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As one of the detrimental legacies of the protracted conflict, Somalia has been stuck in a vicious cycle of clan-based indirect selection of political representatives and leaders for more than 20 years, both at Federal and State levels. In the last year, the nation has been grappling with indirect electoral process at the Federal level marred by procedural irregularities, unfair practices, political tension and corruption. Despite this bleak outlook for Somalia's political landscape, there have been efforts to transition the country into democracy in some parts of the country. Puntland State of Somalia, a semi-autonomous Federal Member State in Somalia's north-eastern region, successfully conducted its first early direct local government elections in three districts on 25 October 2021. I oversaw these elections, which were declared free and fair by national and international observer and was overwhelmed with joy to witness the success of our endeavor. The experience has gripped the nation's imagination and instilled a sense of hope, a sudden awakening of public interest and realization that peaceful direct elections were feasible in Somalia.

I was elected as the Chairman of the third Transitional Puntland Electoral Commission (TPEC), appointed in August 2019, to coordinate democratisation activities and manage the first direct one person one vote local government elections in the State. There have been two previous electoral commissions that invested time and resources in the programme but were unsuccessful for various reasons to move the process forward. I led the Commission for two years and six months, and during that period, we succeeded not only to hold peaceful, free and fair elections but to mainstream democracy and bringing it to the heart of the Puntland State political system.

Our work began with the creation of an environment of dialogue, community and stakeholder engagement, consultations and ensuring shared ownership of the process and outcome. We completed the essential laws, regulatory frameworks, policies and procedures for the democratisation programme and electoral system for Puntland State. We set standards for political associations and put in place fair and transparent inspection process, validation and a registration system. We oversaw the effective formation of nine political associations with divergent political ideologies, visions, strategies and programmes. Through our standards of conduct, work and outreach, we restored the trust of the Somali people and our international development partners and donors in the democratisation programme. And finally, we pioneered and successfully conducted peaceful direct early local government elections in three districts of Qardho, Ufeyn and Eyl for the first time in more than a half-century.

The defining characteristic of our democratisation programme was our unequivocal and stringent enforcement of our standards of conduct and work ethics. We have built relationships with different stakeholders based on mutual trust, compliance with the laws, accountability and transparency, recognition of separate roles and responsibilities and respect for the neutral, impartial and independent position of the Commission.

The second notable feature was the local ownership and leadership of the process, and the recognition that it was not born out of pressure from external actors. Rather, it grew out of the need for political change in the State and the appeal of a democratic political culture that was a model built within where citizens could choose their political leaders in a climate of healthy competition.

The third distinguishing quality of our work related to our approach and engagement with stakeholders and Somali citizens. Inclusive politics and democracy are mentioned almost in all Somalia's peace and state building priorities and became the clich of the day for many of the political elite and a campaign slogan for all those vying for presidential and senior positions up and down in the country.

We are committed to concluding elections as soon as possible: Somali Premier

The Commission has taken a more responsible approach to frame the democratisation narrative as that of a dynamic learning process of introduction, improvement, consolidation and practice. I have argued, in my interaction with government officials, representatives of political associations, civil society groups and the public, that the direct local government elections were merely the first and necessary transitional step for democracy in Somalia but not sufficient if the other dimensions of democracy were lacking. The process must, therefore, include strong rule of law institutions, respect for individual rights and freedoms, free media and the citizen's right of access to accurate information.

After the October 2021 early elections, the democratisation process in Puntland has come under attack. I have never been reticent about the challenges we faced nor complacent about the enormous and complex tasks of delivering direct democratic elections in a country that was reeling from the effect of protracted conflict and for a population which has never known elections for over half a century. I resigned from my position as the Chairman and a member of the Commission on 2 January 2022 in the light of a series of existential challenges and disagreements with the government over the management of the democratisation programme.

First, the Commission was severely underfunded despite numerous requests to the government. For example, in 2020 it received only about 16 per cent of its allocated budget from the treasury, which hampered its capability to carry out its core functions and plans to expand its coverage and work for different districts in the State. I voiced my concerns on numerous occasions that the Commission could not operate without full political and financial backing. The government must now accept its failings in this regard and authorise the timely and unhindered transfer of funds to the Commission.

Secondly, I recognised that although democracy embodies a culture of transparency and accountability, it could hit a formidable snag if it was not underpinned by effective rule of law institutions, namely independent judicial mechanism with jurisdiction over constitutional issues and election disputes. The absence of a constitutional court in Puntland State coupled with the expiry of the term of Puntland High Court Judges on 15 August 2021 created a constitutional, legal and judicial vacuum and made our work to reassure political associations and the public very difficult. The government cannot evade the glaring reality of this failure and the urgent need to appoint Puntland High Court judges and form a Constitutional Court.

Thirdly, the completion and publication of district boundaries of the State was very vital for the electoral process, particularly drawing constituency boundaries, identifying polling stations, registering voters and resolving disputes between neighbouring districts and communities. The Commission received a number of boundary complaints from the communities in adjacent districts of Qardho and Ufeyn during the early elections which served as an indication that there would be a torrent of boundary disputes among the 50 districts in Puntland once the elections were extended to the whole State. This work on boundary delineation must be completed as soon as possible and the information made available to the public so that preparatory electoral work to identify constituencies can be undertaken and any boundary disputes resolved before the elections.

Fourthly, the government's reluctance to implement the results of the October 2021 elections and oversee a smooth hand over of the administration of the three districts to the new democratically elected council members within 30 days as stipulated by Article 43 of Puntland Local Government Law damaged the confidence in the process and was construed as a purposeful attack on the democratisation programme of Puntland State and a discernible shift in the government's determination to implement a multiple party-political system in Puntland State. The recent events in Qardho and Eyl districts where attempts were made to thwart the meetings of the newly democratically elected councillors are very worrying. The public need to counter, in a spirit of unity and purpose, decisions and actions that can threaten our transition to democracy and the right of our elected officials to govern. The government must heed the warnings and demands by the political associations, civil society organisations and the wider public not to retreat from the democratisation programme. It must bring the process back on track and begin with the handover of power to the newly democratically elected councillors of Qardho, Ufeyn and Eyl districts. Moreover, Puntland Civil Society Organisation (CSOs) and Non-State Actors need to continue their valuable work to keep the democratisation transition moving and increase their monitoring and observation activities in order to keep the pressure on the government to stay on the path to democracy.

Lastly but not least, Puntland's president, Said Abdullahi Deni's political ambitions to compete in the Federal presidential elections have adversely affected Puntland democratisation programme and resulted in much needed support, input and attention from the Puntland government to be diverted to his election campaign.

During the planning of the early elections, we were reminded of the failed attempts of democratisation in the past because certain political groups were not ready for the transition. Besides, there were powerful people who harboured heretical views about the democratisation programme and had invested private interest in the status quo which kept the reins of power firmly in the hands of a few. However, the widespread positive reactions and public acceptance of the process strengthened our resolve to build trust in the fairness, credibility and legitimacy of Puntland democratisation process and elections. We could not let premonition of failure damp our spirit and define our desire, ability and determination to succeed in our transition to democracy. We could not delay or backtrack from our transition to democracy by feigning a semi democracy model that would keep Puntland and the rest of Somalia in a state of perpetual defeat and missed opportunities. The prospect of democracy for Somalia was very promising and we had to go ahead at full steam to deliver free and fair one person one vote early local government elections, nothing less, nothing more and that is what we did on 25 October 2021.

Somali graduates of Turkish scholarship program give back to their country

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.

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Puntland in transition to democracy: challenges and the way forward - Middle East Monitor

Song Young-gil, head of South Korea's ruling Democratic Party, was assaulted Monday with a hammer and sent to the hospital while campaigning for presidential candidate Lee Jae-myung in Seoul. Photo by Yonhap

SEOUL, March 7 (UPI) -- The head of South Korea's ruling Democratic Party, Song Young-gil, was attacked with a hammer Monday while campaigning just two days ahead of a contentious presidential election.

Video footage posted to social media showed an elderly attacker dressed in traditional Korean garb approaching Song from behind and striking him several times in the head with an object in a plastic bag, later revealed to be a hammer. He was quickly restrained by bystanders and detained by police.

Song, who was campaigning in Seoul for candidate Lee Jae-myung when the assault occurred, was taken to a hospital but was not seriously injured. He received stitches and was released.

The assailant is in his 70s and operates a YouTube channel, according to news agency Yonhap. He was filming himself and shouting critically about joint military exercises between the United States and South Korea before the attack, eyewitnesses said.

"Election violence is terrorism against democracy," President Moon Jae-in said in a statement after the assault. "It should never happen. Hate and violence cannot change the world."

Both main camps in Wednesday's election were quick to condemn the attack. The Democratic Party called the attack "a serious threat to democracy" and said in a statement that Lee had spoken to Song on the phone.

A spokesperson for opposition People Power Party candidate Yoon Suk-yeol expressed "serious concerns about violent acts just two days ahead of the presidential election."

"[We] are firmly opposed to any violent acts that threaten democracy," the spokesperson said in a statement.

Song said in a Facebook post hours after the attack that he was recovering.

"I can endure it," he wrote. "It's good that the young people who were with me didn't get hurt."

Wednesday's presidential election remains an extremely tight race. The campaign season has been marred by mudslinging and scandals that have left voters with majority-unfavorable ratings for both candidates.

South Korean presidents are only allowed to serve a single five-year term and cannot be re-elected. Having taken office in 2017, Moon is unable to run again.

Continued here:
Chief of South Korea Democratic Party attacked with hammer at campaign rally - UPI News

Last week, as I was downstairs emptying my trash can, my neighbor, a man in his 50s approached me awkwardly and said almost inaudibly, I havent had a trash can to empty in a week. In all my naivete, I thought he meant that he didnt have a physical trash can and so I offered him an unused one that I had at home. He threw me an embarrassed look and asked me if I could also bring some food with the trash can. Horrified, I realized at that moment that he was telling me that he hadnt had a trash can to scavenge for food.

My heart ached for him. After taking him to the supermarket and making sure he had everything he needed for his family, I told myself that I had to do something more, beyond helping one man, one family. I spent the coming days, after my afternoon with him, thinking about poverty and its impact on Israels future and resilience.

The ugly truth is that my neighbor, a Haredi man in his 50s, has no real options to acquire a profession that can improve his financial situation. In fact, he is just another statistic in the depressing reports published by the National Insurance Agency, in which 61 percent of the Haredi families in Israel are defined as poor, meaning they earn less than NIS 2,811 ($863) per person per month.

This sad reality has serious consequences, not only for the families themselves, but also for the general welfare of the State of Israel. Time is running out as we are approaching the point of no return, that point being a poor and divided Israel. Our national pride will fade, and the country might not have funds to properly equip our soldiers, a challenge we recently witnessed in Ukraine.

It should also be said that, since the outbreak of COVID-19 two years ago, there has been a further decline in the number of employed Haredi men, bringing unemployment statistics to 48% amongst Haredi men. A further deep concern of mine is the deterioration in relations between the Haredim and the general public. The growing frustration among the general public, because they feel they are carrying the burden of the state alone, is deepening the rift.

I believe with every fiber of my being that the fundamental and most significant solution is revamping the Haredi educational system, a movement that we are leading at the Netzach Educational Network. On the one hand, we provide our students with outstanding Torah education, empowering them to remain strongly connected to their fundamental values and Torah observance while simultaneously preparing them to attain their bagrut (matriculation) certificates and equipping them with the tools to make alternative choices, compete for quality employment, and pursue higher education.

But, as I pondered the situation, I surprisingly found very interesting observations in a new book, Version Update, by former MK Roy Folkman (who was the chairman of Moshe Kahlons Kulanu party). These are three insights I gleaned from the book and which, I believe, have the power to reduce the widening gaps between Israels Haredi society and the rest of society, and provide a map to securing a prosperous future for Israel in the coming years.

The first thing is the recognition that there is a state and that it is more important than its leadership. Folkman talks about the fact that, in recent years, more and more people have lost faith, not only in the leadership, but also in the institutions of government. In fact, he talks about a direct correlation between the level of public trust in government institutions and the GNP. This is where Haredi society enters into the equation, with political leaders who work to strengthen segregation, mainly through the promotion of sectoral interests. This harms the resilience of the state as a whole.

This question of faith/trust in leadership and institutions leads me to the next point, a practical step that has the power to strengthen the level of trust among Haredi society namely, the integration of Haredim into the professional workforce, and from there, into the public sector. Folkman specifically points to the need for a balance of professionals in the public sector as foundational for a healthy state. A progressive state and society require a professional rank that is judged by its capabilities and not in its political affiliations. So, in order to establish a common narrative, more and more Haredi professionals need to join the ranks of the public figures and leaders.

Finally, the establishment of a lobby for the creation of broad agreements should be promoted. The danger of extremism is a concern that Folkman addresses at length in his book. The tendency of contemporary politics is to create camps on opposite sides of the spectrum and a political culture that focuses on emphasizing differences and widening gaps. The media, when talking about leadership, uses terms like enemies, rivals, and detached. But the essence of democracy is rather to seek compromise and move towards agreements. We must focus on developing a discourse that promotes consensus and not succumb to the populism of party leaders peddling polarization and extremism.

I believe that anyone who is interested in our future as a Jewish society in a rapidly changing world should read Folkmans book. The tensions and gaps that are dividing us are not set in stone and do not have to determine our future. We must return all of us together to the values that accompanied the sages of Judaism throughout the generations: demand moderation, find the middle ground, and most importantly, tikkun olam wherever it is required!

Rabbi Menachem Bombach is a community leader and educational entrepreneur in the Haredi community. He heads the 'Netzach' Haredi educational network, which he founded, and which combines religious and secular studies, and aims to educate students to become observant, Torah-loving Jews who are also prepared for practical life. He also heads the Hasidic girls seminary affiliated with the network. Menachem has served as principal of the award-winning 'LeZion BeRinah' high school; founded the preparatory program for Haredi students at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem; and directed the youth department of the Beitar Illit local authority. Menachem studied at the Vizhnitz Ahavat Yisrael yeshiva and at the Mir yeshiva, and holds a bachelors degree in education from Moreshet Yaakov College and a masters degree in public policy from the Hebrew University. He lectures in Israel and abroad on education and society.

See the article here:
How democracy can help Haredi society | Menachem Bombach | The Blogs - The Times of Israel

MARCH 8, 2022 - Hikaru Sulu, you likely remember, was a trained pilot, a starship navigator, and the captain of theUSS Excelsior. So, when the United States Air Force Academy needed a speaker for its annual National Character and Leadership Symposium, perhaps it only made sense to invite the man who embodied Captain Sulu, George Takei.

Given Takeis activism on behalf of Japanese Americans and the LGBTQ+ community, perhaps it also made sense for him to speak to this years theme, Ethics and Respect for Human Dignity, which he did back on February 23, according toUSAFA Public Affairs.

Takei kicked off the event and came right to the point, speaking to cadets about the insidious nature of racism and militarism, and [saying] true democracy is impossible without promoting human rights. Takei has long been an advocate for human rights, being a gay man and havingbeen imprisoned with his family in two different internment camps, in Arkansas and Northern California, during World War II.

The latter experience is the subject of his graphic novel,They Called Us Enemy, which has been part ofreading programs at the USAFAand is required reading for freshmen. The Academy also has the Spectrum Club, a support network for gay, lesbian, bisexual, questioning cadets and their allies, with whom Takei had dinner during his visit.

Takei noted during his address that the country must come to terms with its past mistakes if it hopes to achieve respect for human dignity, and he said, progress comes in little bursts.

For more on George Takeis address, head over to theUnited States Air Force Academy.

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Star Trek's George Takei speaks on democracy and human rights at U.S. Air Force National Character and Leadership Symposium - Daily Star Trek News

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The lack of trust in police and government at all levels is concerning."

Who were the winners in the weeks-long Freedom Convoy standoff?

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Not Mayor Jim Watson, (now former) police chief Peter Sloly or the Ottawa Police Service. Not city council, and definitely not Ottawa residents.

The truck protesters? With relatively small numbers, they successfully made an outsized amount of noise and immobilized the downtown core, but can hardly claim victory after gaining little support and, in the end, failing to realize their stated goals of ending COVID-19 mandates and bringing down the Trudeau government (which, you may recall, recently gave Canadians the opportunity to legitimately do just that).

There were no winners, but there may have been one overarching loser: democracy.

The lack of trust in police and government at all levels is concerning, says Daniel Stockemer, professor at uOttawas school of political studies. A democracy needs the people to give trust for the legitimacy of the state. If they dont have this trust anymore, it could have dire consequences. And I think thats the potentially long-term worst effect of this.

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This sentiment applies not only to convoy protestors, but also to counter-demonstrators who, frustrated by a lack of concrete response from elected and enforcement officials, confronted truckers themselves, most notably at the Battle of Billings Bridge.

But the lack of trust in the system was clearly evident among the protestors, a tent that welcomed people with all kinds of grudges and grievances: vaccine and mask mandates, Justin Trudeau, Eastern Canada, communism, the green economy, wokeness, and racialized and other marginalized people and communities. Confederate and Nazi flags waved, while some compared the limits placed on their liberties to the experiences of Holocaust victims.

Its a movement that opposes something, Stockemer says, and its always easy to bring a lot of people under one tent who oppose something. I think the masks and vaccine mandates is an umbrella theme that can recruit people who are dissatisfied.

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Stockemer describes the convoys appropriation of nationalist pride as an attractive and clever tactic. They co-opted patriotism and the Canadian flag, he says. There was this idea that youre either with us, and Canadian, or youre not with us and youre not Canadian. They tried to divide society, and thats dangerous.

Stockemer doesnt think the protest had the number of participants or coherence to become a mass movement with any significant long-lasting effects, but hes worried about the continuing erosion of norms, and the convoys possible contribution to that decay.

I saw a flag comparing their situation to the Nuremberg trials, he says. This is completely out of order. Ten years ago, a former U.S. president calling a sitting Canadian prime minister a leftist lunatic would have been the main news headline. Today, you dont even talk about it.

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What I find shocking, he adds, is this acceptance, by some protestors, but also by some politicians, of this very extreme element. Weve seen a large increase of polarization in a lot of countries, and I think this movement can contribute to that. It can contribute to people not having trust in the government anymore, and if you dont have trust in the government, you start looking for something else.

While care should be taken to avoid lending support to far-right extremists, including some of the convoys organizers whose voices were magnified in the media, the so-called woke liberal elite that is so disdainful of the convoy protesters ignores them at their peril.

There are real material issues that are at play here, says Roberta Lexier, associate professor and historian of social movements at Calgarys Mount Royal University, especially as weve seen with the 2008 economic crisis and, following that, climate change and its effects, and then we get hit with the pandemic.

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Capitalism has entered a pretty significant crisis, and peoples material conditions are really being affected by those overlapping crises. The reality is that people are suffering, and what the right, or whatever you want to call it, has done really well is theyve found a way to tap into that anger and frustration that I would argue is often quite legitimate. The system is failing people, and theyve found a way to tap into that and mobilize it towards something.

Lexier points to other factors that have contributed to the malaise, including the NDP absconding a left-wing alternative, and years of conservatives, particularly in the U.S., creating distrust and undercutting experts. She cites climate change as a clear example of the deliberate hobbling of science, where both sides of the debate are now expected to receive equal attention.

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Any journalist I know was not taught that thats how you do objectivity. When 98 per cent of scientists agree on a thing, you can say that. But we spent decades undercutting experts, undercutting media, undercutting government, and basically trying to put the power back in the hands of corporations.

Its easy to credit events in the U.S. for the surge of right-wing populism in Canada particularly, for example, given the funding the convoy received from south of the border. But Lexier cautions against treating it as an external movement that was merely transplanted here.

The funding is a big part of the story, but we have a lot of home-grown right-wing supremacist fascism that we have to face as a country. Its built right into the core of who we are, because thats why we were invented as a nation, to open space for white people to settle the prairies and elsewhere. So its a mistake to think this is only coming from the outside.

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The task of convincing convoy supporters to switch tents, though, is a difficult one. Its far easier to stir up anger than it is to explain and address structural realities that are playing with peoples lives. Meanwhile, the elitist approach of the left doesnt easily engender converts.

Theres a tendency on the left to attack each other for not being pure enough or ideological enough, where you have to have read Marx to participate. The way its been approached, by saying, We cant talk to you if youre racist or if you dont already realize that capitalism is failing has not worked particularly well.

Lexier admits she doesnt know exactly how to reach those attracted to the convoy, except by connecting with peoples material concerns and seeking different approaches to address them.

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Things are awful and, between the pandemic and climate change, theyre just going to get worse. And if we dont start offering an alternative or start showing people that this isnt the right path, the one we are on is incredibly terrifying, and were not that far from the very terrifying parts of it doctors and nurses being told not to walk to work in their uniforms and being targeted for their professions is not that far from being targeted as a communist or a Jew.

Its not going to get better by policing, and its not going to get better by lecturing. It only gets better by acknowledging that this is a core problem of the system that were in, and were going to have to find a way through that.

bdeachman@postmedia.com

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Democracy the big loser in the 'Freedom Convoy' - Ottawa Citizen