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Turkey invites all parties in US to use moderation, common sense to overcome this domestic political crisis, tweeted Turkeys Anadolu news agency as the Capitol siege played out on television screens across the world. It wasnt the only one savoring the schadenfreude.

Wisecracks like Protesters storm parliament in this former British colony flew thick and fast worldwide, highlighting the irony of a putsch in a country that sees itself as the global gatekeeper of democratic propriety. It didnt help that the legislative stronghold of what is still the worlds only superpower fell to a crowd of rioters, many animated by kooky conspiracy theories of satanic deep states run by blood-drinking pedophiles.

In India, which makes common cause with the U.S. for supposedly shared democratic values, a much-circulated tweet read, Wow! Waking up to the news that United States of America has become Uttar Pradesh, referring to the lawless north Indian state ruled by a Hindu supremacist with a record of rioting and rabble rousing against Muslims. Sarcasm ruled the airwaves. Talking heads on television waxed eloquent on the stability of the Indian democratic system and what the U.S. could learn from Indias unbroken record of peaceful transfers of power for seven decades (longer than the 55 years America has had as a multiracial democracy since the passing of the Voting Rights Act). Newspaper headlines cut to the heart of the tumult in sharp banner headlines. The Times of India ran with Coup Klux Klan.

Read more: Theyre Jumping Ship. Inside the Lonely End of the Trump Presidency

Never one to waste a good crisis, Prime Minister Narendra Modi tweeted to his 64.7 million followers: Distressed to see news about rioting and violence in Washington DC. Orderly and peaceful transfer of power must continue. The democratic process cannot be allowed to be subverted through unlawful protests.

Modis statesman-like message was multi-purpose. It put some distance between himself and Donald Trump, whose re-election Modi had openly endorsed. The tweet, washing his hands of a lost cause, also worked to de-legitimize a peaceful, months-long farmers protest in India by obliquely equating it with the violence in Washington. Most importantly, it was Modis way of breaking out of the Trump-Erdogan-Putin-Orban league that he finds himself in these days as Indias democratic credentials continue to wither.

In its Democracy Report 2020, Swedens V-Dem Institute lists India among the top 10 fastest autocratizing countries, on the verge of losing its status as a democracy. Modis ruling Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) now scores as high on its illiberalism index as the ruling parties of Turkey, Hungary and Poland.

Hungary lost its status as democracy in 2018 and Turkey in 2014. As the global rise of populist demagogues in these countries show, unlawful protests are not how democratic processes are subverted, as Modi would have us believe. That comes about by weakening and destroying democratic institutions from within. By silent institutional capture, rather than rowdy marches on legislatures. By surgical strikes, rather than cavalry charges. If anything, the attack on Americas symbol of democracy was an act of frustration at the failure to subvert its substance.

Roses are left at the fence which now surrounds the US Capitol building three days after it was stormed, invaded and vandalized by Trump rioters in Washington, D.C., January 9, 2021.

Astrid Riecken for the Washington Post via Getty Images

The storming of the Capitol occasions introspection on many thingssuch as the seemingly irreversible distrust of the liberal democratic projectbut institutional capture is not one of them. From the slow but meticulous counting of votes to the judiciarys thwarting of the legal maneuvers challenging the election result, the built-in checks and balances of Americas governing institutions have proven to be resilient enough to withstand an aberration like Trump.

The same cannot be said of the countries ruled by his fellow demagogues who now feign democratic virtue on Twitter. The fact is, the likes of Modi wouldnt need to unleash their supporters to take control of the legislature. Thanks to the malleable institutions they preside over, they already have their legislatures on a tight leash.

The marauding mobs at the Capitol were reportedly looking to hang Mike Pence. The vice-president had earned their wrath for refusing to overturn the election as their master had commanded. Many other prominent Republican leaders similarly refused to play ball. For anybody with a passing familiarity with Indian politics, the prospect of Modis powerful home minister and de facto deputy, Amit Shah, or any other party leader, refusing to carry out the big mans wishes would be laughable.

If Modi asked his Brad Raffensperger to find 11,780 votes, he damn well would. In fact, Modi wouldnt even have to ask. Shah would see to it that Raffenspergers counterpart delivered. Besides, votes are nothing. Shah is a master at making opposition legislators switch sides through inducements and intimidation, and thereby flipping elected state governments. In several states once ruled by opposition parties, thats how power has been transferred, without violence, or even elections. Indian commentators are righttheres much to learn here.

Indias ever-expanding ruling party, legislature and government have become an extension of the personality of one man, who also has expanded control over notionally autonomous bodies such as the central bank, the election commission, the bureaucracy and investigative and regulatory agencies. Even the judiciary is not immune to his overarching influence. Trump can only wish he had that kind of power, but the soundness of Americas institutions wouldnt let him.

The U.S. judiciary remained non-partisan throughout the post-election saga. Of the 60-odd legal challenges to overturn the election result, Trump lost all except one. Neither the 53 judges he appointed to the federal appeals courts in four years, nor the three he sent to the Supreme Court (where the conservatives enjoy a 6-3 majority), helped. Judicial propriety triumphed politics.

Read more: How Trumps Effort to Steal the Election Tore Apart the GOPand the Country

Not so for countries whose demagogues are clubbed together with Trump. In Turkey, thousands of judges and prosecutors have been sacked or thrown into jail and replaced by regime-friendly novices. In India, it hasnt come to that, yet, but the top judiciary has become visibly accommodating of Modis preferences even though he doesntunlike in the US systemget to appoint judges. Once a champion of judicial activism, Indias Supreme Court now studiously toes the governments line and looks away from the grossest violations of civil liberties as the jails fill up with prisoners of conscience locked up on dubious charges of terror and sedition.

The U.S. military also continues to be similarly apolitical. We do not take an oath to a king or a queen, a tyrant or a dictatorWe take an oath to the Constitution, warned Gen Mark Milley, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, as fears grew that Trump might order the troops out to quell protests if he chose not to give up power.

But more than the party-legislative system, the judiciary and the military, the one democratic institution in the US that has stood out in its defiant autonomy from coercive executive power throughout Trumps four years is the media. The sharpest attacks on Trumps conduct and policies have not come from China or Russia, but from Americas own mastheads and television channels.

Even Trump could not change the established conventions of government-press relations. His horrible mismanagement of the pandemic notwithstanding, the most powerful man on earth was obliged to take hard questions at routine press conferences as the crisis unfolded. In India, which Nobel laureate Joseph Stiglitz calls the poster child of what not to do in a pandemic, journalists never had the chanceModi hasnt held a press conference in his six years in power. Not that they would ask terribly tough questions if he did, given the self-censorship and obsequity that rule much of Indias mainstream media today.

Though Turkey tries to tweet-shame America on the Capitol attack, its independent journalists have faced detentions and criminal investigations for reporting on the governments management of the pandemic. For countries like India and Turkey, where a once vibrant free press has been tamed into submission and the mainstream media is forced to megaphone the government, the institutional capacity of the U.S. media to critique executive lawlessness and hold it to account remains an object of wonder.

Comparisons between Trump and other populist demagogues were not misplaced, but imputing these similarities to the health of American democracy was always wide of the mark. From the perspective of failing democracies the world over, the U.S. is still the shining city on the hill, even if the glow may have dimmed in the Trump years. Jokes apart, it is the stuff of envy, not derision.

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Save the Sarcasm for Other Democracies. America Is Fine - TIME

Our Constitution says that after a presidential election, Congress shall meet on Jan. 6 to count the electoral votes cast for the president and vice president. It is a solemn ritual of democracy.

But it is only that a ritual. This ceremonial custom is not how our president and vice president are chosen. They are chosen by us, the people.

Of course, President Donald Trump and senators like Josh Hawley and Ted Cruz know this. But it did not stop them from inciting an insurrection. Acting out of nothing but unprincipled ambition, they put democracy in danger.

They used the outdated and undemocratic Electoral College process to try to stop the counting of the ballots. Arcane political systems like this one can be used to subvert the will of the people and put the integrity of a free and fair election in jeopardy. Its past time to replace what clearly diminishes democracy.

Yet even with the Electoral College, our democratic republic is safe so long as people are ready to defend it. Working people always have and always will.

Our democracy, like our labor movement, is not a building. Its not a piece of paper like our Constitution. Our democratic republic lives in us.

In the days before and after the election, I made it clear that the survival of our democracy depends on the determination of working people to defend it. Thats because democracy and the labor movement are one and the same. Without the labor movement, there would be no democracy. And democracy defines what the labor movement is. Our unions run, like our country, by voting. All members get to vote, and each vote counts the same.

When a mob attacked our Capitol, they were attacking working people. Whether they knew it or not, Trump was using them to try to create an America where only the rich and powerful have any say in what happens. That is what happens without democracy. Working people go from being citizens to subjects.

But if our democracy is to be safe, we must understand the role racism played in last weeks attack on the Capitol. Every aspect of the attack on our Capitol on Wednesday was shot through with racism. The mob brought Confederate flags. They wore Nazi symbols and sweatshirts celebrating death camps. Its clear their real problem was never voter fraud. Rather, it was that people of color, in cities like Detroit and Philadelphia, had been allowed to vote and their votes had been counted.

These domestic terrorists were treated with kid gloves. Had the protesters been Black Lives Matter activists or workers on strike, the Capitol would have been filled with officers in tactical gear. And had people of color tried to break into the Capitol, the response would have been a massacre.

In the wake of this attack, America must ask itself some tough questions. Are we a democratic republic or are we a racial dictatorship? Are we a country where the rule of law governs, or are those rules different for white people and people of color?

The labor movements answers to those questions are simple. White supremacy and democracy cannot coexist. White supremacy and the solidarity of workers cannot coexist. And we choose democracy and solidarity. The better angels of our movement always have.

Last weeks events show us that white supremacy as an idea and as a way of running our country is a deadly threat. It must be rooted out of our society everywhere we find it.

The people who tried to illegally overturn the election results both in the mob and in the halls of Congress must be held fully accountable. Accountability starts with Trump, who should be removed from office immediately, but it cannot end there. There must be consequences for Hawley, who egged on the mob, and for his seven fellow senators and the more than 100 House members who voted to disenfranchise millions of voters.

Simply put, both the domestic terrorists themselves and the powerful people who manipulated them for their own personal gain must be held accountable and face the legal consequences of their actions.

In the days to come, as we repair the damage done to our republic, we must build an America that serves and empowers working people through fair and just economic and political systems. Its time to increase union density and unleash the transformational solidarity of a strong and mobilized working class.

On Jan. 20, that work begins. The incoming Biden-Harris administration is already working on an ambitious agenda. That includes the unfinished work of the HEROES Act and the PRO Act, real labor law reform and a real jobs and investment program.

The labor movement has never been more important than we are today. And we have never been more ready for what we must do.

In the coming years, when we look back on these days, we must be able to say we were there when our democracy was attacked, we were there when fascism raised its ugly head at the heart of our republic, and we helped bring America out of the darkness and into the light of a new and better day.

Richard Trumka is president of the AFL-CIO.

Send letters to letters@suntimes.com.

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Democracy and the labor movement are one and the same - Chicago Sun-Times

In the fall, when University of Virginia Provost Elizabeth Magill put out a call for special, signature January term courses, media studies professor Siva Vaidhyanathan and history professor Will Hitchcock knew instantly what they needed to do.

The professors had already been recording a new podcast called Democracy in Danger, and believed a J-Term course would be the perfect complement.

We realized that the subject matter, coming right after the most wrenching U.S. election since 1876, would make a great course, Vaidhyanathan said.

Fast-forward a couple months, and their idea has become reality. The professors course, also called Democracy in Danger, has more than 300 students.

Ive never taught this many students in a January term course, Vaidhyanathan said. I usually take 20 students to New York City to visit CNN and Stephen Colbert at this time of year.

A part of UVAs Democracy Initiative, the course and podcast are products of a partnership between the Governing America in a Global Era program that Hitchcock runs (and is sponsored by the College of Arts & Sciences) and the Deliberative Media Lab that Vaidhyanathan heads up.

We hope this helps them become better citizens, and helps them go forth and strengthen American democracy in the coming years.

- Siva Vaidhyanathan

We want students to develop a theory of democracy, Vaidhyanathan said. What are the criteria for a healthy democracy? What sort of laws, structures, institutions, norms and media systems support democracy? What sorts undermine democracy?

We want our students to push us on how we have done the podcast, how we have presented these issues to the world. Are we missing any issues or questions? Are we blinded by our age, class and political ideologies? We want the students to consider themselves co-producers of the second season of Democracy in Danger.

We think Democracy in Danger, the course, is a distillation of the mission of the University of Virginia. Its a high-level academic engagement with difficult issues. Its designed to empower students to think for themselves. Its publicly engaged. And it invites long-term curiosity and thinking.

Last Friday, UVA President Jim Ryan made a guest appearance on the hourlong podcast, as part of a discussion about educations role in democracy.

During the show, Ryan was asked if he could recommend any strategies that could address the fact that many college students may be hesitant to fully express their opinions on issues during these tumultuous political times. He shared a technique from his days as a member of the UVA School of Law faculty, when he assigned students to defend a side of a constitutional law decision they didnt personally agree with.

I think that, as faculty, we need to do our best to create a sense of community in our classrooms thats based on trust, and based on trust in the good faith of those who are part of the community, Ryan said. I think we need to encourage people who are empathetic when they speak. And we also need to encourage generous listening so that were not just going to say, Well, thats a bad person.

Ryan spent about 15 minutes of the hourlong class answering questions from students.

You can stream the podcast from the Democracy in Danger website via Soundcloud. Follow @DinDpodcast on Twitter for all the latest information. The podcast episode featuring Ryan will be available in February on major podcasting platforms, including Apple Podcasts, Spotify and Stitcher.

Vaidhyanathan and Hitchcock are hopeful their students will carry the ideas and questions raised on the podcast and in the J-Term course into the rest of their coursework at UVA and beyond.

There is only so much one can accomplish in a two-week, intensive course, Vaidhyanathan said, but we hope this helps them become better citizens, and helps them go forth and strengthen American democracy in the coming years.

Read more:
J-Term Course on Democracy Attracts More Than 300 Students and President Ryan - UVA Today

From Beijing to Caracas to Moscow, governments, state-controlled media and online commentators reacted with schadenfreude, accusing Washington of hypocrisy and double standards.

The images of mobs attacking sacred institutions of government or coup attempts are familiar to people living in states ruled by dictators and autocrats. But overseas television viewers are certainly not accustomed to seeing such images beamed live from the capital of the world's chief guarantor of democracy, good governance and human rights.

So, after four years of Trump, the US stands weakened on every front, undoubtedly to the delight of all its adversaries and to the dismay of all its allies. Last Wednesday's violence added an exclamation point to the Trump era's message to the world: The US no longer lives by the values it has preached for decades.

Turning the page

In his final days in office, there is no telling what Trump might do, as his legal protections are about to be lifted and legal jeopardy could arrive at his doorstep.

But as for US foreign policy, once in office President-elect Joe Biden can move quickly down the list and cancel out the damaging foreign policies Trump has instituted, reversing the "America first" -- or, in some cases, "Trump first" -- attitude the current President has taken toward a host of global issues and hotspots.

An early test of Biden's foreign policy savviness -- as well as his ability to turn the page from Trump's agenda -- could be in a country he handled as the point man for President Obama: Ukraine.

The large European country of 44.3 million was drawn into a bruising US domestic fight that, in some ways, came to epitomize the anti-democratic excesses of the Trump era. It remains an important country in an important region for the US, sitting as it does on the dangerous fault line between Putin's Russia and US-allied Europe.

Traditionally, the US has been a strong supporter of Ukraine, and now more than ever, Ukraine needs American assistance -- military, political, and cultural -- to prevent it from slipping back into the Russian embrace, or worse, from becoming a failed state.

Amid the world's myriad problems, the prospect of a failed Ukraine is a real danger to the US-led Western alliance. Giving up on Ukraine would almost certainly bring the frontline with Russia farther westward, and that is a scenario which should shake up Americans of all political stripes.

If Biden is to exorcise the demons of Trump's foreign policies and anti-democratic behavior, the culmination of which we all witnessed on January 6, Ukraine would be an appropriate place to start.

Serving Putin's agenda

Aside from boosting America's global credibility, there's another Trump-era trend that Biden should seek to reverse: American policies that benefit Putin.

And it has been alleged by some that Russia's boldest move to date against the US during the Trump years was a massive cyberattack in December, which some have suspected emanated from Russia; that alleged action passed without any serious rebuke from the White House.

What Trump did in a mere four years to advance Putin's objectives must have exceeded the Russian President's wildest dreams.

Now here is the task list

In some ways, rivalry with Russia has been the US foreign policy story of the last four years.

The relationship deteriorated into open enmity with Putin's 2014 incursion into Crimea, and it came to dominate American domestic politics after Russia's meddling in the 2016 US election and during the yearslong Mueller investigation, the infamous Trump-Zelensky phone call and the impeachment saga that followed.

If Biden wants to return to the source of all those ills, Ukraine is the place to start.

Here's what needs to be done.

First, an Oval Office meeting, long sought-after by Zelensky but blocked by Trump, should occur in Biden's first 100 days -- providing the Covid-19 situation allows it -- and only if Ukraine can show concrete progress on reintroducing reforms.

Aside from providing a "good housekeeping" seal, such a meeting would send an unambiguous signal to Putin that the US has Ukraine's back. After Trump gave Putin a free pass to do almost whatever he wants, Biden needs to send a clear signal to the Kremlin that further adventurism and meddling will not be tolerated.

Seeking a pro-democracy revival

The November election was anything but a mass repudiation of Trumpism and his America-first policies- - in a way, it is most notable that so many Americans chose Trumpism again after four years of it -- but I find it difficult to believe that the majority of Americans are prepared to see the US exit from the world stage.

Biden needs to act quickly to salvage America's reputation overseas, lest the void be filled by other world leaders less interested in the promotion of values we hold so dear.

Care to wager a guess as to which foreign leaders might want to seize on that vacuum?

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Can America still promote democracy? Yes, and it should start with Ukraine - CNN

Wednesdays insurrection laid bare the fragility of democracy in the United States. It is unsurprising that many Americans feel their confidence in the countrys democratic ideals deeply shaken. The expressions ofconcernfrom American allies, and the schadenfreude fromautocrats,including Turkeys Recep Tayyip Erdoan, are sobering.

Writing inForeign Policy, Emma Ashford, a senior fellow at the Atlantic Council,argued, Ambitious foreign-policy goals are completely out of step with the realities of the countrys domestic political and economic dysfunction How can the United States spread democracy or act as an example for others if it barely has a functioning democracy at home? InForeign Affairs, James Goldgeier, a professor at American University, and Bruce Jentleson, a professor at Duke University,calledon President-elect Joe Biden to abandon his proposed international summit for democracy and hold a domestic one instead. Richard Haass, the president of the Council on Foreign Relations,lamented on Twitter that it will be a long time before we can credibly advocate for the rule of law overseas.

However, it would be wrong to conclude that our current humiliation means that the United States has somehow lost its standing to speak up for democracy and human rights globally, or that these ideals are less pressing because of our domestic troubles. Quite the opposite. Our situation shows that the United States has a real stake in the struggle.

Repairing democracy at home is not incompatible with standing up for democracy abroad; they are mutually reinforcing. The threats to democracy are not unique to the United States. Trumpism is part of a global nationalist-populist movement that benefits from international networks of kleptocracy, disinformation, and corruption. As Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren noted during the Democratic presidential primary, taking down these networks is a necessary prerequisite for restoring democracy and the rule of law at home.

Many of the long-term threats to democracydisinformation and the lack of an objective truth, political interference by China and Russia, inequities in the global economy, and fears about interdependence and globalizationcan only be addressed collectively. And American allies still want the countrys help. Allied officials have told me in recent days that although they are worried about whats happening in the United States, they would regard it as a disaster if the U.S. abandoned its leadership role in strengthening liberal democracy globally.

This week, Twitter wasawashwithpeople arguing that the United States has no moral authority to lecture others about human rights given what happened in Washington. This sentiment was also prevalent over the summer, following the murder of George Floyd. Then, Tamara Cofman Wittes, a former Obama-administration official, wiselyobserved, in an article on the Brookings Institution website:

To insist that we must first get our house in order before speaking to others oppression, to be so ashamed by our own shortcomings that we refrain from calling out abuses abroad, and thus to withhold our solidarity from the abused, would itself be an act of moral abdication.

After four years of Donald Trump and rising authoritarianism around the world, we now live in what former U.K. Foreign Secretary David Miliband haslabeled the age of impunity, when governments believe that they can get away with anything, largely because they can. If the United States does not push back against this, it will only get worse.

In the days after the insurrection, the Chinese embassy in Washingtontweeted a horribly offensive statement about the forced sterilization of Uighur women in Xinjiang, China, that was later taken down by Twitter. The post could be interpreted as a deliberate provocation to show that, as the United States fell into crisis, China could push the boundaries of acceptable discourse. Earlier in the week, China arrested scores of prodemocracy activists in Hong Kong in its efforts to slowly strangle the last remnants of freedom in the city.

Perhaps denunciation of these actions and a renewed focus in Congress on how to respond would sound hollow because of Americas domestic problems, but that does not make them any less necessary. Beijing may argue that the United States lacks credibility, but its victims certainly would not.

Unlike the Trump administration, the Biden team has signaled that it is willing to get tough with American allies and other countries when they commit human-rights abuses or undermine democracyincluding the Saudi Arabian governments murder of the journalist Jamal Khashoggi and the imprisonment of women-rights activists. Many domestic critics of U.S. foreign policy have long argued for these actions. Because America electedand then rejecteda populist who incites violence, it would be a very unfortunate irony if his newly elected replacement would shy away from holding to account an absolute monarchy thatsends teams abroad to kidnap and sometimes murder its critics.

Moments of crisis and despair should force us to confront our own failings and reconcile them with our values and purpose. Sometimes, an individual can articulate that in a way that resonates and breaks through. This time, that eloquence came from a member of the U.S. Foreign Service, a group that has been attacked and undermined by the Trump administration. Two days after the invasion of the Capitol, Natalie Brown, the U.S. ambassador to Uganda, issued astatement that explained why the United States must still stand for freedom and the rule of law:

When we speak out against human rights abuses, we do so not because such abuses do not occur in America. When we speak out for press freedom, we do so not because American journalists are entirely free of harassment. When we call for judicial independence, we do so not because judges in America are free of external influence. On the contrary, we do so because we are mindful of the work still to be done in the American experiment with democracy and because our history has taught us that democracy must be defended if it is to endure.

The U.S. certainly has lessons to learn from the past few days, and years. For example, the Trump administrationused democracy and human rights purely instrumentally, as weapons with which to bludgeon its enemiesChina, Venezuela, Cubawhile giving its friends a pass and undermining these values at home. That approach is bankrupt and will fail if tried again.

Biden transition officials have admirably spoken out in support of human rights and seem likely to continue to do so. The president-elect likes to talk about the power of our example rather than the example of our power. He is right, of course, but the sad truth is that the power of our example will not be sufficient to fight authoritarianism worldwide. The urgency and gravity of the struggle is such that it requires concrete action as well as strong words. These could include legislation to prohibit U.S. companies from aiding and abetting authoritarian governments in their acts of repression. It should also mean imposing a cost on U.S. allies that undermine democracyfor instance, banning their leaders from visiting Washington, or even reducing cooperation with them.

Trump, more than any other president, has tried to empower autocrats and undermine liberal democracy. In this, he succeeded for four years. Now we are poised for a reversal. For the United States to lose confidence in its own ability to protect democracy abroad would be to hand Trump and Trumpism a victory when he is on the verge of defeat. It is precisely because American democracy is under pressure at home that the U.S. government ought to stand up for it overseas.

See the article here:
The US must now repair democracy at home and abroad - Brookings Institution