland once the elections were extended to the whole State. This work on boundary delineation must be completed as soon as possible and the information made available to the public so that preparatory electoral work to identify constituencies can be undertaken and any boundary disputes resolved before the elections.

Fourthly, the government's reluctance to implement the results of the October 2021 elections and oversee a smooth hand over of the administration of the three districts to the new democratically elected council members within 30 days as stipulated by Article 43 of Puntland Local Government Law damaged the confidence in the process and was construed as a purposeful attack on the democratisation programme of Puntland State and a discernible shift in the government's determination to implement a multiple party-political system in Puntland State. The recent events in Qardho and Eyl districts where attempts were made to thwart the meetings of the newly democratically elected councillors are very worrying. The public need to counter, in a spirit of unity and purpose, decisions and actions that can threaten our transition to democracy and the right of our elected officials to govern. The government must heed the warnings and demands by the political associations, civil society organisations and the wider public not to retreat from the democratisation programme. It must bring the process back on track and begin with the handover of power to the newly democratically elected councillors of Qardho, Ufeyn and Eyl districts. Moreover, Puntland Civil Society Organisation (CSOs) and Non-State Actors need to continue their valuable work to keep the democratisation transition moving and increase their monitoring and observation activities in order to keep the pressure on the government to stay on the path to democracy.

Lastly but not least, Puntland's president, Said Abdullahi Deni's political ambitions to compete in the Federal presidential elections have adversely affected Puntland democratisation programme and resulted in much needed support, input and attention from the Puntland government to be diverted to his election campaign.

During the planning of the early elections, we were reminded of the failed attempts of democratisation in the past because certain political groups were not ready for the transition. Besides, there were powerful people who harboured heretical views about the democratisation programme and had invested private interest in the status quo which kept the reins of power firmly in the hands of a few. However, the widespread positive reactions and public acceptance of the process strengthened our resolve to build trust in the fairness, credibility and legitimacy of Puntland democratisation process and elections. We could not let premonition of failure damp our spirit and define our desire, ability and determination to succeed in our transition to democracy. We could not delay or backtrack from our transition to democracy by feigning a semi democracy model that would keep Puntland and the rest of Somalia in a state of perpetual defeat and missed opportunities. The prospect of democracy for Somalia was very promising and we had to go ahead at full steam to deliver free and fair one person one vote early local government elections, nothing less, nothing more and that is what we did on 25 October 2021.

Somali graduates of Turkish scholarship program give back to their country

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.

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Puntland in transition to democracy: challenges and the way forward - Middle East Monitor

Song Young-gil, head of South Korea's ruling Democratic Party, was assaulted Monday with a hammer and sent to the hospital while campaigning for presidential candidate Lee Jae-myung in Seoul. Photo by Yonhap

SEOUL, March 7 (UPI) -- The head of South Korea's ruling Democratic Party, Song Young-gil, was attacked with a hammer Monday while campaigning just two days ahead of a contentious presidential election.

Video footage posted to social media showed an elderly attacker dressed in traditional Korean garb approaching Song from behind and striking him several times in the head with an object in a plastic bag, later revealed to be a hammer. He was quickly restrained by bystanders and detained by police.

Song, who was campaigning in Seoul for candidate Lee Jae-myung when the assault occurred, was taken to a hospital but was not seriously injured. He received stitches and was released.

The assailant is in his 70s and operates a YouTube channel, according to news agency Yonhap. He was filming himself and shouting critically about joint military exercises between the United States and South Korea before the attack, eyewitnesses said.

"Election violence is terrorism against democracy," President Moon Jae-in said in a statement after the assault. "It should never happen. Hate and violence cannot change the world."

Both main camps in Wednesday's election were quick to condemn the attack. The Democratic Party called the attack "a serious threat to democracy" and said in a statement that Lee had spoken to Song on the phone.

A spokesperson for opposition People Power Party candidate Yoon Suk-yeol expressed "serious concerns about violent acts just two days ahead of the presidential election."

"[We] are firmly opposed to any violent acts that threaten democracy," the spokesperson said in a statement.

Song said in a Facebook post hours after the attack that he was recovering.

"I can endure it," he wrote. "It's good that the young people who were with me didn't get hurt."

Wednesday's presidential election remains an extremely tight race. The campaign season has been marred by mudslinging and scandals that have left voters with majority-unfavorable ratings for both candidates.

South Korean presidents are only allowed to serve a single five-year term and cannot be re-elected. Having taken office in 2017, Moon is unable to run again.

Continued here:
Chief of South Korea Democratic Party attacked with hammer at campaign rally - UPI News

Last week, as I was downstairs emptying my trash can, my neighbor, a man in his 50s approached me awkwardly and said almost inaudibly, I havent had a trash can to empty in a week. In all my naivete, I thought he meant that he didnt have a physical trash can and so I offered him an unused one that I had at home. He threw me an embarrassed look and asked me if I could also bring some food with the trash can. Horrified, I realized at that moment that he was telling me that he hadnt had a trash can to scavenge for food.

My heart ached for him. After taking him to the supermarket and making sure he had everything he needed for his family, I told myself that I had to do something more, beyond helping one man, one family. I spent the coming days, after my afternoon with him, thinking about poverty and its impact on Israels future and resilience.

The ugly truth is that my neighbor, a Haredi man in his 50s, has no real options to acquire a profession that can improve his financial situation. In fact, he is just another statistic in the depressing reports published by the National Insurance Agency, in which 61 percent of the Haredi families in Israel are defined as poor, meaning they earn less than NIS 2,811 ($863) per person per month.

This sad reality has serious consequences, not only for the families themselves, but also for the general welfare of the State of Israel. Time is running out as we are approaching the point of no return, that point being a poor and divided Israel. Our national pride will fade, and the country might not have funds to properly equip our soldiers, a challenge we recently witnessed in Ukraine.

It should also be said that, since the outbreak of COVID-19 two years ago, there has been a further decline in the number of employed Haredi men, bringing unemployment statistics to 48% amongst Haredi men. A further deep concern of mine is the deterioration in relations between the Haredim and the general public. The growing frustration among the general public, because they feel they are carrying the burden of the state alone, is deepening the rift.

I believe with every fiber of my being that the fundamental and most significant solution is revamping the Haredi educational system, a movement that we are leading at the Netzach Educational Network. On the one hand, we provide our students with outstanding Torah education, empowering them to remain strongly connected to their fundamental values and Torah observance while simultaneously preparing them to attain their bagrut (matriculation) certificates and equipping them with the tools to make alternative choices, compete for quality employment, and pursue higher education.

But, as I pondered the situation, I surprisingly found very interesting observations in a new book, Version Update, by former MK Roy Folkman (who was the chairman of Moshe Kahlons Kulanu party). These are three insights I gleaned from the book and which, I believe, have the power to reduce the widening gaps between Israels Haredi society and the rest of society, and provide a map to securing a prosperous future for Israel in the coming years.

The first thing is the recognition that there is a state and that it is more important than its leadership. Folkman talks about the fact that, in recent years, more and more people have lost faith, not only in the leadership, but also in the institutions of government. In fact, he talks about a direct correlation between the level of public trust in government institutions and the GNP. This is where Haredi society enters into the equation, with political leaders who work to strengthen segregation, mainly through the promotion of sectoral interests. This harms the resilience of the state as a whole.

This question of faith/trust in leadership and institutions leads me to the next point, a practical step that has the power to strengthen the level of trust among Haredi society namely, the integration of Haredim into the professional workforce, and from there, into the public sector. Folkman specifically points to the need for a balance of professionals in the public sector as foundational for a healthy state. A progressive state and society require a professional rank that is judged by its capabilities and not in its political affiliations. So, in order to establish a common narrative, more and more Haredi professionals need to join the ranks of the public figures and leaders.

Finally, the establishment of a lobby for the creation of broad agreements should be promoted. The danger of extremism is a concern that Folkman addresses at length in his book. The tendency of contemporary politics is to create camps on opposite sides of the spectrum and a political culture that focuses on emphasizing differences and widening gaps. The media, when talking about leadership, uses terms like enemies, rivals, and detached. But the essence of democracy is rather to seek compromise and move towards agreements. We must focus on developing a discourse that promotes consensus and not succumb to the populism of party leaders peddling polarization and extremism.

I believe that anyone who is interested in our future as a Jewish society in a rapidly changing world should read Folkmans book. The tensions and gaps that are dividing us are not set in stone and do not have to determine our future. We must return all of us together to the values that accompanied the sages of Judaism throughout the generations: demand moderation, find the middle ground, and most importantly, tikkun olam wherever it is required!

Rabbi Menachem Bombach is a community leader and educational entrepreneur in the Haredi community. He heads the 'Netzach' Haredi educational network, which he founded, and which combines religious and secular studies, and aims to educate students to become observant, Torah-loving Jews who are also prepared for practical life. He also heads the Hasidic girls seminary affiliated with the network. Menachem has served as principal of the award-winning 'LeZion BeRinah' high school; founded the preparatory program for Haredi students at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem; and directed the youth department of the Beitar Illit local authority. Menachem studied at the Vizhnitz Ahavat Yisrael yeshiva and at the Mir yeshiva, and holds a bachelors degree in education from Moreshet Yaakov College and a masters degree in public policy from the Hebrew University. He lectures in Israel and abroad on education and society.

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How democracy can help Haredi society | Menachem Bombach | The Blogs - The Times of Israel