Archive for the ‘Democracy’ Category

What I Learned About Democracy From the Movies – The New York Times

In the past few years Ive found myself questioning my assumptions and doubting what I thought I knew about my country. What if the good guys dont always win? What if people cant find a way to get along in spite of their differences? What if the flawed heroes were really the villains all along? What if the arc of the universe bends toward chaos? I wonder sometimes why I ever believed otherwise. Maybe because Ive seen too many movies, or maybe I misunderstood what I saw.

Like many Americans, I had a movie education that was idiosyncratic, haphazard and intensive. I learned at least as much about American life from what I saw in multiplexes and revival houses, on late-night television and on VHS and DVD as I did from my teachers or parents. Moviegoing isnt really a civic duty, but it can feel like a ritual of citizenship. You may know that what youre watching isnt real historians and journalists are always eager to point out inaccuracies, omissions and outright fabrications in the Hollywood version but you also might believe that, on some level, its true. Thats how mythology works: not as blatant propaganda, but as a set of stories that shape our perceptions of whats fair, good and natural.

The only way to see clearly is to look again, even into a warped mirror. What follows isnt a history so much as a key to the national mythology, a guide to the civic imagination through moving-picture images. Its inevitably both subjective and collective, since movies, though we consume them alone, are something we have in common. Maybe the only things.

And like so much else in our common life, they are full contradictions, inconsistencies and outright delusions. Often a single movie will pull in both directions at once, offering reasons for faith and grounds for skepticism in the same gesture.

Each of these seven movies plays that kind of double game. But since no movie exists in isolation, each one is accompanied by others that heighten the contradictions and flesh out essential lessons. Together they suggest a syllabus, less a set of operating instructions than a guide to what we aspired to be, should have been and never really were.

Extremists on both sides is a treasured phrase in the American political lexicon. Its a rallying cry of the embattled middle, an appeal to moderation, a motto of pragmatic whataboutism. And in spite of occasional outbursts of radical or reactionary zeal, Hollywood has avidly upheld the ideal of heroic centrism.

Which is not exactly the same as defending democracy. Look at Caesar, the hero of the 21st-century Planet of the Apes trilogy. His name evokes the leader who transformed Rome from a republic into a dictatorship, and at the start of the second episode (Dawn, which comes after Rise and anticipates War) he is the wise, brave, beleaguered warlord of a simian settlement in the forests north of San Francisco. His ministate is hierarchical, patriarchal and militaristic, a utilitarian utopia rather than a revolutionary experiment.

Caesar (Andy Serkis) faces two main threats: from the humans who are his kinds historic oppressors and from Koba (Toby Kebbell), an ape whose experience of human cruelty has imbued him with a bitter, vengeful radicalism. The main drama involves the struggle of Caesar and his human counterpart to negotiate terms of peaceful coexistence. Each faces resistance from his own side, since anti-ape prejudice is still part of the formerly dominant species worldview.

To maintain control, Caesar must violate the prime ethical imperative of his movement ape not kill ape with the excuse that Koba has forced his hand. Caesar kills his rival and onetime ally with a heavy heart, an awareness of the tragedy of the situation. That combination of ruthlessness and regret is what legitimizes Caesars assertion of dictatorial authority.

Benevolent tyranny the rule of the smart and sensitive in the name of progress and good sense is the political ideal of 21st-century Hollywood. It defines the utopian horizon of the Marvel universe, where a politburo of super-empowered, unelected strongmen (and a few women) defend the interests of a passive and vulnerable public. Meanwhile, the Caesar-Koba dynamic repeats itself in the contests between Professor X and Magneto, and TChalla and Killmonger, reminders that the test of leadership is how mercilessly and sensitively you deal with the extremists in your own ranks.

Dawn of the Planet of the Apes is available to rent or buy on major platforms.

In politics, freedom has many different meanings and ideological colorations. Onscreen, its mostly a matter of geography. The kind of freedom that movies capture most naturally and celebrate most eagerly is the freedom of movement. The cinematic idea of liberty is bound to the romance of the open road.

Road movies offer visions of escape of the headlong flight from convention, oppression, habit and home made vivid by danger and buoyed by the possibility of friendship. Our most cherished vagabonds travel in pairs, sometimes romantic (like Bonnie and Clyde or the young outlaws in Badlands), but more often platonic. Some visions of solidarity on the run are more politically charged than others, like Thelma and Louise, which inspired some pearl-clutching back in 1991 for its forthright feminism. A Time cover story then purported to explain Why Thelma & Louise Strikes a Nerve. The answer was that the lengths to which its heroines were willing to go to be free to be left alone was thrilling to some viewers while it made others uncomfortable.

That nerve is always raw. When men onscreen fight back, take flight, drive fast and look great doing it, its just a movie. When women do the same, its an issue, and the question of what they are fleeing from or fighting against risks being drowned out by the question of whether they are going too far. Thelma & Louise, released in the year of Anita Hills accusation of sexual harassment against the Supreme Court nominee Clarence Thomas, glances back to the second-wave feminism of the 70s and forward to the #MeToo moment.

The bravery and resilience of the heroines their humor, their honesty, their pursuit of pleasure, the absolute charm of Susan Sarandon and Geena Davis collides with an edifice of injustice that seems immovable. Its not just that some men (not all men!) are awful, or that male allies arent much help. Its that what Thelma and Louise are fighting against is so deeply embedded in the structure of normal existence that a solution seems unimaginable. In Callie Khouris brilliantly rigorous script, liberation and desperation become synonymous, a convergence indelibly captured in the final freeze-frame of their Thunderbird suspended in midair over the Grand Canyon. The poetry of the image almost inspires you to lose sight of its fatalism. The drive for freedom is strong, but the law of gravity the inertia of propriety, patriarchy and state power will win in the end.

Thelma & Louise is available to rent or buy on major platforms.

Is revenge the truest form of justice, or is true justice the transcendence of revenge? This is a philosophical conundrum that haunts American movies, whose obsessions with law and order have fostered an enduring romance with vigilantism.

Batman in his mid-2000s Christopher Nolan-Christian Bale Dark Knight incarnation, embodies that romance. He is motivated equally by a sense of duty to protect Gotham Citys residents from crime and a personal sense of grievance rooted in the violent deaths of people he loves. The personal and public motives operate in harmony. Bruce Wayne becomes a masked hero because he was a victim first, and his victimhood guarantees his authenticity. Hes not just some guy in a uniform doing a job, and he is free of the corruption and compromise that bedevil the legally constituted authorities.

Extralegal violence as a tool of social control and racist terror has a long and ugly history in America, and Hollywood has played a role in sanitizing and civilizing this toxic strain in the national story. In place of the bloodthirsty mob, movies put the law in the hands of a complicated hero, a lone figure who dwells on the margins of respectability. With or without a badge, hes a maverick, an anti-institutional player whose disregard for rules and procedures marks him as a rebel, an outlaw on the side of the good guys. That ambiguous DNA connects the gunslingers of classic westerns with the urban avengers of the 1970s and then with the sometimes antiheroic superheroes of our own time.

In the American entertainment system, law and order for the most part occupy distinct genres. The setting of most courtroom dramas is a merciful, rational place, where lies are exposed and gray areas are illuminated by the impersonal workings of a mostly benevolent system. But the real action is on the streets, where everything is personal and where the dirty work of the system is carried out in the dark.

The Dark Knight is available to stream on HBO Max.

MoneyThe Wolf of Wall Street (2013)

The relationship between democracy and capitalism is a subject of endless debate among historians and economists. The pursuit of wealth is seen as the basis of a society free from rigid old-world hierarchies, even as the acquisition of wealth creates dangerous inequalities. The rich are worshiped and demonized, and money itself is both the measure of success and the source of corruption.

Hollywood thrives on this ambivalence, and no movie expresses it more vividly than Martin Scorseses Wolf of Wall Street. Adapted from a boastful, semi-apologetic memoir by the renegade stock trader Jordan Belfort, the film oscillates between disgust at its selfish, obnoxious, amoral protagonist and giddy fascination with his exuberant, unabashed greed. Jordan has such a good time being bad, and it doesnt hurt that hes played by Leonardo DiCaprio with just the right blend of kid-brother charm and movie-star swagger.

There are those who insist that Wolf is a ferocious indictment of the money culture, or at least of the shallow scammers who treat the serious business of capitalism like a casino. And there are others who cant stop ogling the drugs, the cars, the boats and Margot Robbie, even if the spectacle makes us feel a little squeamish.

Everyone is right! Disapproval of excessive wealth and unchecked avarice is Hollywood gospel. See Citizen Kane, Its A Wonderful Life, Wall Street and the Godfather movies. But see the same movies for contrary evidence. Wealth onscreen is beautiful, exciting, erotic. Hollywood is as two-faced about money as about sex maybe more so, since it has more skin in the game. The movies are an industry, a con game with a half-guilty conscience. In Wall Street, Gordon Gekko proclaims that greed is good. (Does anyone remember a word that movies ostensible good guys have to say?) He was flattering us, though feeding us a line and letting us off the hook of our own hypocrisy. Jordan Belfort offers a more compelling, more troubling lesson. Greed is fun.

The Wolf of Wall Street is available to rent or buy on major platforms.

Lonesome Rhodes, the ebullient, harmonica-blowing celebrity played by Andy Griffith in A Face in the Crowd, was recently rediscovered as one of the cultural markers who supposedly predicted Trump. There isnt really much resemblance between the characters, though, and to view Elia Kazan and Budd Schulbergs post-McCarthy parable through the lens of very recent history is to risk missing its wider application to the pathologies of modern American life.

Movies about the news media tend either to romanticize or demonize the work of journalists. You either get crusading, ink-stained heroes (All the Presidents Men, Spotlight) or unscrupulous, self-serving cynics (Ace in the Hole, Absence of Malice). Sometimes the cynicism almost accidentally serves the causes of truth and justice, as in His Girl Friday. And sometimes the forces of idealism and greed do battle inside the newsroom, as in Network and The Insider.

A Face in the Crowd is a slightly different beast, though simultaneously a critique and a defense of the power of modern media. Lonesome is discovered in a Southern jail cell by a radio producer played by Patricia Neal, who transforms him (with the help of Walter Matthau) into a popular raconteur and pitchman and then into a populist political force. He connects effortlessly with his audiences aspirations and resentments, but turns out to be greedy, dishonest, predatory and an all-around threat to decency and civic order. The elites who empowered him, spooked by the monster they have created, contrive to destroy him. A hot mic captures an unguarded expression of contempt for regular folk, and the regular folk want nothing more to do with him.

Lonesomes downfall echoes that of Joseph McCarthy, who was humiliated on national television by Joseph Welch during hearings about alleged Communist influence in the Army. The reality was a bit more complicated, but the idea that the media can both empower and destroy demagogues that it can, in effect, break its own spell retains its seductive charm. Even though the movie looks less like a warning than a fairy tale.

A Face in the Crowd is available to stream on HBO Max.

Politicians love to present themselves as outsiders, uniquely capable of rising above partisan bickering and ideological posturing, rolling up their sleeves and solving Americas problems. That attitude is older than the movies, of course, but at the movies the story of a regular guy coming to Washington to shake things up is almost a genre unto itself.

The paradigm may be Jimmy Stewart in Mr. Smith Goes to Washington, but the most memorable recent avatar of this tradition is Chris Rock in Head of State. It isnt a great movie, but thats part of the point: the anti-political political movie is a form of self-canceling satire, an argument that what the country needs is a bland, boring, uncontroversial approach to public life.

Of course, the name Chris Rock signifies the opposite of all that, and Head of State includes a few flights of profane, insightful inspiration. But what it does not include is any political issue that people are likely to argue about. Mays Gilliam, the city councilman whose frustration leads him to the brink of national office, takes stands that nobody could disagree with. Hes for good schools and jobs, fiscal responsibility and honest government. He sounds just like a politician, in other words. And also, perhaps improbably, like the voice of Hollywood consensus.

Head of State is available to rent or buy on major platforms.

Politicians love nothing more than to invoke the American people, but who exactly are they talking about? We are a pluralistic and often polarized nation, and we might have less in common than we would like to believe. But movies share a persistent reverence for what used to be called the common man, and very few films have the nerve to call him what he really is: a fraud, a fiction, an ideological construct hatched from the feverish imaginations of officeseekers, Hollywood moguls and other self-serving hucksters.

Sullivans Travels, written and directed by Preston Sturges on the eve of Americas entry into World War II, with the Great Depression very much in mind, remains the definitive celebration and debunking of Hollywood-style populism. The titular hero, played by Joel McCrea, is a hotshot director dissatisfied with the escapist fare that has made him rich. His filmography includes such gems as Hey Hey in the Hayloft and a nameless action picture that ends with two guys slugging it out on moving trains a clich even then. But Sullivan wants his studio to greenlight O Brother, Where Art Thou?, a passion project that he believes will tackle the real problems of humanity.

To placate their golden goose, the bosses arrange a heavily publicized junket through real America. Along the way, Sturges and Sullivan with the help of Veronica Lake as the Girl swerve into romance and farce before stumbling back onto the path of sincerity. After the official tour is over, a mishap throws our hero into the real real America, but without press coverage or an entourage. He winds up in a prison farm on a vagrancy charge, where the harshness of the conditions are relieved only by movie night. The convicts and the guards gather to watch a Mickey Mouse cartoon projected on a bedsheet, Sullivan learns his lesson and Sturges delivers his moral. What do the people want? They want to escape. They want to laugh. They want Disney.

Sullivans Travels is available to stream on the Criterion Channel or to rent or buy on major platforms.

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What I Learned About Democracy From the Movies - The New York Times

Despite a veneer of democracy, Samoa is sliding into autocracy – The Conversation AU

The fragility of democracy in Samoa has been on full display in the past month. On April 9, voters used the national election to deliver a powerful rebuke to the Human Rights Protection Party (HRPP), which has ruled their Pacific nation for four decades as a virtual one-party state.

Initially, the HRPP was locked in a dead heat (25 seats each) with the Fa'atuatua I Le Atua Samoa Ua Tasi (FAST) party, with one independent candidate, Tuala Tevaga Iosefo Ponifasio, deciding the victor.

FAST was formed in protest against the government rushing three bills into law in 2020 that fundamentally altered Samoas constitutional, judicial and customary frameworks. The stunning election results registered the depth of anger about this legislation and the desire for change.

But on the eve of Tualas announcement he would join FAST and launch a new political era, troubling events began. On April 20, Samoas Election Commissioner announced via social media that a new 52nd parliamentary seat had been created and signed into law by the head of state, Afioga Tuimalealiifano Vaaletoa Sualauvi. An HRPP candidate was installed in the seat. This announcement denied FAST (headed by a former deputy prime minister, Fiame Naomi Mataafa) its one-seat majority and victory.

On May 4, when the Supreme Court of Samoa questioned the 52nd-seat manoeuvre, the head of state (who was appointed by the government) declared the April 9 election results void and that a new snap election would be held on May 21. He also questioned the impartiality of Samoas highest court.

Read more: Samoa's stunning election result: on the verge of a new ruling party for the first time in 40 years

Caretaker Prime Minister Tuilaepa Sailele Malielegaoi, who has held that office since 1998, declared himself shocked by the head of states announcement, but thought an electoral rerun would make the peoples will more clear. He also asserted he was appointed to rule Samoa by the highest authority of all: God.

On May 17, the Supreme Court declared the 52nd seat unconstitutional, giving FAST back its one member majority. The Supreme Court will soon decide on the voided election too it is unlikely to be in favour.

But the HRPP has sown the seeds for a direct confrontation between the head of state and the judiciary. The HRPP is likely to continue the push for the second election, having denounced the courts, the Samoan diaspora, Facebook, protesters and Samoas leading newspaper, which strongly opposes Tuilaepas actions.

Scepticism abounds about how orderly a rerun election will be, given the extraordinary events since April 9. Despite a veneer of democracy, Samoa is ominously facing an autocratic future.

Samoa has struggled with autocracy and democracy before. The 1920s were a tempestuous time for the nation, which was reeling from the devastation of the influenza epidemic that killed more than one in five of its people. (Due to closed borders Samoa has been almost free of COVID-19, but the economic, social and political impacts of eligible voters being unable to return home to cast ballots have been considerable.)

The 1918 pandemic aftershocks resulted in a mass civil disobedience campaign known as the Mau (stance) Movement. It laid the blame for the calamity solely at the feet of New Zealand, which took over the German colonial regime in its first action of the first world war. So intense was the publics anger, the new administrator brought in to quell the situation likened ruling Samoa to sitting on top of a volcano.

One of the Mau leaders was Taisi O.F. Nelson. He relentlessly fought New Zealands autocractic rule, likening the administrators powers to that of a dictator. He was singled out by New Zealand as the cause of all the trouble. Ta'isi was exiled from Samoa for ten years, imprisoned and financially ruined for the peaceful, multifaceted, international campaign he led.

Samoan protests intensified especially when New Zealand attempted to alter the functioning of Samoan customs. With the endorsement of Britain and the League of Nations (Samoa was one of the leagues mandated territories from 1920), New Zealand met the peaceful protests with military force. This led to the infamous 1929 Black Saturday Massacre, which killed nine protesters including Mau leader Tupua Tamasese Lealofi. The ongoing Mau campaign succeeded in Samoa becoming the Pacifics first independent nation in 1962 and its most stable democracy.

This history is detailed in my book, Tautai (navigator). In 2021, the history of Samoans passionate fight against autocratic rule should be well remembered, as there are many echoes of it in the present crisis.

Widespread anger against the three 2020 laws, attacks on censorious press and even Tuilaepas singling out of Taisis grandson, who was both a former prime minister and head of state, as the mastermind behind FASTs campaign strategy, are some of the most apparent similiarities.

Read more: Devastated by disease in the past, Samoa is on high alert after recent coronavirus scares

The corrosion of democracy in Samoa is part of a global trend. Chinas growing influence in Samoa under Tuilaepa shadows current events. But, in the coming days, democracys endurance will be tested and, hopefully, saved by Samoas people and institutions.

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Despite a veneer of democracy, Samoa is sliding into autocracy - The Conversation AU

Peru: The Collapse of a Once-Promising Democracy – The Atlantic

And what is there now? For The Mystery of Capital, de Soto took satellite photos of the slums of cities like Cairo, Lima, and Port-au-Prince. His research team then imposed a grid on the photos and counted the number of slum dwellings within each square of the grid. They inquired locally about the value of these dwellings, and found that it might be as little as $500. Then they multiplied: the dwellings value times the number of dwellings in the square; then times the number of squares in the entire slum. He concluded:

So what is the value of all the buildings that are owned extralegally, especially by the poor, in Egypt? The reply is $241 billion. What percentage of Egyptians own real estate outside the law? The reply is 92 percent

How much is $241 billion? It's fifty-five times bigger than all foreign direct investment in Egypt over the last 200 years, including the Suez Canal and the Aswan Dam, thirty times greater than the market value of all the companies recorded on the Cairo Stock Exchange, and roughly sixty-eight times the value of all foreign and bilateral aid received by Egypt, including World Bank loans. In other words, the group in Egypt with the largest accumulation of assets that could be converted into capital are the poor, but theyre not inside the legal system and you cant create a market economy out of them until they are governed by the rule of law.

(I should mention here that de Soto hired me to help him finish The Mystery of Capital.)

De Sotos remedy: Give these de facto owners legal title to their dwellings. Give them the ability to buy and sell their dwellings, to rent to tenants, to borrow against their homes to start businesses or educate their children. Follow that step with other reforms to bring factories and farms and jitney buses within the law, too. Then watch.

De Sotos two books made him an international intellectual celebrity who conferred with presidents and prime ministers. He became a large figure inside Peru, too, perhaps the most visible face of market-opening reform. But the reforms he urged were not quite the reforms that arrived.

In November 2000, Peru returned to democracy after the seven-year dictatorship of Alberto Fujimori. Along with his many abuses, Fujimori bequeathed a legacy of economic reform: controlled public spending, moderate public debt. (Pre-pandemic, Perus debt totaled about 25 percent of GDP, less than half the burden borne by neighboring Bolivia, and about two-fifths of that carried by neighboring Ecuador. But Fujimori did not accomplish the de Soto agenda of bringing the poor into the legal economy. To this day, two-thirds of Peruvians work in the nonlegalor informalsector of the economy, one of the highest rates on Earth.

Peruvians might hear on TV or radio about the benefits of sound finances. But they experience low-quality schools and clinics, rutted roads, inadequate electricity, undrinkable waterthe public goods that the government had skimped on to keep public spending low. The more tangible benefits urged by de Soto remain largely concepts for the international conference circuit.

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Peru: The Collapse of a Once-Promising Democracy - The Atlantic

Not granting DC and Puerto Rico statehood would be anti-democratic | TheHill – The Hill

At first blush, the fight to recognize the District of Columbia as a state seems like a local, inside-the-beltway debate. But as I recently discussed in an interview with D.C.s shadow Sen. Paul Strauss (D), the question of D.C. statehood impacts every American who cares about the viability of our democracy, which is deeply in peril these days.

Its a matter of simple math. Adding two seats to the U.S. Senate could dislodge the gridlock that has national policy reform by the throat. Couple that with statehood for one or more of the five major U.S. territories Puerto Rico, Guam, American Samoa and the Northern Mariana Islands and entrenched politicians might have to hustle for votes based on policy platforms again. Expanding congressional representation to all Americans would also help blot the racist stain associated with U.S. colonialism. In the struggle against anti-democratic forces that threaten American democracy, the time has come for a national debate over adding states to the union.

America is scarcely four months away from its near-demise on Jan. 6, when 147 Republican members of Congress voted to overturn legitimate election results and a violent mob of then-President TrumpDonald TrumpGOP-led Maricopa County board decries election recount a 'sham' Analysis: Arpaio immigration patrol lawsuit to cost Arizona county at least 2 million Conservatives launch 'anti-cancel culture' advocacy organization MOREs supporters stormed the Capitol complex, killing five people in a professed bid to Hang Mike Pence. House members are close to reaching agreement on the terms of a bipartisan commission to investigate the Capitol insurrection, but the former president continues to spew lies about a stolen election, Republicans in the House just fired Rep. Liz Cheney (R-Wyo.) from her party leadership post for publicly adhering to the truth and the rule of law, and conservative lawmakers across the country continue to successfully push laws to limit ballot access and criminally disincentivize folks from working the polls. Things are not looking good for democracy in the United States.

Much of the blame lies at the feet of the Senate which, partly due to the filibuster, is disproportionately controlled by Republicans whose 50 votes represent 41.5 million fewer people than the 50 votes of their Democratic counterparts. As a result, serious substantive legislation can hardly make its way to President Joe BidenJoe BidenBiden's quiet diplomacy under pressure as Israel-Hamas fighting intensifies Overnight Defense: Administration approves 5M arms sale to Israel | Biden backs ceasefire in call with Netanyahu | Military sexual assault reform push reaches turning point CDC mask update sparks confusion, opposition MOREs desk, including much-needed campaign finance, government ethics and voting rights reform, versions of which have been languishing in the Senate.

There are a number of legal obstacles to D.C. statehood, to be sure, which differ from those that encumber U.S. territories. For D.C., at least three provisions of the U.S. Constitution are implicated. As former Sen. Russ Feingold (D-Wisc.) wrote recently for The Hill, Article IV, Section 3 of the Constitution provides that New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union, which has occurred 37 times in the nations history most recently in 1959, with the addition of Alaska and Hawaii. Article 1, Section 8, clause 17 authorizes Congress to exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, over [the] District (not exceeding ten Miles square), and deems it the Seat of Government of the United States. Finally, the23rd Amendment gives D.C. a number of electors of President and Vice President equal to the whole number of Senators and representatives in Congress to which the District would be entitled if it were a State.

Last month, the House Committee on Oversight and Reform voted to pass H.R. 51, which would grant statehood to the people of the District of Columbia. A similar bill is pending in the Senate. Although the legal questions are complex, there is nothing in the original Constitution that gives obvious textualist grounds for a conservative-leaning Supreme Court to strike down Congresss authority to legislate D.C. statehood in the event such legislation passed. Until 1801, D.C. residents had voting rights through Maryland and Virginia, and as the late D.C. District Court Judge Louis Oberdorfer explained in a dissenting opinion to a case denying D.C. statehood per se, nothing in the Constitution retracts that right expressly. If Congress were ever to make D.C. a state, the Supreme Court should be exceedingly circumspect about disenfranchising D.C. voters as a matter of judicial proclamation.

Arguably, the proper legal fate of territories like Puerto Rico is even clearer. In Downes v. Bidwell, thecourt in 1901 held that Congress has virtually unlimited power over Puerto Rico and other territories, which it characterized as inhabited by alien races. The court reasoned that these islands were foreign in a domestic sense and governing them according to Anglo-Saxon principles may for a time be impossible.

Scholars have criticized this line of cases known as the Insular cases as treating colonialism as compatible with democracy, a premise that is out-of-step with modern sensibilities (although arguably consistent with white supremacy). This is the same court that decided in Plessy v. Ferguson that state-mandated segregation was constitutional, an egregious misfire that was overruled in 1952 by Brown v. Board of Education. As the late Judge Juan R. Torruella, who sat on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the First Circuit, wrote for the Yale Law Journal in 1998, that Puerto Rico has a representative in Congress without a vote is not only a pathetic parody of democracy within the halls of that most democratic of institutions, but also a poignant reminder that Puerto Rico is even more of a colony now than it was under Spain.

Given the Democratic tilt of D.C. residents, a majority of which are people of color, House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthyKevin McCarthyTrump signals he's ready to get back in the game Manchin, Murkowski call for bipartisan Voting Rights Act reauthorization 8 in 10 Republicans who've heard of Cheney's removal agree with it: poll MORE (R-Calif.) has called D.C. statehood just Democrats latest attempt at a power grab. But its a mistake to stereotype expanding the union as a partisan question. Puerto Ricos voting record isnt dominated by a particular political party, so Republicans could pick up seats in Congress in a state of Puerto Rico. Moreover, a 2019 poll revealed two in three Americans as supporting statehood for Puerto Rico. An April 2021 survey showed 40 percent backing the idea of making D.C. a state; around three in 10 voters remain undecided.

Hopefully, a solid majority of Americans still favors government by We the People over the stealth version of authoritarianism that Republican leaders are now serving up under the guise of voter fraud. So spread the word: Statehood for D.C. and Puerto Rico would be good for democracy itself.

Kimberly Wehle is a professor at University of Baltimore School of Law and author of the books "How to Read the Constitution and Why, and What You Need to Know About Voting and Why. Follow her on Twitter and Instagram @kimwehle.

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Not granting DC and Puerto Rico statehood would be anti-democratic | TheHill - The Hill

Samoa is experiencing a bloodless coup. The Pacifics most stable democracy is in trouble – The Guardian

Samoa has long been touted as a beacon of democracy and political stability in the Pacific, a region troubled by military coups and civil strife. The prime minister, Tuilaepa Sailele Malielegaoi, is the worlds second longest serving prime minister, having held the office for more than 22 years.

But the latest election in the country, held last month, saw the most serious challenge to Malielegaois ruling Human Rights Protection party (HRPP), and has left the country without a clear result. In the weeks since, the government has used every method available to it and some that arguably are not to hold on to power. What the government is doing is effectively a bloodless coup.

While other Pacific nations have used military force to take or retain government, Samoas seemingly democratic system has been white-anted to similar effect; its apparent stability obscuring the gradual deconstruction of democracy over the last few decades.

During this time, frequent constitutional amendments and legislative rewrites have skewed electoral rules, politicised the public service and eroded the rule of law. Dissent has been discouraged through media regulation and criminal libel laws. The legislature and executive have become controlled by a dominated cabinet.

But the most significant structural reform the governments contentious 2020 restructuring of the judiciary, customary land and chiefly titles seeded unexpected political opposition.

Malielegaois deputy prime minister, Fiame Naomi Mataafa, one of the most senior female parliamentarians in the Pacific region, resigned to protest the undermining of the rule of law in Samoa. The resulting political momentum saw the founding of the FAST party which Fiame has led since March 2021.

Despite the prime ministers public confidence that HRPP would retain a strong majority, the stunning election results saw HRPP and FAST locked at 25 seats apiece with independent Tuala Iosefo Ponifasio holding the balance of power.

When results were officially confirmed, the electoral commissioner declared Samoas gender quota for 10% female MPs had been met, with the election of five women out of 51 MPs.

However, the commissioner then reversed his position and an additional woman MP representing HRPP was appointed. The following day, independent MP Tuala announced he was throwing his support behind FAST, meaning parliament was again deadlocked, this time at 26-26.

Ironically, the use of the quota aimed to increase womens parliamentary representation stopped the country from getting its first female prime minister.

Unsurprisingly, FAST has challenged the activation of the womens quota in the supreme court. On the eve of the court hearing that might break the deadlock, the head of state a separate position to the prime minister made the unprecedented decision to void the election results and call a fresh poll.

The calling of fresh elections is Samoas most significant test to date of the rule of law. FAST has filed a further legal challenge, questioning the head of states powers to send the country back to the polls.

While Samoa awaits the courts determination, election preparations are under way. No new candidates are permitted and many candidates have withdrawn, significantly reducing the number of seats in which HRRP fielded multiple candidacies, splitting their vote, and making it more likely they might see victory this time around.

Petitions alleging corrupt or illegal practices have been filed against a significant number of the successful candidates, but these candidates are free to stand again with those claims unresolved, sidestepping the courts role to address electoral corruption.

The government has attempted to block Facebook access, citing concerns about its impact on fair and peaceful elections.

Government leadership has consistently sought to delegitimise the court process through unsubstantiated allegations of judicial bias. Its public narrative lauds a rightful return to the polls for the people to decide the election outcome, not the courts. But the courts proper role to interpret the constitution and adjudicate disputes in accordance with law cannot be aborted because one side anticipates an outcome it does not like.

Make no mistake, what is happening in Samoa is a bloodless coup and ignores the results of an election that has revealed a deep desire for change in the country after 40 years of one-party rule.

It sets a dangerous precedent for developing countries and is a blow to democracy in the Pacific. It also sends a warning to international partners, who have praised Samoas stability and development gains, but perhaps because of these gains have overlooked the significant erosion of the rule of law in the country in the last 20 years.

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Samoa is experiencing a bloodless coup. The Pacifics most stable democracy is in trouble - The Guardian