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The Biden administration has rhetorically placed strengthening democracy abroad at the center of its foreign policy. As part of this push, the White House has committed to holdingaSummitfor Democracyto galvanize supportforfightingcorruption, combatingauthoritarianism, and advancinghuman rights.Some foreign policy analysts argue that such a meeting is ill-advised and the administration should instead get to work on these issues at home, while others offer smart recommendations for how to craft the gathering. Since no administration will backtrack after making such a bold announcement, those in the latter camp have made the more useful and practical contributions.

What has been largely overlooked in this debate is what comes before and after the summit as well as how the Biden administration articulates and delivers on its vision for strengthening democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. Convening a grouping of established and aspiring democracies to convey Americas commitment to the cause is smart and principled foreign policy, given Chinas rise and Americas unsettling experience with stress on its own institutions. Even as it plans the summit, however, the White House should develop a roadmap for implementing the presidents vision. This means crafting a democracy and human rights strategy and signing an executive action required to cement it as U.S. policy.

The summit is necessary but far from sufficient to address the many global challenges to democracy. Authoritarians are on the march, having used the pandemic as an excuse to expand executive authority and suppress dissent. Kleptocracy is on the rise and often underwrites authoritarians repression. The Chinese Communist Party has mounted an ideological insurgency against democracy by actively promoting an alternative governance model based on centralized control and censorship. Chinese companies linked to Beijing areexploiting and exacerbating governance gaps in vulnerable countries by using corruption and opaque processes to solidify deals that favor elite interests and undermine accountability. Russia uses corruption, attacks on elections, and disinformation to undermine democratic actors and allies with links to the United States and the European Union. Citizens in every major region feel that democracy is not helping make their lives better.

The Biden administration should use the summit to highlight these challenges, galvanize support for addressing them, and work with like-minded allies to develop solutions. But it must go beyond this to develop a roadmap for success and take follow-on bureaucratic actions to cement progress. This means developing a comprehensive U.S. democracy and human rights strategy that encompasses all the relevant agencies and tools for support.

The strategy must include clear short- and long-term goals and theories of success for achieving them, with measurable objectives for chosen areas of focus. The overarching long-term goal of the United States should be a world where democracy is the predominant form of governance because it is the model with the best chance of delivering peace and prosperity for citizens. The strategy will need to articulate country and regional priorities and visions for success in each, given competing strategic priorities and finite resources.

As I have written elsewhere, five areas of focus warrant attention as part of the Biden administrations democracy strategy. First, it should bolster core institutions of democracy in strategically important countries. Second, democracy strengthening and democracy protection should be coupled to enable countries to prevent and counter Russian and Chinese interference. Third, it should support a positive vision for how technology can deliver on democratic principles and pushing back against digital authoritarianism. Fourth, it should recommit to working with allies to shore up democracy abroad. Finally, it must back these initiatives with forceful and principled diplomacy to stand with democratic activists and speak out against dictators and tyrants.

The administrations democracy and human rights strategy should also include steps to revitalize democracy at home. A dual international and domestic democracy strategy would reflect how the administration has prioritized work on this important issue at home and abroad and lend credibility to efforts overseas by explicitly recognizing (and putting resources against) weaknesses in U.S. democratic practice.

A U.S. democracy strategy should be a main deliverable for the summit. The administration can use the summit to announce the new approach and with it a commitment of significant foreign assistance resources to implement the vision. The Biden administration should enshrine the democracy strategy in a National Security Directive, like it did for the White House approach to COVID-19. Such a directive would establish the strategy as the U.S. policy for supporting democracy at home and abroad and carry with it the direction of the president that the federal government execute this vision.

Presidents have regularly used directives to state their policy on a range of issues. The George W. Bush administration, which issued 66 such directives, outlined its Artic Region Policy in National Security Presidential Directive (NSPD) 66 and U.S. cybersecurity policy in NSPD 54. The Obama administration, which issued 43 directives, outlined a new U.S. policy toward Cuba in Presidential Policy Directive (PPD) 43. And the Trump administration, which released 18, outlined U.S. policy on promoting womens global development and prosperity in its National Security Presidential Memorandum (NSPM) 53. Every administration dating back to the Truman presidency has done the same.

Beyond codifying the U.S. approach to democracy and thereby increasing the probability the strategy is effective, a presidential directive sends a strong signal to our allies and authoritarians that the United States is serious about strengthening democracy overseas.

Developing such strategies and directives takes time. The National Security Council (NSC) should start the drafting and planning processes now even as it plans a summit. If it does not, the White House risks this high-level meeting sucking the oxygen out of its democracy efforts and being left, post-meeting, with little to show and the actual work left to do. Arguably, the strategy and not the summit should be the NSCs priority focus on this issue set in the coming months.

Summits are sexy. Policy documents are not. Thankfully, they are not mutually exclusive. The Biden administration is right to hold the summit and in so doing demonstrate to the world the U.S. commitment to democracy. It should use the summit to announce its broader democracy strategy, and ensure that all agencies quickly implement the strategy.

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The Democracy Summit must be paired with a democracy strategy - Brookings Institution

Rached Ghannouchi, Opinion contributor Published 6:00 a.m. ET Feb. 20, 2021

Speaker of Tunisias Parliament: Tunisia is still a democracy in the making, and after the economic damage of COVID, we need help.

Ten years ago, Tunisia made history when Tunisian youth decided to take their fate into their hands and ignited the revolution of freedom and dignity. Tunisia began a pioneering but challenging transition from authoritarian regime to democracy. Since then, Tunisia has become a beacon of hope for those who believe in Arab democracy, holding successive peaceful elections, establishing democratic institutions and enacting progressive social change.

Yet, despite this progress, we are witnessing the rise of regressive movements that invoke nostalgia for the old regime and seek to return to an authoritarian past of one-man rule rather than the pluralism and compromise of a democratic system. The reasons for this are manifold. First, much of our world, including the United States, is grappling with the rise of populism. Populists have a tendency to thrive in moments of economic crisis and social turmoil, both of which are plentiful in the current climate. Their dangerous narratives are built around an opposition between a virtuous homogenous group of people against a vilified "other" whether it be elites, minorities or any alternative viewpoint. In Tunisia it takes the form of attacking democratic institutions, elected officials and political parties, disrupting their work, and feeding the notion that complex and deep-rooted social and economic challenges can be addressed by returning to a more efficient strong man rule, or installing a benevolent dictator. Secondly, any revolution is followed by counter-revolutionary movements and discourses that seek to block and undo any progress achieved and preserve their own privileges and interests.

Tunisian democracy is still in the making. The riots in some Tunisian cities in recent weeks have highlighted just how much there is that is still to be done. The Tunisian people are frustrated at the slow progress of economic reform since 2011 and have yet to see the jobs and better living standards they rightly expect. Our progress has not kept up with peoples expectations. The revolution inspired huge expectations among us all, with little awareness of how complex change would be. Looking back to other modern transitions not so long ago, like those in Eastern Europe, we can see that it takes several decades to see benefits from difficult reforms. This explains how nostalgia for the past order is a common feature of all transitions.

Nevertheless, we can be proud of Tunisias remarkable achievements in the last 10 years. We have established new democratic institutions, resolved conflicts peacefully, set a culture of political inclusion, introduced protections for human rights, gender equality, rule of law and set new standards for state accountability and transparency. Tunisia has made unprecedented progress, placing it among the fastest democratic transitions in history. This is even more remarkable given that past transitions, such as Eastern Europes, took place in a more favourable regional and global climate for democracy and economic growth than Tunisia has faced.

Protesters on Jan. 26, 2021, in Tunis, Tunisia.(Photo: Hedi Ayari/AP)

However, the feelings of disenchantment are understandable and Tunisians continued demands for dignity and prosperity promised are entirely legitimate. Due to the COVID-19 crisis, unemployment has increased from 15% to18%in 2020. Over a third of small businesses are threatened with closure. The tourism sector, which represents 10% of Tunisian GDP and employs almost half a million people,is among the sectors most affected. The government has provided support to those affected by the repercussions of the pandemic and continues to strive to achieve a fine balance between protecting the lives of Tunisians and preserving their livelihoods.

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After decades of dictatorship, inequality and corruption, Tunisias economy is in need of deep-rooted reforms. We believe a stable government that has the support of the largest possible number of political parties and social partners has the best chance to to enact delayed but necessary reforms. What is urgently needed is to embrace once again the values that won Tunisia a Nobel Peace Prize in 2015 compromise and dialogue between political parties, trade unions, business leaders and civil society around a shared economic vision for the country. The coronavirus crisis creates even greater urgency for undertaking these reforms. In addition, agreement must be reached on reforming the electoral system to enable the emergence of majorities that can provide stable and accountable government for the people.

Tunisia cannot do this on its own. It needs support from its international partners who believe in democracy. The difficulties of our democratic transition must not engender a loss of faith in Tunisias democracy. We have crossed uncharted territory in our region, in the face of regional challenges and an unfavourable and volatile global environment. Tunisia needs to be supported as its success will send a message to all nations that democracy can prevail and is, as we believe, the best system of government for delivering freedom and dignity for all. The alternative to democracy in our region is not stability under dictatorship but rather chaos and intensified repression.

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Continued support for and belief in Tunisias transition to a strong and stable democracy is not just in the interest of Tunisians but for all our neighbors and partners. Despite all challenges, our democratic system has stood firm and, with the necessary commitment and support, will deliver the fruits of democracy that Tunisians have been awaiting.

Rached Ghannouchi is the speaker of Tunisias parliament, the Assembly of Peoples Representatives.

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After decades of dictatorship and corruption, Tunisia cannot thrive as a democracy on its own - USA TODAY

Editors note: This column is from one of the participants in the St. Petersburg Conference on World Affairs, which is being held virtually this year. It runs from Tuesday through Friday. For details, go to worldaffairsconference.org.

Journalists, academics and experts have explored whether the Trump presidency heralds the end of democracy in the United States. Even with Donald Trumps defeat, some fret about the growing authoritarian forces within the Republican Party. Did the 2020 election mark the beginning of the end for democracy in America?

Americans often view their country as exceptional; perhaps in some ways it is. Greek-Americans, who most Americans now consider white, can embrace Giannis Antetokounmpo, a Black Greek sports star as authentically Greek even if some whites in Greece cannot fathom how a Black man born in Greece can be Greek. For many Americans, birthright citizenship and the image of an immigrant nation are powerful concepts, even when they overlook the long American history of genocide, forced migration and slave labor that built the nation.

The United States is the worlds oldest constitutional democracy; but others such as Iceland have much older legislatures. Our democracy has an enormous electorate but not as large as Indias. And more voters stumped for the winner of Brazils 2002 election than voted for Al Gore two years earlier. The U.S. government permitted women to vote a century ago, but New Zealand passed womens suffrage three decades earlier. Black citizens gained the full right to vote in the United States 56 years ago. Haiti granted Black slaves the right to vote shortly after the U.S. Constitution counted Black slaves as three-fifths of a human being.

Election Day 2020 was a huge success for democracy in America. The outcome was not decided beforehand, and partisans in both camps believed they could win. Voter turnout was the highest in over a century. The ruling Republican Party did not jail opposition candidates, break up opposition party rallies or send vigilantes to terrorize voters.

Vote counting, a local affair conducted by thousands of bipartisan volunteers and not by an election tribunal selected by the president, unfolded largely as expected. The ruling party did not use the courts or the internal security apparatus (what Americans know as police, the National Guard and Homeland Securitys alphabet soup) to shut down opposition media outlets. And journalists reported without harassment from ruling party thugs.

If election day was a success for democracy, the 2020 election season was less so. The apparent anomalies were the ruling Republican Party disinformation campaign, abetted by partisan media, to delegitimize the election (the Big Lie) and the violent insurrection by ruling party thugs to interrupt the peaceful transfer of power. However, disinformation campaigns and ruling party violence are not foreign to the United States. The Democratic Party ruled the South as a virtual dictatorship for nearly a century while Jim Crow police and white terrorist groups waged war against Black voters. The Redemption myth and de-humanizing anti-Black ideology neither of which is exclusive to the South are centuries-long disinformation campaigns. And one party, this time Republican, has campaigned on fear and disinformation rather than policy platforms for decades.

However, many in the ruling Republican Party sided with democracy in 2020. Ruling party officials counted votes fairly in opposition strongholds such as Atlanta, even if the same scrutiny was absent in rural ruling party strongholds. Numerous elected officials from the ruling party resisted the presidents attempt to alter, perhaps rig, the vote count. Further, the Big Lie was so preposterous that ruling party judges in the courts repeatedly rejected it.

Some long-term trends that work against democracy in the United States are also moving in the right direction: Fewer men from historically powerless ethnic minority groups are in prison today than two decades ago. And the legislature is more representative than ever. De facto poll taxes may be on their way out too.

Will democracy survive? The party that cannot currently win a plurality will continue to suppress votes. But so too will mobilization against these efforts. Media with a national audience such as ABC News, Fox News, New York Times and Wall Street Journal are likely to survive intact, free to criticize the government. Ruling parties are unlikely to buy votes by handing out gift cards; opposition legislators will investigate corruption; and the military will stay in the barracks. Some votes will still count more than others. And, whichever party holds the presidency, elected leaders will step down peacefully without fear of assassination or exile once they leave office.

And lest anyone is still concerned about the survival of our democracy, do not worry: both parties will continue to use the power of the government to redistribute economic gains to the rich. And so long as democracy protects the rich, it will survive.

Joseph Wright is the co-author of How Dictatorships Work.

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Did democracy survive the Trump presidency? | Column - Tampa Bay Times

In his speech to our European allies on Friday, President Joe Biden bluntly stated that we are "at an inflection point" between those who believe "autocracy is the best way forward" and those who think democracy is. While making it clear that we have to "defend" and "strengthen" democracy, he affirmed, "I believe that every ounce of my being that democracy will and must prevail."

That Trump incited the attacks is the very crux of fascism.

Think about those words for a moment. The president of the United States is acknowledging that our nation along with other Western democracies is under threat by undemocratic forces that could win the day if we dont defend our democracy.

While Biden didnt mention former President Donald Trump by name, his role in the attacks on our democracy and incitement of the Jan. 6 Capitol riot almost certainly come to mind for anyone listening. That Trump incited the attack is the very crux of fascism, which, as I wrote for MSNBC in January, employs undemocratic methods, especially violence, to acquire and retain power.

Its time Democratic members of Congress make a point to not normalize the GOPs growing embrace of fascism. They can start by vocally committing to not work with any Republicans in Congress who played a role in furthering the lies that led to the attack as well as those who refused to hold Trump accountable for inciting the insurrection.

Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y., hinted at such an approach when she responded to a public offer by Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Texas who had objected on Jan. 6 to the certification of Bidens victory to work together. In response, Ocasio-Cortez tweeted, I am happy to work with Republicans on this issue where theres common ground, but you almost had me murdered 3 weeks ago so you can sit this one out," adding, "Happy to work w/ almost any other GOP that arent trying to get me killed.

This tactic would not be necessary if the GOP had, en masse, publicly condemned Trumps incitement of a mob designed to stop the steal and keep Trump in power. But what weve seen with a few exceptions is the opposite. Overwhelmingly, GOP officials and rank-and-file members have sided with Trump and rejected efforts to hold him accountable.

Despite all this talk about a GOP civil war, the numbers tell a different story.

Despite all this talk about a GOP civil war, the numbers tell a different story. How many of the 261 Republicans in Congress 211 in the House and 50 in the Senate voted to hold Trump accountable for his role in the attack? Only 17: There were 10 in the House who voted to impeach and seven in the Senate who supported conviction. That means more than 90 percent of the GOP members of Congress refused to hold Trump accountable for an attack that 71 percent of Americans believe he was at least partially responsible for, according to a recent Ipsos poll for Reuters.

Trumps support among rank-and-file Republicans tells the same story. First, the handful of Republicans who voted to penalize Trump for his role in the Capitol riot have suffered swift backlash from their fellow party members, from being censured by their home states Republican Party on Monday, the North Carolina Republican Party unanimously approved a resolution to censure Sen. Richard Burr because he voted to convict Trump in the Senate trial to being threatened with primary challenges.

This shouldnt be surprising given that the GOP base overwhelmingly still supports Trump. In fact, his favorability rating among Republicans has risen since Jan. 6. While 34 percent of all Americans had a favorable view of Trump in a recent Politico/Morning Consult poll, a whopping 81 percent of Republicans gave the former president positive marks. Even more alarming is that Trumps approval rose from 77 percent on Jan. 7 to 81 percent, despite an impeachment trial that laid out a mountain of evidence against him.

Trumps approval rose from 77 percent on Jan. 7 to 81 percent, despite an impeachment trial that laid out a mountain of evidence against him.

Distressingly, this tracks with the GOPs history, which indicates that in time the rank-and-file members are likely to become more right wing, not less. On the issue of abortion, for example, for decades the GOP allowed three exceptions: incest, rape and to save the life of the mother. Over time, though, members of the party have moved further to the right and increasingly only support abortion when the life of the mother is at risk.

Its time the Democratic leaders, in one voice, from Biden through to every member of Congress, make it clear that what the GOP is doing is embracing fascism. They must not be timid in using the word "fascism," and they must define it for the public so its a meaningful warning.

But beyond words, Democrats should stop any and all steps that normalize or whitewash the Jan. 6 attack by publicly refusing to work with Republicans who played a role in it or refused to hold Trump accountable. Big-name donors can withhold donations to those Republicans by making it clear that any contribution will be seen as them validating the GOPs attacks on our democracy. (Indeed, some corporations have already announced they will withhold future donations to Republicans who voted against certifying Bidens victory.)

This is not a fight over a partisan issue. And it certainly cant be classified as a civil war within a party. This is a battle to preserve our democracy, as Biden noted. Its time the Democratic members of Congress lead that fight.

CORRECTION (Feb. 20, 2021, 3:12 p.m. ET): A previous version of this article misstated Trump's approval rating among Republicans on Jan. 7, according to a Morning Consult poll. It was 77 percent then, not 74 percent.

Dean Obeidallah, a lawyer, hosts "The Dean Obeidallah Show" on SiriusXM radio's Progress channel. He has written for The Daily Beast, CNN.com and other publicationsand is a co-creator of the annual New York Arab-American Comedy Festival.

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Biden says the world needs to defend democracy. That starts at home. - MSNBC

Amber Levendoski (center) is a Voice of Democracy essay winner who represented VFW Post 10532 in Coon Creek and Chaseburg. She placed first at the district competition and eighth at state competition. Also pictured are Wisconsin State Jr. Vice Commander Michele Rathke (left) and Wisconsin VFW District 11 Commander Gerald Parchem.

Amber Levendoski12th-grader, WAHS

Local winners have been announced in the 2020 VFW Voice of Democracy Contest sponsored by Westby Veterans of Foreign Wars Post 8021. The theme of this years competition was Is this the country our Founding Fathers envisioned? The contest was open to all students in grades 9 through 12 including home-schooled students.

This is a national contest, where the national winner receives a $30,000 college scholarship. There is a total of $153,000 in college scholarships awarded annually to state and national winners. Over 190 Westby High School students entered the contest.

Amber Levendoski, a 12th-grader, is the daughter of Marlin and Kitty Levendoski of Westby. She represented VFW Post 10532 in Coon Creek and Chaseburg. She placed first at the district competition and eighth at state. She won $100 at district. Amber has enlisted in the Wisconsin Air National Guard. After graduation in May, she will attend USAF training this summer and will attend the University of Wisconsin-River Falls next year.

Is this the country our Founding Fathers envisioned?

America, the beautiful and powerful, is far from the country our founding fathers envisioned. Many wonderful, life-improving inventions have been mass-produced since the countrys birth. Running water exists in most every house. Airplanes fly overhead daily, carrying civilians. The medical advancements today have raised the average life expectancy 30 years, compared to three centuries ago. Yet, beneath the wealth and success the world has associated with North America lies the modern cousins of an unjust past. Hatred and greed wove bad laws that locked away human rights. Despite the social routine of the time the amendments were written, we have given women equal rights, abolished slavery, and accepted the new tools and skills which immigrants have brought in with them. No longer are people unexpectedly drafted into the military outside of wartime. Now we live in a democracy.

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Voice of Democracy: Is this the country our Founding Fathers envisioned? by Amber Levendoski - The Westby Times